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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Oppression'
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Howrish, Marcel D. "Oppression, anti-oppression, and nature, the connections." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0017/MQ49371.pdf.
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McNulty, Stacey A. (Stacey Ann) 1969 Carleton University Dissertation Psychology. "Oppression sleep paralysis." Ottawa.:, 1993.
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Hay, Carol. "Rationality and Oppression: A Defence of the Obligation to Resist Oppression." The Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1225732482.
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Johnson, Brad. "The oppression of obesity." Click here to access dissertation, 2008. http://www.georgiasouthern.edu/etd/archive/summer2008/brad_johnson/johnson_brad_l_200805_edd.pdf.
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Thesis (Ed.D.)--Georgia Southern University, 2008."A dissertation submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Georgia Southern University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Education." Under the direction of Rosemarie Stallworth-Clark and William Reynolds. ETD. Electronic version approved: July 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 192-206) and appendices.
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Silvermint, Daniel Mark. "Oppression and Victim Agency." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/228113.
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If we want to take the agency of the oppressed seriously, we need to think about their normative situation. We need to understand what oppression does to victims, and what victims ought to do as a result. The first half of my dissertation develops a new account of oppression, one that identifies cases not by the wrongs that oppressors embody but by the burdens that victims suffer. The second half questions what kinds of moral and political actors victims can and should be. According to the prevailing "group relationship" of model of oppression, the members of a social group are oppressed when they're subordinated, marginalized, constrained, or displaced in a way that benefits the members of a different social group. In place of this prevailing view, I propose a new, effects-centered model: a person is oppressed when their autonomy or their life prospects are systematically and wrongfully burdened. I then use this account to understand the moral and political agency of the oppressed. I argue that victims have a self-regarding moral obligation to resist their oppression, grounded in considerations of objective well-being. And I develop Aristotle's account of political virtue to apply across ideal and oppressive circumstances alike, adapting it as a defense of nonviolent civil disobedience. This dissertation is the beginning of a larger research project concerned with the nature of victimhood, how injustice affects agency, and how obligations can be grounded in the absence of just institutions.
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Maggos, Nikolaos S. "Black oppression, White domination." Diss., University of Iowa, 2019. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/6990.
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My aim in this dissertation is to analyze Black oppression and White domination. I attempt to show how social systems unjustly diminish Black Americans’ opportunities to form and pursue their conceptions of good lives and unjustly strengthen White Americans’ opportunities for the same. I believe that the accounts of Black oppression and White domination I offer are more adept at identifying the expansive and varied wrongs of Black oppression in America, analyzing the relationship between theorizing oppression and addressing oppression through social and political change in America, and demonstrating the ways that Whites benefit from and are incentivized to maintain oppressive systems in America, than the accounts put forward by other theorists.
In Chapter 1, I begin by discussing why I frame my project in terms of oppressive “wrongs” rather than “harms”. I worry the term ‘harm’ may be taken to imply that one has experienced subjective suffering or a measurable loss, whereas I am concerned with instantiations of oppressive systems even when they don’t cause the person subject to the oppressive system to experience a measurable loss or subjective suffering. In an effort to describe how I identify wrongs, I then argue that in virtue of the deep importance of freely pursuing one’s chosen life plan, any barriers one faces in pursuing his or her life plan must be justifiable. Barriers one experiences in virtue of his or her race are typically not justifiable. On this basis, I argue for my principle of racial injustice, which states that individuals are prima facie wronged by socially constructed barriers to their abilities to form and seek their conception of a good life if those barriers exist in virtue of their race. The “prima facie” nature of the wrongness is significant, I argue, because correcting the injustices of Black oppression will require that Whites face some barriers to pursuing our life plans that we do not currently face; it is not the case, then, that every race-based barrier is truly wrongful. I then discuss my understanding of race, arguing that race’s mutability across contexts and how one’s race is intimately tied to systems of subordination and domination support my view that race is socially constructed. I end with a brief history of White domination and Black subordination in the U.S.
In Chapter 2, I outline general experiences of racism as espoused by Black writers and the statistical data that support these accounts. I then take a deep look at mass incarceration, including a history of the system, its disproportional impact on Black Americans, and the many resulting injustices inflicted largely on incarcerated Black Americans, their families, and their communities. I specifically highlight the recognition-wrongs inflicted on Black Americans through mass incarceration, where recognition-wrongs are acts that function primarily as a mode of dehumanizing individuals. Recognition-wrongs include verbal degradation through things like slurs, but also epistemic injustices, a concept developed by Miranda Fricker and others to identify injustices that wrong individuals in virtue of their status as knowers and communicators of knowledge. I then discuss kinship-wrongs, a concept I develop to identify wrongs that impact people’s ability to form and maintain relationships. I highlight and conceptualize these wrongs in an attempt to draw attention to their significance in racial subordination.
In Chapter 3, I develop an account of oppression that is particularly responsive to race-based wrongs. I begin by showing why the influential accounts authored by Iris Marion Young and Ann Cudd are unsatisfactory for capturing Black oppression. I attempt to develop an account that is sensitive to the experiences of subordination detailed by Black Americans, equipped to address the material harms of oppression, and also able to make sense of the recognition- and kinship-wrongs raised in Chapter 2. I ultimately determine that a member of a c-group is subject to an oppressive wrong when, in virtue of his or her or their membership in that c-group, he or she or they suffer wrongs that are systematically perpetrated through social, political, or legal norms, conventions, or practices. A c-group is any collection of persons who share (or would share in similar circumstances) some set of constraints, incentives, penalties, and the like. I end the chapter by carefully describing my commitments to each clause of the definition of oppression, beginning by analyzing c-groups, describing systematically perpetrated wrongs, explaining what it means to be wronged in virtue of one’s c-group membership, and showing that my account of oppression is sensitive to both material and recognition-wrongs.
