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Yap, Ngee Thai. "Modeling syllable theory with finite-state transducers." Access to citation, abstract and download form provided by ProQuest Information and Learning Company; downloadable PDF file, 279 p, 2006. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1179954391&sid=4&Fmt=2&clientId=8331&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Rodier, Dominique. "Prosodic domains in optimality theory." Thesis, McGill University, 1998. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=35933.
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Cross-linguistically, the notion 'minimal word' has proved fruitful grounds for explanatory accounts of requirements imposed on morphological and phonological constituents. Word minimality requires that a lexical word includes the main-stressed foot of the language. As a result, subminimal words are augmented to a bimoraic foot through diverse strategies like vowel lengthening, syllable addition, etc. Even languages with numerous monomoraic lexical words may impose a minimality requirement on derived words that would otherwise be smaller than a well-formed foot. In addition, the minimal word has been argued to play a central role in characterizing a prosodic base within some morpho-prosodic constituent for the application of processes such as reduplication and infixation.The goal of this thesis is to offer an explanation as to why and in which contexts grammars may prefer a prosodic constituent which may not be reducible to a bimoraic foot. I provide explanatory accounts for a number of cases where the prosodic structure of morphological or phonological constituents cannot be defined as coextensive with the main stressed foot of the language. To this end, I propose to add to the theory of Prosodic Structure (Chen 1987; Selkirk 1984, 1986, 1989, 1995; Selkirk and Shen 1990) within an optimality-theoretic framework by providing evidence for a new level within the Prosodic Hierarchy, that of the Prosodic Stem (PrStem).
An important aspect of the model of prosodic structure proposed here is a notion of headship which follows directly from the Prosodic Hierarchy itself and from the metrical grouping of prosodic constituents. A theory of prosodic heads is developed which assumes that structural constraints can impose well-formedness requirements on the prosodic shape and the distribution of heads within morphological and phonological constituents.
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Samek-Ludovici, Vieri. "Optimality theory and the minimalist program." Universität Potsdam, 2006. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2009/3232/.
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Heiberg, Andrea Jeanine. "Features in optimality theory: A computational model." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/288983.
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This dissertation presents a computational model of Optimality Theory (OT) (Prince and Smolensky 1993). The model provides an efficient solution to the problem of candidate generation and evaluation, and is demonstrated for the realm of phonological features. Explicit object-oriented implementations are proposed for autosegmental representations (Goldsmith 1976 and many others) and violable OT constraints and Gen operations on autosegmental representations. Previous computational models of OT (Ellison 1995, Tesar 1995, Eisner 1997, Hammond 1997, Karttunen 1998) have not dealt in depth with autosegmental representations. The proposed model provides a full treatment of autosegmental representations and constraints on autosegmental representations (Akinlabi 1996, Archangeli and Pulleyblank 1994, Ito, Mester, and Padgett 1995, Kirchner 1993, Padgett 1995, Pulleyblank 1993, 1996, 1998). Implementing Gen, the candidate generation component of OT, is a seemingly intractable problem. Gen in principle performs unlimited insertion; therefore, it may produce an infinite candidate set. For autosegmental representations, however, it is not necessary to think of Gen as infinite. The Obligatory Contour Principle (Leben 1973, McCarthy 1979, 1986) restricts the number of tokens of any one feature type in a single representation; hence, Gen for autosegmental features is finite. However, a finite Gen may produce a candidate set of exponential size. Consider an input representation with four anchors for each of five features: there are (2⁴ + 1)⁵, more than one million, candidates for such an input. The proposed model implements a method for significantly reducing the exponential size of the candidate set. Instead of first creating all candidates (Gen) and then evaluating them against the constraint hierarchy (Eval), candidate creation and evaluation are interleaved (cf. Eisner 1997, Hammond 1997) in a Gen-Eval loop. At each pass through the Gen-Eval loop, Gen operations apply to create the minimal number of candidates needed for constraint evaluation; this candidate set is evaluated and culled, and the set of Gen operations is reduced. The loop continues until the hierarchy is exhausted; the remaining candidate(s) are optimal. In providing explicit implementations of autosegmental representations, constraints, and Gen operations, the model provides a coherent view of autosegmental theory, Optimality Theory, and the interaction between the two.
