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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Optimality theory (Linguistics) Syllabication

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Academic literature on the topic 'Optimality theory (Linguistics) Syllabication'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 7 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Optimality theory (Linguistics) Syllabication"

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Tesar, Bruce, and Paul Smolensky. "Learnability in Optimality Theory." Linguistic Inquiry 29, no. 2 (April 1998): 229–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002438998553734.

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In this article we show how Optimality Theory yields a highly general Constraint Demotion principle for grammar learning. The resulting learning procedure specifically exploits the grammatical structure of Optimality Theory, independent of the content of substantive constraints defining any given grammatical module. We decompose the learning problem and present formal results for a central subproblem, deducing the constraint ranking particular to a target language, given structural descriptions of positive examples. The structure imposed on the space of possible grammars by Optimality Theory allows efficient convergence to a correct grammar. We discuss implications for learning from overt data only, as well as other learning issues. We argue that Optimality Theory promotes confluence of the demands of more effective learnability and deeper linguistic explanation.

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Gáspár, Miklós. "Coordination in Optimality Theory." Nordic Journal of Linguistics 22, no. 2 (December 1999): 157–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03325860050179236.

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The paper offers an account of coordination within the framework of Optimality Theory, which makes use of violable and ranked constraints. Coordination is explained with the help of nine constraints, seven of which are needed in the theory independently of coordination, while the remaining two are coordination-specific constraints. Related phenomena of Unbalanced Coordination and Extraordinary Balanced Coordination are also discussed and differences among Norwegian, English and Hungarian are explained by the difference in the relative ranking of the four relevant constraints.

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MAGRI, GIORGIO. "Idempotency in Optimality Theory." Journal of Linguistics 54, no. 1 (March 20, 2017): 139–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226717000019.

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Anidempotentphonological grammar maps phonotactically licit forms faithfully to themselves. This paper establishes tight sufficient conditions for idempotency in (classical) Optimality Theory. Building on Tesar (2013), these conditions are derived in two steps. First, idempotency is shown to follow from a general formal condition on the faithfulness constraints. Second, this condition is shown to hold for a variety of faithfulness constraints which naturally arise within McCarthy & Prince’s (1995) Correspondence Theory of faithfulness. This formal analysis provides an exhaustive toolkit for modelingchain shifts, which have proven recalcitrant to a constraint-based treatment.

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Gordon, Matthew. "Typology in Optimality Theory." Language and Linguistics Compass 1, no. 6 (November 2007): 750–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1749-818x.2007.00036.x.

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Xu, Zheng. "Optimality Theory and Morphology." Language and Linguistics Compass 5, no. 7 (July 2011): 466–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1749-818x.2011.00290.x.

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Gibson, Courtenay St John, and Catherine O. Ringen. "Icelandic umlaut in Optimality Theory." Nordic Journal of Linguistics 23, no. 1 (June 2000): 49–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/033258600750045778.

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This paper presents an analysis of Icelandic umlaut in Optimality Theory. We account for umlaut in sal[œ]t-[Y]m ‘lettuce’ (dat. pl.) and d[œ:]g-[Y]m ‘day’ (dat. pl.), in which /a/ is fronted and rounded when followed by [Y], as well as forms such as j[œ]kli ‘glacier’ (dat. sg.) and b[œ]rn ‘child’ (ace. pl.) with an umlauted vowel, but no overt trigger. We explain why there is no umlaut in forms such as dal-n[Y]m ‘valley’ (def.), kakt[Y]s ‘cactus’ (nom. sg.), or d[a:]g-[Y]r ‘day’ (nom. sg.) despite the fact that /a/ occurs in the umlaut environment. We also explain why there is one umlauted vowel in sal[œ]t-[Y]m ≪ /salat + Ym/, but two umlauted vowels in f[œ]t-n[Y]ð-[Y]m ≪ /fat + nað + Ym/ ‘clothing’ (dat. pl.) and why the umlauted vowel is sometimes [Y] and sometimes [œ].

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Bradley, Travis G. "Optimality Theory and Spanish Phonology." Language and Linguistics Compass 8, no. 2 (February 2014): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lnc3.12065.

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Walker, Rachel. "Vowel Harmony in Optimality Theory." Language and Linguistics Compass 6, no. 9 (September 2012): 575–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/lnc3.340.

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McCarthy, John J. "What Is Optimality Theory?1." Language and Linguistics Compass 1, no. 4 (June 1, 2007): 260–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1749-818x.2007.00018.x.