In Chapter 4, I argue that we ought to understand oppression in the framework of a capabilities approach. I begin by explaining the concept of capabilities, which are real opportunities to function in particular ways. I then argue that securing capabilities is a better aim for justice than ensuring that people function in certain valuable ways because a focus on capabilities protects people’s opportunities to pursue the kinds of lives they want to live, respecting their interest in freely determining their life goals, while a focus on protecting valuable functionings inappropriately prescribes life goals to them. I show how capabilities can be utilized as part of a theory of justice, and argue that my utilization of capabilities, combined with the other moral commitments I defend throughout the dissertation, comprises a rectificatory theory of racial justice aimed at eliminating Black oppression (i.e. a theory that analyzes the current racial injustices of oppression and offers guidance on how we should approach redressing these injustices). I argue that through the framework of capabilities, I can analyze both the material and recognition-wrongs of oppression, avoid the kinds of bad idealizations that often skew our understanding of oppressive systems and their impact, and make judgments about modern day society without developing an account of perfect justice. I next show that to avoid inflicting further recognition-wrongs, it is essential that oppressed peoples are the primary arbiters of which capabilities and oppressive systems should be prioritized in policy and advocacy. I conclude Chapter 4 with a brief sketch of how we can turn the priorities of the oppressed into public policy, moving from the prioritization process, to policy development, to implementing policies, and finally to monitoring and revising them.
My final chapter, Chapter 5, shows how my account can also be used to analyze the norms of White domination that coincide with Black oppression. I begin by discussing “correlative capabilities,” which are those capabilities that are strengthened for Whites in virtue of the fact that Whites are not subject to oppression as Black Americans are. My discussion of correlative capabilities maps closely onto the advantages typically described as White privilege. I then turn to more insidious advantages Whites gain from Black oppression. I argue that oppressive norms advantage Whites by creating a social structure that empowers us with the capabilities to dominate racial narratives and ignore our racialized identities. The capability to dominate racial narratives consists in Whites’ abilities to pontificate on racialized events without justification for our views and still have our perspectives treated as mainstream, worthy of debate, and often as nearly definitive. I demonstrate this capability in action by examining Colin Kaepernick’s protest in the NFL, the coverage it received, and his resulting treatment. I then discuss Whites’ capability to ignore our racialized identities, showing how we establish Whiteness as a central, unconditioned perspective. Whites see ourselves as “simply people,” while seeing non-Whites as raced. This leads to Whites promoting color-blind conceptions of justice, which move us farther from true justice by ignoring social norms’ impact on policy development and implementation. I then show how Whites may go one step further and argue that we are victimized by “reverse racism” when efforts are made to eliminate oppressive systems. Finally, I end Chapter 5 with a discussion of how Whites are also disadvantaged by Black oppression, particularly in our capabilities to perform our jobs well, live morally, and establish and maintain relationships. I then conclude the dissertation by discussing how we might teach race-sensitive virtues in an effort to change White-favorable social norms.
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Frank, Robert. "Creditors' use of the oppression remedy." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ64274.pdf.
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Frank, Robert 1966. "Creditor's use of the oppression remedy." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=30298.
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This thesis examines creditors' use of the oppression remedy under the Canada Business Corporations Act and its provincial equivalents from historical and critical perspectives, assesses the consequences of the increasing willingness of Canadian courts to make the remedy available to creditors and concludes by offering some solutions to the problems that are identified. Part I traces the historical development of the oppression remedy, first in the United Kingdom and then in common law Canada. Next, the current state of the law relating to the oppression remedy is briefly examined, followed by a review of recent developments with respect to the use of the oppression remedy by creditors. Part II is a critical review of the evolving law with respect to creditors' use of the oppression remedy. This part of the thesis focuses on: (i) the relationship and potential conflict between the oppression remedy and other available remedies; and (ii) the impact of creditors' uses of the oppression remedy on the relationship between the corporation and its other stakeholders, including issues of shareholders' and directors' liability. In Part III, it is argued that the present use of the oppression remedy by creditors is not being developed in a coherent and principled manner. Certain guidelines are offered to provide the courts with reasonable controls on and principles to guide the use of the oppression remedy by creditors. In particular, it is argued that the oppression remedy should not be available to creditors when there are, either under corporate legislation or other, general legislation, appropriate remedies already available. The result would be that the oppression remedy should be available to creditors only in the limited category of cases where the creditor has no other effective remedy and the conditions for the use of the oppression remedy are met.
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McIntyre, Susan. "The youngest profession : the oldest oppression." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.338941.
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Burger, Jan-Hendrik. "Corporate governance and the judicial license to tailor a remedy for oppression : the oppression remedy in Canada." Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=78206.
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One of the most important issues that arise under the statutory oppression remedy is the manner in which a court will use its wide powers to order relief once oppression has been found. Guidelines according to which courts will exercise their discretion become even more desirable where a remedy may impact on the governance structures of the corporation. There is an extensive body of case law under the oppression remedy, most of which tends to relegate the exercise of the remedy to the facts of a case.However, from a study of the case law, two principles appear with varying frequency depending on the size of the corporation. These are principles which may be asserted under the oppression remedy. The first principle states that the majority may not exercise its electoral rights to the prejudice of the minority. It flows from the relationship between members of a corporation and arises most frequently at closely held corporations. The second principle is against abuse of fiduciary position, which entails a duty on directors and senior management to protect the interests of all shareholders. Abuse of fiduciary position may also involve instances where there is a breach of fiduciary duties to the corporation. This second principle is more prevalent at widely held corporations. The remedy will be tailored according to the principle under which liability was found.