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Fanselow, Gisbert, Matthias Schlesewsky, Damir Cavar, and Reinhold Kliegl. "Optimal parsing: syntactic parsing preferences and optimality theory." Universität Potsdam, 1999. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2011/5716/.
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Denzer-King, Ryan. "The Distribution of /s/ in Blackfoot: An Optimality Theory Account." The University of Montana, 2009. http://etd.lib.umt.edu/theses/available/etd-06032009-114400/.
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In this thesis I propose that the distribution of /s/ in Blackfoot can be explained by positing that /s/ is inherently moraic in Blackfoot, and explore this hypothesis via two proposals about moraic /s/. The first is that /s/ in complex onsets, e.g., stsiki, another, is extrasyllabic, and that a moraic /s/ reduces the markedness of these extrasyllabic segments. The second is that because /s/ is moraic, it can act as a syllable nucleus, which explains why the distribution of geminate /ss/ is more similar to long vowels than to geminate consonants. In Blackfoot, clusters of more than two consonants occur only with /s/, and clusters of more than three consonants occur only with geminate /ss/. The Blackfoot syllable seems to be overwhelmingly simple, with /ss/ clusters being the only outliers. While all other geminates occur between vowels, geminate /ss/ often occurs before, after, or between other consonants. This thesis aims to make three specific contributions: (i) to describe the distribution of /s/ in Blackfoot, (ii) to propose that a non-vocoid may be inherently moraic, and (iii) to introduce the PROSODICSEQUENCING constraint, which explains the tendency for onsets to be non-moraic, and predicts that light CVC syllables will be less marked than heavy CVC syllables.
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Chau, Ho Fai. "Mandarin loanword phonology : an optimality theory approach." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2001. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/319.
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Fulmer, Sandra Lee. "Parallelism and planes in optimality theory: Evidence from afar." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/282351.
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In this dissertation I show that the representations in Optimality Theory must be extended to allow multiple planes. The variable-position affixes in Afar occur as either prefixes or suffixes depending on the initial segment of the verb root. If the root begins with (i), (e(e)), (o(o)) or (u), the affix is a prefix (e.g., t-okm-e# (2-eat-perf) 'You (sg.) ate'); if it begins with (a) or a consonant, the affix is a suffix (e.g., rab-t-e# (die-2-perf) 'You died'). Additionally, plural not only appears as a prefix or a suffix, but when a suffix it can either precede or follow aspect (rab-n-e# (die-pl-perf) 'I died' vs. rab-e-n# (die-perf-pl) 'They died'). A parallel model in Optimality Theory is unable to account for the different order of affixes in forms such as rab-n-e# vs. rab-e-n#. The Multiplanar Model, which posits that output representations consist not only of a word plane but also an affix plane is able to account for this data. The representations for the two forms are: (y-e-n), (rab-e-n) and (n-e), (rab-n-e). In the first case, plural is specified as the rightmost morpheme by morphological constraints. Even though /y/, the third person marker, cannot surface on the word plane, it satisfies scONSET on the affix plane. This contrasts with the second case, where scONSET, being higher ranked than scPLURAL (scR), requires that plural occurs to the left of aspect to fill the onset position on the affix plane. I then show a serial monoplanar model can also account for this data. Finally, I compare the serial and multiplanar models, arguing that phonological evidence supports the Multiplanar Model.
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Collie, Sarah. "English stress preservation and Stratal Optimality Theory." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/2590.
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Since Chomsky & Halle (1968), English stress preservation – oríginal -> orìginálity, óbvious -> óbviousness – has been important in generative discussions of morphophonological interaction. This thesis carries out empirical investigations into English stress preservation, and uses their results to argue for a particular version of Optimality Theory: Stratal Optimality Theory (‘Stratal OT’) (Kiparsky, 1998a, 2000, 2003a; Bermúdez-Otero, 1999, 2003, in preparation). In particular, the version of Stratal OT proposed in Bermúdez-Otero (in preparation) and Bermúdez-Otero and McMahon (2006) is supported. The empirical investigations focus upon the type of preservation where preserved stress is subordinated in the preserving word (‘weak preservation’): e.g. oríginal -> orìginálity; àntícipate -> antìcipátion. Evidence for the existence of weak preservation is presented. However, it is also shown that weak preservation is not consistently successful, but that it is, rather, probabilistically dependent upon word frequency. This result is expected in light of work like Hay (2003), where it is proposed that word frequency affects the strength of relationships between words: stress preservation is an indicator of such a relationship. Stratal OT can handle the existence of English stress preservation: by incorporating the cyclic interaction between morphological and phonological modules proposed in Lexical Phonology and Morphology (‘LPM’), Stratal OT has the intrinsic serialism which is necessary to predict a phenomenon like English stress preservation. It is shown that the same cannot be said for those of models of OT which attempt to handle preservation while avoiding such serialism, notably, Benua (1997). Bermúdez-Otero’s (in preparation) proposal of ‘fake cyclicity’ for the first stratum in Stratal OT can capture weak preservation’s probabilistic dependence upon word frequency. Fake cyclicity rejects the cycle which has previously been proposed to handle weak stress preservation, in LPM and elsewhere; instead, fake cyclicity proposes that weak preservation is a result of blocking among stored lexical entries. Blocking is independently established as a psycholinguistic phenomenon that is probabilistically dependent upon word frequency; in contrast, the cycle is not a probabilistic mechanism, and so can only handle instances of stress preservation failure by stipulation.