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Bonet, Eulàlia, and Maria-Rosa Lloret. "Against serial evaluation in Optimality Theory." Lingua 115, no. 9 (September 2005): 1303–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.lingua.2004.06.004.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Optimality theory (Linguistics) Syllabication"

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Yap, Ngee Thai. "Modeling syllable theory with finite-state transducers." Access to citation, abstract and download form provided by ProQuest Information and Learning Company; downloadable PDF file, 279 p, 2006. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1179954391&sid=4&Fmt=2&clientId=8331&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Rodier, Dominique. "Prosodic domains in optimality theory." Thesis, McGill University, 1998. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=35933.

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Cross-linguistically, the notion 'minimal word' has proved fruitful grounds for explanatory accounts of requirements imposed on morphological and phonological constituents. Word minimality requires that a lexical word includes the main-stressed foot of the language. As a result, subminimal words are augmented to a bimoraic foot through diverse strategies like vowel lengthening, syllable addition, etc. Even languages with numerous monomoraic lexical words may impose a minimality requirement on derived words that would otherwise be smaller than a well-formed foot. In addition, the minimal word has been argued to play a central role in characterizing a prosodic base within some morpho-prosodic constituent for the application of processes such as reduplication and infixation.
The goal of this thesis is to offer an explanation as to why and in which contexts grammars may prefer a prosodic constituent which may not be reducible to a bimoraic foot. I provide explanatory accounts for a number of cases where the prosodic structure of morphological or phonological constituents cannot be defined as coextensive with the main stressed foot of the language. To this end, I propose to add to the theory of Prosodic Structure (Chen 1987; Selkirk 1984, 1986, 1989, 1995; Selkirk and Shen 1990) within an optimality-theoretic framework by providing evidence for a new level within the Prosodic Hierarchy, that of the Prosodic Stem (PrStem).
An important aspect of the model of prosodic structure proposed here is a notion of headship which follows directly from the Prosodic Hierarchy itself and from the metrical grouping of prosodic constituents. A theory of prosodic heads is developed which assumes that structural constraints can impose well-formedness requirements on the prosodic shape and the distribution of heads within morphological and phonological constituents.

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Samek-Ludovici, Vieri. "Optimality theory and the minimalist program." Universität Potsdam, 2006. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2009/3232/.

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Heiberg, Andrea Jeanine. "Features in optimality theory: A computational model." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/288983.

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This dissertation presents a computational model of Optimality Theory (OT) (Prince and Smolensky 1993). The model provides an efficient solution to the problem of candidate generation and evaluation, and is demonstrated for the realm of phonological features. Explicit object-oriented implementations are proposed for autosegmental representations (Goldsmith 1976 and many others) and violable OT constraints and Gen operations on autosegmental representations. Previous computational models of OT (Ellison 1995, Tesar 1995, Eisner 1997, Hammond 1997, Karttunen 1998) have not dealt in depth with autosegmental representations. The proposed model provides a full treatment of autosegmental representations and constraints on autosegmental representations (Akinlabi 1996, Archangeli and Pulleyblank 1994, Ito, Mester, and Padgett 1995, Kirchner 1993, Padgett 1995, Pulleyblank 1993, 1996, 1998). Implementing Gen, the candidate generation component of OT, is a seemingly intractable problem. Gen in principle performs unlimited insertion; therefore, it may produce an infinite candidate set. For autosegmental representations, however, it is not necessary to think of Gen as infinite. The Obligatory Contour Principle (Leben 1973, McCarthy 1979, 1986) restricts the number of tokens of any one feature type in a single representation; hence, Gen for autosegmental features is finite. However, a finite Gen may produce a candidate set of exponential size. Consider an input representation with four anchors for each of five features: there are (2⁴ + 1)⁵, more than one million, candidates for such an input. The proposed model implements a method for significantly reducing the exponential size of the candidate set. Instead of first creating all candidates (Gen) and then evaluating them against the constraint hierarchy (Eval), candidate creation and evaluation are interleaved (cf. Eisner 1997, Hammond 1997) in a Gen-Eval loop. At each pass through the Gen-Eval loop, Gen operations apply to create the minimal number of candidates needed for constraint evaluation; this candidate set is evaluated and culled, and the set of Gen operations is reduced. The loop continues until the hierarchy is exhausted; the remaining candidate(s) are optimal. In providing explicit implementations of autosegmental representations, constraints, and Gen operations, the model provides a coherent view of autosegmental theory, Optimality Theory, and the interaction between the two.

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Fanselow, Gisbert, Matthias Schlesewsky, Damir Cavar, and Reinhold Kliegl. "Optimal parsing: syntactic parsing preferences and optimality theory." Universität Potsdam, 1999. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2011/5716/.