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Jahn, J. "Martinican women's novels : oppression, resistance and liberation." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.605017.
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This doctoral thesis is the first comprehensive work on Martinican women’s literature. I demonstrate that Martinican women authors have been just as prolific as their male counterparts and have increasingly contributed significant social criticism from a specifically female perspective. The aim is to rectify the imbalance in the attention given to women writers from Guadeloupe and those from Martinique, and to remedy the disproportion of critical studies dedicated to male Martinican writers compared to those by their female counterparts. The thesis provides a general overview of Martinican women authors and focuses on Nicole Cage-Florentiny, Suzanne Dracius, Fabienne Kanor, Marie Flore-Pelage and Audrey Pulvar in particular. These five authors belong to a generation of writers who are less concerned with revolutionary and ideological manifestos, but with the specific problems with which women are confronted on a daily basis. What is thereby generated is a canon of Martinican women’s literature, or French Antillean literature more generally, that can be situated in its own context, rather than assimilated into African-American, Third-World or Francophone African literary canons. They break silences on taboo subjects, putting into the forefront rape, incest, madness, miscegenation, silencing, exile, dysfunctional relationships and lesbianism, and present distinctively female experiences of racism, sexism, and class elitism. My analysis shows these authors establish new forms of resistance against patriarch oppression, not only in their approaches to representing women’s subjugation, but also in how they appropriate, subvert, and reject available Western literary techniques. They situate the root of their society’s problems in the time of slavery and colonialism, and insist that changes need to be made today, thereby incorporating an awareness of their past yet maintaining a new and all-inclusive femi-humanism. Their female aesthetic and shift away from male-centred beliefs, portrayals and stereotypes and towards a new understanding of the position of women as mothers, sisters, wives, lovers, and as authors of their own subjectivities, is a much-needed component in a complete and critical literary representation of Martinican society.
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Henkin, Samuel D. "From Camps to Closets: Geographies of Oppression." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1404830366.
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Chartier, Harmony N. "Noncitizenship Status: The Sixth Face of Oppression." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/243913.
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Current U.S. immigration policy coupled with public anti-immigrant sentiments have appeared to set up oppressive conditions for noncitizens. Iris Young's "Five Face of Oppression" provides a framework useful for identifying conditions of oppression for citizens. However, in this thesis I argue that she is missing an important face of oppression, noncitizenship status. Through applying noncitizen's experiences to Young’s faces and my additional face, their oppression can be identified, and the structures and systems in our society that facilitate such oppression can be found as well.
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Martin-Liggins, Stephanie Marie. "Georgia Douglas Johnson: The voice of oppression." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 1996. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/1240.
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Yamauchi-Gleason, Gayle R. "Making Sense of the Experience of Internalized Oppression and Oppression in Student Affairs Organizations in the Southwestern United States." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1088537126.
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Bailey, Tamba-Kuii Masai. "Construct validation of the Internalized Racial Oppression Scale." Atlanta, Ga. : Georgia State University, 2008. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/cps_diss/32/.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Georgia State University, 2008.Title from title page (Digital Archive@GSU, viewed June 21, 2010) Y. Barry Chung, committee chair; Melissa Alves, Catherine Chang, Phillip Gagne, committee members. Includes bibliographical references (p. 76-81).
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Sundre, Sharon Kay. "Matryoshki in two worlds : enduring oppression, expanding dreams /." Diss., ON-CAMPUS Access For University of Minnesota, Twin Cities Click on "Connect to Digital Dissertations", 2000. http://www.lib.umn.edu/articles/proquest.phtml.
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Owen, Christopher. "Systemic oppression in children's portal-quest fantasy literature." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/52890.
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This thesis investigates the representation of systemic oppression in Baum’s The Wonderful Wizard of Oz and Rowling’s Harry Potter and the Philosopher’s Stone. Employing Foucauldian poststructuralism and critical discourse analysis, this research identifies how the social systems of the fantasy texts construct hierarchies based on race and gender, and social norms based on sexuality and disability. Privilege and oppression are identified as the results of the relaying of power relations by social institutions through strategies such as dominant discourses. This study questions the historically understood role of children’s and fantasy literature as socialization tools, and the potential negative consequences of this.Arts, Faculty of
Library, Archival and Information Studies (SLAIS), School of
Graduate
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Nicki, Andrea Lynne. "Evil, morality and oppression, traditional and feminist ethics." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0005/NQ31946.pdf.
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Bailey, Tamba-Kuii Masai. "Construct Validation of the Interalized Racial Oppression Scale." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2008. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/cps_diss/32.