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Gess, Randall Scott. "Optimality theory in the historical phonology of French /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/8377.
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Hoshi, Hidehito. "On Multiple Sympathy Candidates in Optimality Theory." Department of Linguistics, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/227250.
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Trommer, Jochen. "Distributed optimality." Phd thesis, [S.l. : s.n.], 2001. http://pub.ub.uni-potsdam.de/2004/0037/trommer.pdf.
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Sasa, Tomomasa. "Treatment of vowel harmony in optimality theory." Diss., University of Iowa, 2009. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/318.
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From the early stage of Optimality Theory (OT) (Prince, Alan and Paul Smolensky (1993): Optimality Theory: Constraint Interaction in Generative Grammar. [ROA: 537-0802: http://roa.rutgers.edu], McCarthy, John J. and Alan Prince (1995). Faithfulness and reduplicative identity. In Jill Beckman, Laura W. Dickey and Suzanne Urbanczyk (eds.) Papers in Optimality Theory. Amherst, MA: GLSA. 249-384), a number of analyses have been proposed to account for vowel harmony in the OT framework. However, because of the diversity of the patterns attested cross-linguistically, no consensus has been reached with regard to the OT treatment of vowel harmony. This, in turn, raises the question whether OT is a viable phonological theory to account for vowel harmony; if a theory is viable, a uniform account of the diverse patterns of vowel harmony should be possible.The main purpose of this thesis is to discuss the application of five different OT approaches to vowel harmony, and to investigate which approach offers the most comprehensive coverage of the diverse vowel harmony patterns. Three approaches are the main focus: feature linking with SPREAD (Padgett, Jaye (2002). Feature classes in phonology. Language 78. 81-110), Agreement-By-Correspondence (ABC) (Walker, Rachel (2009). Similarity-sensitive blocking and transparency in Menominee. Paper presented at the 83rd Annual Meeting of the Linguistic Society of America. San Francisco), and the Span Theory of harmony (McCarthy, John J. (2004). Headed spans and autosegmental spreading. [ROA: 685-0904: http://roa.rutgers.edu]). The applications of these approaches in the following languages are considered: backness and roundness harmony in Turkish and in Yakut (Turkic), and ATR harmony in Pulaar (Niger-Congo). It is demonstrated that both feature linking and ABC analyses are successful in offering a uniform account of the different types of harmony processes observed in these three languages. However, Span Theory turns out to be empirically inadequate when used in the analysis of Pulaar harmony. These results lead to the conclusion that there are two approaches within OT that can offer a uniform account of the vowel harmony processes. This also suggests that OT is viable as a phonological theory.
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Mellander, Evan W. "A prosodic theory of prominence and rhythm /." Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=82932.