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Denzer-King, Ryan. "The Distribution of /s/ in Blackfoot: An Optimality Theory Account." The University of Montana, 2009. http://etd.lib.umt.edu/theses/available/etd-06032009-114400/.

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In this thesis I propose that the distribution of /s/ in Blackfoot can be explained by positing that /s/ is inherently moraic in Blackfoot, and explore this hypothesis via two proposals about moraic /s/. The first is that /s/ in complex onsets, e.g., stsiki, another, is extrasyllabic, and that a moraic /s/ reduces the markedness of these extrasyllabic segments. The second is that because /s/ is moraic, it can act as a syllable nucleus, which explains why the distribution of geminate /ss/ is more similar to long vowels than to geminate consonants. In Blackfoot, clusters of more than two consonants occur only with /s/, and clusters of more than three consonants occur only with geminate /ss/. The Blackfoot syllable seems to be overwhelmingly simple, with /ss/ clusters being the only outliers. While all other geminates occur between vowels, geminate /ss/ often occurs before, after, or between other consonants. This thesis aims to make three specific contributions: (i) to describe the distribution of /s/ in Blackfoot, (ii) to propose that a non-vocoid may be inherently moraic, and (iii) to introduce the PROSODICSEQUENCING constraint, which explains the tendency for onsets to be non-moraic, and predicts that light CVC syllables will be less marked than heavy CVC syllables.

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Chau, Ho Fai. "Mandarin loanword phonology : an optimality theory approach." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2001. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/319.

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Fulmer, Sandra Lee. "Parallelism and planes in optimality theory: Evidence from afar." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/282351.

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In this dissertation I show that the representations in Optimality Theory must be extended to allow multiple planes. The variable-position affixes in Afar occur as either prefixes or suffixes depending on the initial segment of the verb root. If the root begins with (i), (e(e)), (o(o)) or (u), the affix is a prefix (e.g., t-okm-e# (2-eat-perf) 'You (sg.) ate'); if it begins with (a) or a consonant, the affix is a suffix (e.g., rab-t-e# (die-2-perf) 'You died'). Additionally, plural not only appears as a prefix or a suffix, but when a suffix it can either precede or follow aspect (rab-n-e# (die-pl-perf) 'I died' vs. rab-e-n# (die-perf-pl) 'They died'). A parallel model in Optimality Theory is unable to account for the different order of affixes in forms such as rab-n-e# vs. rab-e-n#. The Multiplanar Model, which posits that output representations consist not only of a word plane but also an affix plane is able to account for this data. The representations for the two forms are: (y-e-n), (rab-e-n) and (n-e), (rab-n-e). In the first case, plural is specified as the rightmost morpheme by morphological constraints. Even though /y/, the third person marker, cannot surface on the word plane, it satisfies scONSET on the affix plane. This contrasts with the second case, where scONSET, being higher ranked than scPLURAL (scR), requires that plural occurs to the left of aspect to fill the onset position on the affix plane. I then show a serial monoplanar model can also account for this data. Finally, I compare the serial and multiplanar models, arguing that phonological evidence supports the Multiplanar Model.

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Collie, Sarah. "English stress preservation and Stratal Optimality Theory." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/2590.

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Since Chomsky & Halle (1968), English stress preservation – oríginal -> orìginálity, óbvious -> óbviousness – has been important in generative discussions of morphophonological interaction. This thesis carries out empirical investigations into English stress preservation, and uses their results to argue for a particular version of Optimality Theory: Stratal Optimality Theory (‘Stratal OT’) (Kiparsky, 1998a, 2000, 2003a; Bermúdez-Otero, 1999, 2003, in preparation). In particular, the version of Stratal OT proposed in Bermúdez-Otero (in preparation) and Bermúdez-Otero and McMahon (2006) is supported. The empirical investigations focus upon the type of preservation where preserved stress is subordinated in the preserving word (‘weak preservation’): e.g. oríginal -> orìginálity; àntícipate -> antìcipátion. Evidence for the existence of weak preservation is presented. However, it is also shown that weak preservation is not consistently successful, but that it is, rather, probabilistically dependent upon word frequency. This result is expected in light of work like Hay (2003), where it is proposed that word frequency affects the strength of relationships between words: stress preservation is an indicator of such a relationship. Stratal OT can handle the existence of English stress preservation: by incorporating the cyclic interaction between morphological and phonological modules proposed in Lexical Phonology and Morphology (‘LPM’), Stratal OT has the intrinsic serialism which is necessary to predict a phenomenon like English stress preservation. It is shown that the same cannot be said for those of models of OT which attempt to handle preservation while avoiding such serialism, notably, Benua (1997). Bermúdez-Otero’s (in preparation) proposal of ‘fake cyclicity’ for the first stratum in Stratal OT can capture weak preservation’s probabilistic dependence upon word frequency. Fake cyclicity rejects the cycle which has previously been proposed to handle weak stress preservation, in LPM and elsewhere; instead, fake cyclicity proposes that weak preservation is a result of blocking among stored lexical entries. Blocking is independently established as a psycholinguistic phenomenon that is probabilistically dependent upon word frequency; in contrast, the cycle is not a probabilistic mechanism, and so can only handle instances of stress preservation failure by stipulation.