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Racism has been identified as a profoundly traumatic and a psychologically damaging experience affecting Black people (Harrell, 2000; White & Parham, 1990; Williams & Williams-Morris, 2000). It has been theorized that one of the most devastating effects racial oppression (i.e. racism and discrimination) is the internalization of that oppression (Bailey, Chung, Williams, & Singh, 2006; Speight, 2007). Speight (2007) argued that an understanding of racism would be incomplete without considering how it is internalized. Internalized racial oppression is the process through which Black people consciously and unconsciously internalize and accept the dominant White culture’s oppressive actions and beliefs towards Black people, while at the same time rejecting an African worldview and cultural motifs (Bailey, Chung, Williams, & Singh, 2006). Internalized racial oppression is believed to adversely affect the psychological health of Black people. This study examined the construct validity of the Internalized Racial Oppression Scale (IROS; Bailey et al., 2006) through the use of confirmatory factor analysis and social desirability. Additionally, this study investigated internalized racial oppression as a predictor of the endogenous factors of Psychological Distress, Psychological Well-Being, Personal Self-Esteem, Collective Self-esteem, and Life Satisfaction through the use of latent variable path analysis. It was hypothesized that, similar to racial oppression; greater levels of internalized racial oppression will predict greater psychological distress, lower psychological well-being, lower personal self-esteem, lower collective self-esteem, and lower satisfaction with life among Black college students. Three hundred seventy Black students (Cohort 1 = 102, Cohort 2 = 268) participated in this study. Cohort 1 consisted of students recruited from a predominately White university in the Southeastern region of the United States. Cohort 2 consisted of a national sample of students. Participants from Cohort 1 completed a pencil and paper survey, while the participants from Cohort 2 completed a survey via online. The results supported the factorial structure of the IROS. Further, the results found that the IROS was a predictor of psychological distress, psychological well-being, collective self-esteem, and satisfaction with life. Implications for research and practice are discussed.
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MELO, TAMARA MOREIRA VAZ DE. "OPPRESSION AND RESISTANCE: THE TWO SIDES OF EXCEPTION." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2012. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=20701@1.
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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIROCOORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
PROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTS. DE ENSINO
O presente trabalho analisa o debate teórico e político sobre o estado de exceção com enfoque nas contribuições de Carl Schmitt, Walter Benjamin e Giorgio Agamben. Dessa maneira, busca examinar como a dinâmica das lutas sociais se insere nesta discussão. Os três autores, a partir de perspectivas muito diversas, entendem que o estado de exceção é imanente ao Estado de Direito e indicam a vida como o elemento que, na situação excepcional, encontra-se na relação mais íntima com a soberania. Portanto, a pesquisa parte do pressuposto de que não é possível reagir à exceção reafirmando a normalidade liberal que, em última instância, tem nela o próprio fundamento. Em seguida, observa que, para além da dimensão negativa do estado de exceção (como dispositivo de opressão), as discussões em torno do tema reconhecem o poder da resistência. Alguns procuram eliminá-la (como Schmitt); outros se esforçam para potencializá-la ao máximo, incitando a revolução (como Benjamin); e há ainda os que se dedicam prioritariamente a compreender o problema a fundo em vez de apontar os sujeitos e os meios concretos capazes de fazer frente a essa situação (como Agamben). Vale dizer, a exceção como regra é a opressão, mas o desafio que se coloca diante dessa realidade é trabalhar a resistência em face dela. Daí a necessidade de realizar o potencial subversivo que emana da própria situação excepcional – denominado, neste estudo, dimensão positiva do estado de exceção. Para tanto, não se pode perder de vista a seletividade da exceção e entender que, por isso mesmo, a política parte do oprimido. Resta saber se o direito, apontado como instrumento de violência e dominação, deve ser negado em absoluto ou pode ser utilizado como uma gramática legitimadora das lutas. A conclusão deste trabalho é a de que, se o estado de exceção é um lugar estratégico das lutas políticas, o direito (o outro lado da mesma moeda) também o é. A ambigüidade da exceção atravessa o direito, e vice-versa. Há, em ambos, dimensões de opressão e de resistência.O presente trabalho analisa o debate teórico e político sobre o estado de exceção com enfoque nas contribuições de Carl Schmitt, Walter Benjamin e Giorgio Agamben. Dessa maneira, busca examinar como a dinâmica das lutas sociais se insere nesta discussão. Os três autores, a partir de perspectivas muito diversas, entendem que o estado de exceção é imanente ao Estado de Direito e indicam a vida como o elemento que, na situação excepcional, encontra-se na relação mais íntima com a soberania. Portanto, a pesquisa parte do pressuposto de que não é possível reagir à exceção reafirmando a normalidade liberal que, em última instância, tem nela o próprio fundamento. Em seguida, observa que, para além da dimensão negativa do estado de exceção (como dispositivo de opressão), as discussões em torno do tema reconhecem o poder da resistência. Alguns procuram eliminá-la (como Schmitt); outros se esforçam para potencializá-la ao máximo, incitando a revolução (como Benjamin); e há ainda os que se dedicam prioritariamente a compreender o problema a fundo em vez de apontar os sujeitos e os meios concretos capazes de fazer frente a essa situação (como Agamben). Vale dizer, a exceção como regra é a opressão, mas o desafio que se coloca diante dessa realidade é trabalhar a resistência em face dela. Daí a necessidade de realizar o potencial subversivo que emana da própria situação excepcional – denominado, neste estudo, dimensão positiva do estado de exceção. Para tanto, não se pode perder de vista a seletividade da exceção e entender que, por isso mesmo, a política parte do oprimido. Resta saber se o direito, apontado como instrumento de violência e dominação, deve ser negado em absoluto ou pode ser utilizado como uma gramática legitimadora das lutas. A conclusão deste trabalho é a de que, se o estado de exceção é um lugar estratégico das lutas políticas
This dissertation analyzes the theoretical and political debate about the state of exception with a focus on the contributions of Carl Schmitt, Walter Benjamin and Giorgio Agamben. Thus, it explores how the dynamics of social struggles fit in that discussion. From very different perspectives, the three authors understand that the state of exception is immanent to the rule of law, and reveals life as an element that, in exceptional circumstances, has a closer relationship with sovereignty. Therefore, this paper assumes that it is not possible to react to exception by reaffirming liberal normality, since that exception is ultimately within the very foundation of Liberalism. The paper then observes that, in addition to the negative dimension of the state of exception (as a tool of oppression), the debates concerning this issue acknowledge the power of resistance. Some seek to eliminate resistance (like Schmitt); others strive to empower it to the fullest, inciting revolution (as Benjamin). And there are those who devote themselves primarily to the task of deeply understanding the problem, instead of pointing out subjects and practical means able to cope with the situation (as Agamben). Notably, an exception is as oppressive as the rule; in the face of that reality, the challenge thus is to work on resistance. Hence, there is a need to make the subversive potential that emanates from very exceptional situations— called, in this study, the positive dimension of the state of exception—real. To do so, one has to take into account the selectivity of an exception and understand that it is even because of that selectivity that politics come from the oppressed. The question is whether the law, appointed as an instrument of violence and domination, must be denied altogether or can be used as a tool to legitimate struggles. The conclusion of this work is that, if the state of exception is a strategic place of political struggles, the law (the flip side of that coin) is as well. The ambiguity of exception permeates the law and vice versa. They are in both the dimension of oppression and of resistance.