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Building on earlier work, notably Kager (1993, 1995) and framed in Optimality Theory (Prince & Smolensky 1993), this thesis presents a theory of foot structure in which the asymmetric maximal expansions of iambic and trochaic feet (cf. the Iambic/Trochaic Law: 1TL, e.g. Hayes 1995) are accounted for by a single constraint, HEAD GOVERNMENT (Mellander 2001c, 2002b). The present analysis devotes special attention to a class of quantitative processes in trochaic systems which generate uneven (HL) trochaic feet. In contrast to previous analyses (e.g. Hayes 1995), such processes are shown to be of phonological rather than phonetic nature in certain languages, and the ramifications of this conclusion are explored with regard to a variety of issues in prosodic theory.The evidence for the phonological status of (HL)-creating processes comes from published data on Mohawk, Selayarese, Gidabal, and Oromo, as well as original field data from Central Slovak. Following Piggott (1998, 2001) and Mellander (2001a, c, 2002b), these processes are seen to follow from H EAD PROMINENCE, a constraint which requires greater relative intrinsic prominence in the head of a prosodic constituent. Since HEAD PROMINENCE is sensitive to intrinsic prominence, its effects are shown to hold irrespective of derived prominence resulting from the application of stress rules. H EAD PROMINENCE is also shown to play a central role in accounting for diphthongal quantity-prominence relations, where cross-linguistic patterns of long vowel diphthongization in bimoraic syllables mirror those of (HL)-creating processes in disyllabic feet.
In contrast to previous work on HEAD GOVERNMENT (Mellander 2001c, 2002b), the absence of languages which require violations of this constraint implies that it is universally undominated, contra the standard Optimality Theoretic assumption of universal constraint violability. This view is also supported by the analysis of ternary stress systems, where the absence of unattested quaternary and quinternary systems relies crucially on the inviolability of HEAD G OVERNMENT.
A final aspect of this thesis is the development of a preliminary model to explain asymmetries in structure and markedness between iambic and trochaic systems, including distributional asymmetries, Iambic Lengthening, and the ITL. Based on work by Van de Vijver (1998) this approach abandons traditional symmetric notions of iambicity and trochaicity in favour of an asymmetric pair of constraints---PEAK-FIRST and *E DGEMOST. Iambic/trochaic asymmetries consequently emerge as artefacts of constraint interaction and require no additional theoretical machinery.
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Pater, Joseph Vernon. "Consequences of constraint ranking." Thesis, McGill University, 1996. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=42114.
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Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993) makes the claim that well-formedness constraints are ranked and minimally violable. This dissertation examines the consequences of constraint ranking in three areas of phonology: segmental phonotactics (nasal-voiceless consonant sequences), metrical theory (English stress), and in phonological development (child English). These studies demonstrate that the introduction of constraint ranking allows for more principled descriptions of the facts in each of these domains, and often yields the correct predictions about the range of cross-linguistic variation.
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Rung-ruang, Apichai. "English loanwords in Thai and optimality theory." Virtual Press, 2007. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1389690.
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This study focuses on English loanwords in Thai, particularly the treatment of consonants in different environments, namely onset/coda simplification, laryngeal features, medial consonants, and liquid alternation, within the framework of Optimality Theory (OT: Prince and Smolensky 1993/2004). The major objectives are: (1) to examine the way English loanwords are adapted to a new environment, (2) to investigate how conflict between faithfulness and markedness constraints is resolved and in what ways through OT grammars, and (3) finally to be a contribution to the literature of loan phonology in OT since there has not been much literature on English loanwords in Thai within the recent theoretical framework of Optimality TheoryThe data are drawn from an English-Thai dictionary (Sethaputa 1995), an on-line English-Thai dictionary, an English loanword dictionary (Komutthamwiboon 2003), and earlier studies of English loans in Thai by Udomwong (1981), Nacaskul (1989), Raksaphet (2000), and Kenstowicz and Atiwong (2004).The study has found that Thais replace unlicensed consonants with either auditory similar segments or shared natural class segments, as in /v/ in the English and [w] in word borrowing due to auditory similarity, /g/ in the English source replaced by [k] because of shared place of articulation. Vowel insertion is found if the English source begins with /sC/ as in /skaen/ scan -> [stkc cn]. Since Thai allows consonant clusters, a second segment of the clusters is always retained if it fits the Thai phonotactics, as in /gruup/ `group' -4 [kruip]. In coda, consonant clusters must be simplified. Consonant clusters in the English source are divided into five main subgroups. Sometimes Thais retain a segment adjacent to a vowel and delete the edge, as in /lcnzi lens -4 [len].However, a postvocalic lateral [1] followed by a segment are replaced by either a nasal [n] or a glide [w]. In terms of repair strategies, the lowest ranked faithfulness constraints indicate what motivates Thais to have consonant adaptation. MAX-I0, DEP-I0, IDENT-I0 (place) reveal that segmental deletion, insertion, and replacement on the place of articulation are employed to deal with marked structures, respectively. The two lines of approaches (Positional Faithfulness, Positional Markedness) have been examined with respect to segments bearing aspiration or voicing. The findings have shown that both approaches can be employed to achieve the same result. In medial consonants, ambisyllabic consonants in the English source undergo syllable adaptation and behave like geminates in word borrowings in Thai. Most cases show that ambisyllabic/geminate consonants in loanwords are unaspirated. A few cases are aspirated.The study has revealed that there is still more room for improvement in 0T. The standard OT allowing only a single output in the surface form is challenged. Some English loanwords have multiple outputs. For instance, /aesfoolt/ `asphalt' can be pronounced either [26tf6n] or [26tf6w]. Another example is the word /k h riim / `cream' can be pronounced as [k h riim], [khliim], and [khiim]. To account for these phenomena requires a sociolinguistic explanation.Department of English
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Magri, Giorgio 1975. "A theory of individual-level predicates based on blind mandatory implicatures : constraint promotion for optimality theory." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/55182.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Linguistics and Philosophy, 2009.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (p. [283]-293).