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Gess, Randall Scott. "Optimality theory in the historical phonology of French /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/8377.

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Books on the topic "Optimality theory (Linguistics) Syllabication"

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Jiang-King, Ping. Tone-vowel interaction in optimality theory. München: LINCOM Europa, 1999.

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Optimality theory. Cambridge, U.K: Cambridge University Press, 1999.

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Bidirectional optimality theory. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Pub. Co., 2011.

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Doing optimality theory: Applying theory to data. Malden, MA: Blackwell Pub., 2008.

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A thematic guide to optimality theory. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2002.

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1955-, Smolensky Paul, ed. Learnability in optimality theory. Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press, 2000.

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Modeling ungrammaticality in optimality theory. Oakville, Conn: Equinox Pub. Ltd, 2009.

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1955-, Smolensky Paul, ed. Optimality theory: Constraint interaction in generative grammar. Malden, MA: Blackwell Pub., 2004.

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Morphologically governed accent in optimality theory. New York: Routledge, 2001.

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Linguistic derivations and filtering: Minimalism and optimality theory. Sheffield: Equinox Pub., 2011.

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Book chapters on the topic "Optimality theory (Linguistics) Syllabication"

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Benz, Anton, and Jason Mattausch. "Bidirectional Optimality Theory." In Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today, 1–32. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/la.180.01int.

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Zeevat, Henk. "Bayesian interpretation and Optimality Theory." In Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today, 191–220. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/la.180.08zee.

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Holt, D. Eric. "Optimality Theory and language change in Spanish." In Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today, 378–98. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/la.99.15hol.

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Benz, Anton. "On bidirectional Optimality Theory for dynamic contexts." In Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today, 249–76. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/la.180.10ben.

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Kager, René. "Surface Opacity of Metrical Structure in Optimality Theory." In Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today, 207. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/la.28.10kag.

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Hendriks, Petra, and Jacolien van Rij. "Language acquisition and language change in bidirectional Optimality Theory." In Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today, 97–124. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/la.180.04hen.

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Poibeau, Thierry. "Optimality Theory as a Framework for Lexical Acquisition." In Computational Linguistics and Intelligent Text Processing, 14–24. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-54906-9_2.

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Wunderlich, D. "Syntax: Optimality Theory." In Encyclopedia of Language & Linguistics, 408–18. Elsevier, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/b0-08-044854-2/04213-9.

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McCarthy, J. J. "Morphology: Optimality Theory." In Encyclopedia of Language & Linguistics, 308–16. Elsevier, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/b0-08-044854-2/04247-4.

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Zeevat, H. "Pragmatics: Optimality Theory." In Encyclopedia of Language & Linguistics, 47–51. Elsevier, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/b0-08-044854-2/04485-0.

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Conference papers on the topic "Optimality theory (Linguistics) Syllabication"

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Mardiah, Zaqiatul, Abdul Muta’ali, and Fazlur Rachman. "A Realization of Optimality Theory to Arabic Hollow Verb." In Proceedings of the Eleventh Conference on Applied Linguistics (CONAPLIN 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/conaplin-18.2019.154.

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Mardiah, Zaqiatul, Abdul Muta’ali, and Fazlur Rachman. "A Realization of Optimality Theory to Arabic Hollow Verb." In Proceedings of the Eleventh Conference on Applied Linguistics (CONAPLIN 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/conaplin-18.2019.261.

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Mardiah, Zaqiatul, Abdul Muta’ali, and Fazlur Rachman. "A Realization of Optimality Theory to Arabic Hollow Verb." In Proceedings of the Eleventh Conference on Applied Linguistics (CONAPLIN 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/conaplin-18.2019.47.

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Doyle, Gabriel, Klinton Bicknell, and Roger Levy. "Nonparametric Learning of Phonological Constraints in Optimality Theory." In Proceedings of the 52nd Annual Meeting of the Association for Computational Linguistics (Volume 1: Long Papers). Stroudsburg, PA, USA: Association for Computational Linguistics, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.3115/v1/p14-1103.

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