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Perez, Matthew B. "Intersections of Puerto Rican Activists' Responses to Oppression." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1275957393.
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Onder, Merve Emine. "Spatiality Of Gender Oppression: The Case Of Siteler, Ankara." Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613651/index.pdf.
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This thesis problematizes to relationship between gender based poverty and exclusion and urban space. Five forms of oppression, namely exploitation, powerlessness, cultural imperialism, violence, marginalization, faced by women in highly patriarchal urban setting are examined to identify the spatial dynamics of each forms of oppression. A field research was carried out in one of the poor neighborhood of Ankaranearby Siteler where male dominated furniture production is carried out. Through the in-depth interviews, women&rsquo
s perception and experience of spatializedoppression is documented and used to develop the arguments put forward in the theoretical section.
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Budge, Daphne. "Recognizing lesbian oppression as sex discrimination under the Charter." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/6881.
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Lachance, Elaine. "Féminisme, langage et oppression : stratégies politiques et positions théoriques." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/7482.
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La premiere partie de la these s'interesse aux positions politiques des auteures de notre corpus. Celles-ci ont ete divisees en trois categories, soient feminisme egalitaire, radical et socialiste. Notons que les feministes radicales ont ete sous-divisees en deux categories, les feministes neutralistes et les feministes de la femelleite. Chaque chapitre est divise en trois parties. La premiere vise a donner une idee generale des questions d'interet, revendications et strategies politiques preconisees par les feministes en question. La derniere section s'interesse au lien entre le langage et l'oppression, et donc, a la facon dont le langage participe a l'oppression des femmes. La deuxieme partie s'interesse a la position theorique des feministes. La seconde typologie presente deux categories: les feministes deterministes et les feministes contextualistes. Dans le cas des feministes deterministes, elles sont persuadees que la langue porte en elle une vision sexiste du monde, et que cela contribue a maintenir les femmes dans une position de domination. Les contextualistes le langage voient plutot comme le reflet des rapports de pouvoir entre hommes et femmes. Le langage participe bien a l'oppression des femmes, mais le probleme se situe donc au niveau du discours. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
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Manget-Johnson, Carol Anne. "Dread Talk: The Rastafarians' Linguistic Response to Societal Oppression." unrestricted, 2008. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-07182008-150257/.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2008.Title from file title page. Mary Zeigler, committee chair; Marti Singer, Lynée Gaillet, committee members. Electronic text (113 [i.e. 112] p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed Oct. 1, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 105-110).
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Wagland, Richard. "Age, equality, and cultural oppression : an argument against ageism." Thesis, Brunel University, 2004. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/5557.
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The concept of 'ageism' has often been thought to be of limited moral concern, especially in comparison to other forms of discrimination such as racism and sexism. Nevertheless, there are also those who believe that ageism is morally significant, and there are diametrically opposed views within liberal and egalitarian theory as to whether age discrimination is or is not just. This thesis has two objectives. Firstly, it seeks to overcome the apparent vagueness of the concept that has given rise to such diametrically opposed views concerning ageism by examining exactly what the phenomenon involves. It defines the wrongfulness of much age discrimination as originating in either the nature of the reasons for which people discriminate against the old or the nature of the consequences for the individuals affected. In the course of the thesis I make several important distinctions, the most important of which are between the social and moral worth of a person, and between the synchronic and diachronic interests of a person. These distinctions allow us to distinguish between a culturally oppressive ageism and ageism that is justified by reasons of equality and efficiency. The former is intrinsically morally wrong, the latter extrinsically wrong. The second aim of the thesis is to develop an anti-ageist ethical principle capable of challenging both forms of ageism in a comprehensive way, and which is consistent with a broader liberal egalitarian political theory. This is achieved by drawing on the distinction between the irreducible nature of each person's synchronic and diachronic interests. I have identified the principle that we should protect the synchronic interests of older persons with a democratic social egalitarianism that seeks to equalise the social relations between citizens rather than concentrating upon an equality of distribution. It is in this way that I also connect the debate about the morality (or otherwise) of age discrimination with debates within contemporary liberal egalitarian philosophy.
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Lubbad, Bashar. "Designed oppression : Space of resistance in Palesine the block." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för design (DE), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-104009.
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The block is a design research project exploring and mapping out the designconstructions ranging from the actual material to the shape it takes changing thePalestinian landscape. As a way to understand the physical boundaries, I attempt toshowcase some of the realities that the indigenous population lives under. Throughthis work, I navigate various layers of oppressions manifested in the Block. TheBlock is a barricade, a tunnel gate, a barbed wire, it is the overpopulatedconcentration of Palestinians completely surrounded by military and walls. Peopleliving under these conditions are forced to cope with and more importantly, standresilient against the day-to-day incursion on humanity, normality, and peace.