Part I of this dissertation proposes an implicature-based theory of individual-level predicates. The idea is that we cannot say '#John is sometimes tall' because the sentence triggers the scalar implicature that the alternative 'John is always tall' is false and this implicature mismatches with the piece of common knowledge that tallness is a permanent property. Chapter 1 presents the idea informally. This idea faces two challenges. First, this scalar implicature must be mandatory and furthermore blind to common knowledge. Second, it is not clear how this idea extends to other properties of individual-level predicates. Chapter 2 makes sense of the surprising nature of these special mismatching implicatures within the recent grammatical framework for scalar implicatures of Chierchia (2004) and Fox (2007a). Chapter 3 shows how this implicature-based account can be extended to other properties of individuallevel predicates, such as restrictions on their bare plural subjects, on German word order and extraction, and on Q-adverbs. Part H of this dissertation develops a theory of update rules for the OT on-line algorithm that perform constraint promotion too, besides demotion. Chapter 4 explains why we need constraint promotion, by arguing that demotion-only update rules are unable to model Hayes' (2004) early stage of the acquisition of phonology. Chapter 5 shows how to get constraint promotion, by means of two different techniques. One technique shares the combinatoric flavor of Tesar and Smolensky's analysis of demotion-only update rules.
(cont.) The other technique consists of adapting to OT results from the theory of on-line algorithms for linear classification. The latter technique has various consequences interesting on their own, explored in Chapter 8. Chapters 6 and 7 start the investigation of the properties of update rules that perform promotion too, concentrating on the characterization of the final vector and on the number of updates.
by Giorgio Magri.
Ph.D.
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Mix, Melinda. "Verb Contraction in the West Saxon Dialect of Old English: An Optimality Theory Account." The University of Montana, 2007. http://etd.lib.umt.edu/theses/available/etd-08312007-211250/.
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The phenomena of verb contraction in the West Saxon dialect of Old English has been described in many grammars of the language. However, most of these use a traditional rule-based analysis of the sound changes which occur. This thesis re-analyzes the data in terms of Optimality Theory (OT), which uses a system of constraint ranking to account for sound changes. The advantage of using OT is that it offers a single ranking to explain sound changes that would require separate rules and ordering in a more traditional analysis. Section 1 introduces the motivation for approaching this data from OT. Section 2 outlines relevant grammatical features of Old English, and the West Saxon dialect in particular. Section 3 applies OT to the data itself. The data is organized according to the final consonant of the verb stem in order to allow a process of analysis that builds a constraint ranking able to account for the changes in all the verbs under consideration, including vowel deletion, assimilation, dissimilation, and simplification of consonant clusters. Section 4 discusses the theoretical contribution of this study and suggests related areas in which the analysis could be further applied.
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Berry, Lynn. "Alignment and adjacency in optimality theory evidence from Warlpiri and Arrernte /." Connect to full text, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/383.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Sydney, 1999.Title from title screen (viewed Apr. 16, 2008). Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the Dept. of Linguistics, Faculty of Arts. Degree awarded 1999; thesis submitted 1998. Includes bibliography. Also available in print form.
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Leung, Tsz-cheung. "An optimality-theoretic approach to Cantonese/English code switching." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 2001. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B23001082.
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Al-Ageli, Hussein M. "Syllabic and metrical structure in Tripolitanian Arabic : a comparative study in standard and optimality theory." Thesis, University of Essex, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.294669.
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Rees, Daniel A. "Towards Proto-Persian an Optimality Theoretic historical reconstruction /." Connect to Electronic Thesis (ProQuest) Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2008. http://worldcat.org/oclc/436441601/viewonline.
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Jiang-King, Ping. "An Optimality Account of Tone-Vowel Interaction in Fuzhou." Department of Linguistics, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/227246.
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Previous studies on tone-vowel interaction have centered on two issues. The first is the correlation between tone and vowel quality (Pilszczikowa-Chodak 1972, 1975, Newman 1975 for Hausa; Cheung 1973 for Omei dialect of Mandarin; Wang 1968, Maddieson 1976, Yip 1980, Chan 1985 for Fuzhou), and the second is the directionality of the influence between tone and vowel, namely, whether tone affects vowel quality change, or whether vowel quality gives rise to tonal change (Wang 1968, Maddieson 1976, Yip 1980 for Fuzhou; Gandour 1977 for Thai dialects; Yue 1976 for Cantonese, Lianzhou, and Taishan). There have been a number of experimental studies on the first issue. The principal finding among these studies is the correlation between fundamental frequency (F₀) and vowel height. In particular, a high vowel has higher F₀ and a low vowel has lower F₀ (Lehiste and Peterson 1961 for English; Petersen 1976 for Danish; Di Cristo and Chafcouloff 1976 for French; Kim 1968 for Korean; Chuang and Wang 1976, Tsay and Sawusch 1994 for Mandarin; and Sawusch and Tsay 1994 for Fuzhou; etc.). Since tone, defined as linguistic use of pitch, is also primarily identified in terms of F₀ (Gandour 1978), it is natural to ask whether this phonetic correlation between F0 and vowel height manifests itself phonologically in natural languages. In other words, the question is whether there is any empirical evidence suggesting a phonological correlation between tone and vowel height. The evidence for Hausa (an African language principally spoken in Nigeria), for example, is inconclusive. Data is offered both for (Pilszczikowa-Chodak 1972, 1975) and against (Newman 1975) this position. A highly controversial case is Fuzhou, (a Northern Min dialect spoken on the southern coast of China). In Fuzhou, a whole series of finals participate in vowel alternations in accordance with their tonal environment. It has been claimed, on the one hand, that in a tone sandhi environment, a vowel undergoes raising when the tone it occurs with increases its F₀ (Wang 1968). This is characterized as a tone -induced vowel raising process (Yip 1980). I refer to this claim as the "height-correlation" hypothesis. On the other hand, it has been argued that the vowel alternations in Fuzhou involve not only differences in height, but also differences along other dimensions, such as a front/back axis, monophthongs versus diphthongs, etc. (Maddieson 1976, Chan 1985). The "height- correlation" hypothesis, therefore, is not sufficient to explain all instances of tone -related vowel alternation. The implicit assumption behind this debate is that tonal features and vocalic features may interact directly. This yields a more fundamental question as to the nature of this interaction. In other words, whether the interaction between tone and vowels is direct (i.e. feature -to- feature) or indirect (i.e. mediated by something else). Although studies of the second issue are relatively rare, it has been shown that the influence of tones and vowels on each other is bi- directional cross -linguistically. For example, whereas Mandarin and Fuzhou have been cited as cases in which vowel alternations are conditioned by tonal environment (Wang 1969, Wang 1968, Yip 1980), the Yue dialects of Chinese, such as Cantonese, Taishan, and Lianzhou, illustrate the opposite direction of influence (Yue 1976). In Cantonese, for instance, the Yin "entering" tone historically splits into two tones according to their vocalic environment. It is realized with a higher register when the vowel is lax and short, and with a lower register when the vowel is tense and long (Yue 1976:49). A general question that relates to the first issue, then, is whether tone and vowel quality directly influence each other or whether this influence between them is mediated by something else. This article provides a unified account for all vowel distribution and alternation patterns corresponding to tonal environments in Fuzhou, focusing on the prosodic anchor mediating between tones and vowels. Tones and vowels will be claimed not to interact directly (i.e., feature -tofeature), and it will be seen that there is no height correlation between them. Instead, tone -vowel interaction in Fuzhou must be mediated by a prosodic anchor; in this case, the mora; and distinct moraic structures (monomoraic/bimoraic) required by the prelinking of the lexically specified number of tonal roots are what trigger the vowel alternations. The analysis is formulated within the constraint -based grammar of Optimality Theory (OT) (McCarthy and Prince 1993a, b; Prince and Smolensky 1993; Pulleyblank 1994, among others). Contrary to the rule -based approach, OT assumes that Universal Grammar (UG) contains two types of phonological representation: the input and the output. The function Gen freely generates a set of output candidates for each input. UG also contains a set of violable constraints that are ranked on a language- particular basis. The function Eval determines the optimal output, which either satisfies the higher ranked constraints, or has the least violations of the relevant constraints.