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Fooladi, Malin. "Oppression, Self-Marginalization and Resistance in Toni Morrison’s Paradise." Thesis, Mittuniversitetet, Avdelningen för humaniora, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-34744.
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Brown, Jamie Branam, Mary R. Langenbrunner, and Teresa Brooks-Taylor. "Oppression Activity Using the Mechanism of Social Service Learning." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2019. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/5867.
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Lunardi, Margherita <1989>. "Two post-colonial narratives of racial and sexual oppression." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/9739.
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Lo scopo della mia ricerca è quello di studiare il problema della violenza sessuale in Sud Africa durante il post colonialismo e di esaminare due autori, canonici e non, come hanno risposto e affrontato questa difficile questione. Sono studiati due romanzi che trattano la rappresentazione della violenza sulle donne in maniera diversa. Il primo romanzo è il classico e allo stesso tempo controverso Disgrace di J.M. Coetzee (1999) che offre uno studio minuzioso del "pericolo nero", con lo stupro di gruppo da parte di tre uomini neri ad una donna bianca, e il "pericolo bianco", con la violazione di Melanie da parte del protagonista. Dal momento che le storie delle due donne sono nascoste al lettore, Coetzee scrive un testo che non solo pone attenzione al silenzio, ma invita il lettore a mettere in primo piano la posizionalità. nel secondo romanzo di Achamat Dangor intitolato bitter Fruit (2001) lo scrittore esplora, come Coetzee, il tema della inenarrabile violazione, ma tratta anche delle difficoltà nel rivelare le storie di stupro perpetuate durante il colonialismo. Uno dei principali punti della ricerca è quello di dimostrare che il sesso e la razza sono entrambi coinvolti in modo inestricabile nella rappresentazione dei testi letterari presi in considerazione.
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Ramstad, David P. "Oppression, Manifesting from a Government Mission of Positive Social Change." ScholarWorks, 2016. http://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/1919.
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Government social interventions hold considerable power over what choices and opportunities impoverished households have available to escape the oppressive socioeconomic trappings of poverty. The U.S. Internal Revenue Service's Low Income Housing Tax Credit (LIHTC) is one such program. While there are many positive mission statements of social governance, this study focused on the regressive potential for oppressive institutional policies and practices. Theoretical frameworks guiding the study were Pierce's 1979 model of oppression and Crenshaw's 1989 intersectionality theory. The quantitative design's hypothesis and research question focused on whether significant relationships exist between LIHTC project placement and highest concentrations of six commonly recognized socioeconomically oppressive conditions, each separately defined by U.S. Census demographics and American Housing Survey (AHS) structured-interview data. Mann-Whitney U tests showed non-significant differences between the two source dataset's separate identification of socioeconomically oppressive conditions across Minnesota's Twin City metropolitan area. Spearman's rho and Cohen's standard show similarly significant results from both pairings of AHS and Census data with the LIHTC project database. Results support conclusions that LIHTC project placement most often maintains external socioeconomic oppressors in the lives of program residents. Implications for positive social change hinge on the realization that social interventions may not be entirely anti-oppressive. In such cases, these conclusions should lead policymakers to change or replace programs so that interventions are not an accessory to the subjugation of service users to oppressive circumstances.
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Karottu, Velayudhan Achary Syamprasad. "Oppression, marginalisation and education in Kerala : in dialogue with Freire." Thesis, University of Winchester, 2016. http://repository.winchester.ac.uk/338/.
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The primary aim of this research is to develop my own critical perspective on oppression, marginalisation and education in Kerala, India. First, it critiques Freire’s educational thoughts including banking and problem-posing education; second, it goes on to extend Freire’s ideas to develop a dialogical methodology in the field of Education while addressing my fieldwork struggles and dialogues. Third, it addresses how Freire’s educational thoughts can also be critically understood to explore the oppressive and marginalizing nature of non-formal education and community work in Kerala; fourth, this thesis contributes to innovative knowledge mainly at theoretical, methodological and empirical levels.
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Smith, Rebecca. "The Moral Oppression of the Teaching Profession: Learning to Transcend." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2013. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/5869.
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This thesis is both descriptive and philosophical, and at its core, it justifies the need for social foundations of education courses and programs in the university setting. It begins by analyzing the meaning of oppression and the part knowledge plays in confining the individual. The analysis then draws upon Patricia Hill Collins' theory of intersecting oppressions to get at the complexities and restrictions of working in the public schooling institution. It works through the ways in which sexist, classist, and racist practices afflict everyone in the institution through the bureaucratic mechanism and collateral oppression. The four components that make up the wires on the cage (gender, class, race, and bureaucracy) not only confine; they cause varying degrees of direct and indirect harms (psychological, emotional, moral, financial) to those on the inside. The concept of the institutional cage is then merged with Rodman Webb's work on schools as total institutions. Through an analysis on the characteristics of total institutions, it becomes apparent that standardization, technological developments, and the influence of venture philanthropy have brought schools more in-line with the total institution. The study then clarifies the ways in which corporatic, bureaucratic, and technocratic mentalities infect the institution, where they intersect, and how they restrict those within. The components coalesce into the conceptualization of moral oppression: the act of being coerced to ignore and suppress one's morality, moral impulses, and moral way of knowing. The remainder of the study explores the meaning of moral action and suggests some ways educators can let go of the ways of thinking and acting that may be keeping them from confidently doing what they know to be good and just.M.A.
Masters
Office of Interdisciplinary Studies
Graduate Studies
Interdisciplinary Studies
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Dickinson, Robert Alan. "Self-determination, minority rights and oppression : a Chinese Tibetan perspective." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10443/755.
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The purpose of the thesis is to identify why Tibet has been unable to achieve the independence or self-determination it seeks while, at the same time, more than fifty years after the Chinese occupation of Tibet, the Tibet Question remains unresolved. In conducting an examination of the legal theory of self-determination and its limitations, in an analysis incorporating legal norms of sovereignty and territorial integrity and also human rights, further objectives are to find out how the international legal system and the legal theory on which it is premised have impacted on the relationship between China and Tibet. The thesis in addition considers the implications for international law of the failure of the international community to resolve the Tibet issue in a rapidly changing world where the principle of external self-determination is seen to be extending its reach and what has been perceived as a bar on unilateral secession is called into question. Current theories and developments with respect to self-determination are considered, against a subtext of political realism, as is the extent of human rights abuses in Tibet. I conclude the thesis with an assessmentth at Tibet needst o refocus its claims with referencet o self-determination to take advantage of potential reconfiguration of the law resulting from developments in the proposed Kosovo Status Settlement, together also with an assessment of the pressures on international law arising not only from the long-standing and presently unresolved Tibet Question but also from the dynamism evinced in the theory of selfdetermination particularly with reference to the ongoing situation in Kosovo.
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Riedo, Sarah. "Culture and oppression: a case study of Czechoslovakia, 1948-1960." Thesis, Boston University, 2005. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/27750.
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Boston University. University Professors Program Senior theses.PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.
2031-01-02
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Jin, Yulin. "Oppression, Dialogue, Body and Emotion : Reading A Many-Splendoured Thing." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för kultur och samhälle, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-176977.
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Christopulos, Jesse Carin. "Oppression through obsession: A feminist theoretical critique of eating disorders." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 1995. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/1019.
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Stoyell, Jennifer B. "THE EFFECTIVENESS OF “THE TUNNEL OF OPPRESSION”: ANEXPOSURE APPROACH TO INCREASING AWARENESS OF OPPRESSIONAMONG FRESHMAN STUDENTS AT WRIGHT STATE UNIVERSITY." Wright State University Professional Psychology Program / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wsupsych1435754326.
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Olsson-Yaouzis, Nicolas. "Ideology, Rationality, and Revolution : An Essay on the Persistence of Oppression." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Filosofiska institutionen, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-76372.
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This essay is concerned with two explanations of why oppressive social orders persist. According to the first, the so-called gunman theory of oppression (GT), these social orders persist because the oppressed are afraid being punished if they participated in a revolt. According to the second, the so-called ideology theory of oppression (IT), oppression persists because the oppressed are subject to ideology. Traditionally, the former has been associated with rational choice theory, and the latter with Marxism and critical theory. Analytical philosophers have been suspicious of IT since it involves functional claims. This essay shows that it is possible to make sense of both IT and its associated functional claim within the framework of rational choice theory. Chapter one provides an overview of the discussion and a presentation of the general argument against IT. Chapter two specifies the explanandum for the two theories in more detail. The chapter concludes with a description of three real-life persistent oppressive social orders. In chapter three, the basics of rational choice theory are introduced and GT spelled out. Some problems for the theory are identified and then dealt with. It is concluded that GT does a good job at explaining the persistence of tyrannies. Chapter four argues that ideology is necessary to provide satisfactory explanations of the other two cases of oppression described in chapter two. The chapter concludes with a specification of IT where the functional claim is made explicit. Chapter five defends Gerald Cohen's account of functional explanations against a dilemma formulated by Ann Cudd. In chapter six, three mechanisms are provided that indicate how the functional claim of IT can be demystified. Chapter seven concludes by indicating a statistical method for testing IT and describing some policy implications.EXPLANATIONS OF REPRESSION BY A MINORITY OF THE MAJORITY — A RESEARCH PROGRAM
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Pettersson, Fredrik. "Discourse and Oppression in Margaret Atwood's The Handmaid's Tale." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för språk och litteratur, SOL, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-5766.
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Bendfeld, Mary Ann. "Conflicted identities, the challenge of Maria Lugones to theories of oppression." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ57194.pdf.
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Hill, Frances E. "A consideration of children as a social group liable to oppression." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0007/MQ40648.pdf.
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Rutherford, Ian. "Teens educating and confronting homophobia, space, anti-oppression education and identity." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0001/MQ40670.pdf.
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Tapolyai, Mihaly A. "Restoration of the fragmented soul counseling refugees and victims of oppression /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1990. http://www.tren.com.
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Bouchier, David I. "Protecting the minority shareholder : the fiduciary duty and oppression remedy compared." Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=63933.
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McClellan, Michael J. "AWARENESS OF PRIVILEGE AND OPPRESSION SCALE-2: CONSTRUCTION AND INITIAL VALIDATION." UKnowledge, 2014. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/edp_etds/22.
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The purpose of this study was to revise the Awareness of Privilege and Oppression Scale (Montross, 2003) and to improve upon the psychometric properties of the original instrument. The APOS-2 is a diversity training outcome measure that is designed to measure the social justice-related construct awareness of privilege and oppression. I retained 26 items from the original APOS (Montross, 2003) and utilized an expert focus group to generate new test items for the APOS-2. Feedback from an expert rater group was solicited and then incorporated into the APOS-2 to help reduce the number of items, improve item content, and evaluate content validity. The newly revised scale was then administered to a combined sample of 484 undergraduate students at a large public university through an internet-based survey. Item-analysis procedures and an exploratory factor analysis (EFA) with direct oblim oblique rotation were utilized to further reduce the number of items and then determine the psychometric properties of the final solution. The EFA of the APOS-2 data provided support for the theoretical four-factor solution. The observed Cronbach alpha reliability estimates for the final 40-item total score and subscale scores were as follows: Total score (.92), Awareness of Heterosexism (.84), Awareness of Sexism (.73), Awareness of Classism (.84), and Awareness of Racism (.86). The APOS-2 correlated low and positively (r = .29) with a measure of openness to diversity and negatively and close to zero (r = -.10) with a social desirability measure. These collective data suggest the APOS-2 may be a viable alternative to the original APOS with a stronger initial effort to link item content to the extant literature, improved subscale reliability estimates, continued support for the use of the theoretically derived subscales, and a predictable relationship with measures of convergent and discriminant validity.
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Moore, Courtney L. "Stress and Oppression| Identifying Possible Protective Factors for African American Men." Thesis, The Chicago School of Professional Psychology, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3717844.
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One of the most discriminated groups of people in the United States are African American men who experience daily individual, institutional, and systemic racism. This research study will explore how several factors may influence the impact of the experience of discrimination on African American males who are over the age of 18 years. More specifically, this study will examine how formation of a sense of identity, personal definition of life satisfaction and an individual's adaptability in stressful situations impact the overall sense of well-being among African American males in the United States. There were 5 self-report research measures used in this study. This study?s correlations showed that if African American men experience stress in one area, they would also experience stress in other ways. An individual having a more developed racial identity and a higher sense of coherence will have a higher sense of well-being and overall satisfaction with life. The findings in this study can benefit the African American male community by providing more information to understand how discrimination and internalized oppression adversely impact their overall quality of life.
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Wirts, Amelia Marie. "Criminal Oppression: A Non-Ideal Theory of Criminal Law and Punishment." Thesis, Boston College, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:108954.
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Thesis advisor: David M. RasmussenThis dissertation defines and defends the concept of ‘criminal oppression.’ Criminal oppression occurs when people are excluded from full participation in important social and political institutions because they are perceived to have violated certain community norms. Oppression is primarily a structural phenomenon, in which practices of formal and informal institutions unjustly harm people based on group membership. In structural oppression, there is rarely an individual who can be said to be responsible for the oppression, but I argue that at times, individuals may also be agents of oppression when they create, perpetuate, or exacerbate structural oppression. Applying this theory of oppression, the criminal justice system in the United States is an oppressive structure that unjustly harms those considered to be ‘criminals’ through a variety of practices. There are three categories of unjust practices: policing, adjudication and punishment, and collateral effects of arrest and conviction. These three categories of practices create the social group ‘criminals’ by subjecting certain people to these kinds of treatments. I use the word ‘criminal’ to describe those who are treated as criminals by police, the courts, and even private individuals like employers. To be a ‘criminal,’ it is not necessary that one has committed a crime or been convicted of a crime. Racial and criminal oppression deeply related historically and conceptually. Nevertheless, they are distinct kinds of oppression. In the United States, those who are not racially oppressed but are ‘criminals’ face many of the same unjust obstacles as those who are racially oppressed in addition to being ‘criminals.’ Some may argue that ‘criminals’ duly convicted of crimes deserve to be socially and politically excluded. But, I argue that the criminal justice system is not properly conceived of as an apolitical institution that can assess moral blameworthiness. Nor should it be able to offer punishments that amount to social and political exclusion. Instead, the criminal justice system is one political institution amongst many, and it ought to be governed by the same principles of liberty and equality that govern other political institutions. Criminal law’s proper function is to facilitate government as a system social cooperation. Therefore, it ought to respond to criminal acts with actions designed to promote inclusion rather than exclusion. Moreover, even if someone has committed a crime, that does not mean that they ought to be subject to violence or permanent second-class status. Finally, I address specific, feminism-driven arguments for using the criminal justice system to fight violence against women. Some feminists argue that the expressivist function of punishment—the ability of punishment to express disapproval and disavowal—makes it a perfect tool for fighting the normalization of violence against women. The problem, they contend, is that this violence is under-punished in the United States, and the solution to ending violence against women is to increase prosecutions and advocate for harsher punishments because punishment will change the social norms and make violence against women rarer. To this, I argue that those who create laws or mete out punishments do not have control over the social meaning of punishment with precision. The historical and present-day oppressive features of criminal law and punishment interfere with the ability of prosecution and punishment to condemn certain types of acts without also condemning people. Thus, feminists who try to use the criminal justice system to fight gender-based violence will find it to be ineffective and potentially harmful to the already oppressed group of ‘criminals.” Chapter 1argues that ‘criminals’ are oppressed using a structural model of oppression that focuses on how collections of institutional policies and practices can create and maintain unjust power relations between groups of people. I will also use an externalist theory of group identity to argue that being arrested or convicted of a crime is not necessary or sufficient for membership in the social group ‘criminal.’ Chapter 2 explains the relationship between racial oppression and the oppression of ‘criminals,’ noting the historical development of the modern prison system. Chapter 3 argues that the proper role of criminal law is to support systems of social cooperation, not to punish pre-political wrongs. I will suggest that criminal law is in essence part of the social contract, not a separate sphere of justice to which distinctive, retributive principles apply. Instead, the criminal law cannot determine moral blameworthiness and is only justified in sanctioning rule violations for the sake of supporting social cooperation in a society whose institutions are worth supporting. In Chapter 4, I propose a feminist, expressivist defense of the use of prosecution and harsh punishment as a response to rape and domestic violence that takes the structural nature of violence against women into account. Chapter 5, however, demonstrates why even this theory cannot justify incarceration in the non-ideal sphere because of the oppressive history and practice of the American criminal justice system
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2020
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Philosophy