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Leung, Tsz-cheung, and 梁子祥. "An optimality-theoretic approach to Cantonese/English code switching." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2001. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31224738.
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Kirchner, Robert. "A Nonrepresentational Theory of Constrastiveness." Department of Linguistics, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/227276.
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Takano, Yuji. "Prosodic & Morphological Constraint: An Optimality Account of Alabama Negation." Department of Linguistics, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/227248.
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Park, Hyeson. "Child second language acquisition and grammatical theories: The Minimalist Program and optimality theory." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/252897.
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The aim of linguistic theory is to explain what knowledge of language consists of and how this knowledge is acquired. Generative linguistics, which had set out to achieve this goal, has recently seen the development of two main approaches to Universal Grammar (UG). One is the Minimalist Program (MP) and the other is Optimality Theory (OT). In the MP framework, language is claimed to be acquired through parameter setting, while in OT language acquisition is viewed as a constraint reranking process. In this study, I compare the two evolving linguistic theories in relation to child L2 acquisition phenomena; that is, how and whether the two different approaches to UG could be used to account for language development in real time. The database for this study was a corpus of natural and elicited-interview speech collected by the National Center for Bilingual Research from six Korean children learning English as an L2 in a bilingual education school program. Two constructions, null arguments and wh-questions produced by the Korean children in their developing L2 English, were chosen for in-depth investigation. The data analysis shows that (1) the children dropped few subjects from the early stages, (2) the children dropped more objects than subjects, (3) the children did not apply subject-verb inversion in why -questions, and (4) of the wh-questions, when-questions were one of the last to appear in the children's developing English. It was examined whether these four findings could be explained within the MP and the OT frameworks. The MP and OT in their present forms, however, do not seem to be able to fully account for the data. I have proposed some adaptations of the theories and explored plausible explanations. The overall picture emerging from the study is that the gradual nature of language development can best be explained as being a result of the incremental acquisition of the lexicon. The relationship between linguistic theory and acquisition studies, especially second language acquisition studies, has been unidirectional, from theory to acquisition (SLA) studies. It is to be hoped that this study may contribute to connecting the gap between linguistic theory and SLA studies, and making their relationship more bidirectional.
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Grimshwa, Jane. "Last resorts and grammaticality." Universität Potsdam, 2006. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2009/3230/.
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A “last resort” is argued to be nothing more than a winning, i.e. grammatical form, once it is understood in terms of competition between alternative candidates. It is a theorem of OT that we find last resort effects, since it follows from the nature of competition and constraint interaction.
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Miranda, Ine︠s︡ Miranda. "An optimality theoretic analysis of Nicaraguan Spanish diminutivization : results of a field survey /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/8393.
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Fonte, Isabel. "Restrictions on coda : an optimality theoretic account of phonotactics." Thesis, McGill University, 1996. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=24078.
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In this work, I will be looking at the cross-linguistic restrictions on coda position, especially with regard to sonority and place. I propose that these restrictions can be best captured if we acknowledge two types of constraints; those which restrict the licensing ability of codas, as well as those which set out a relationship between a coda and a following onset. I show that in allowing for this distinction, the contrast between the restrictions on word-internal codas and word-final ones falls out straightforwardly. This study is carried out in the framework of Optimality Theory, but the basic claims are expected to hold in other frameworks, whether rule-based or constraint-based.
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Tuttle, Siri G. "Metrical and tonal structures in Tanana Athabaskan /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/8397.
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Engels, Eva. "Adverb placement an optimality theoretic approach /." Phd thesis, [S.l. : s.n.], 2004. http://deposit.ddb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?idn=974371874.
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Hung, Henrietta J. "The rhythmic and prosodic organization of edge constituents an optimality-theoretic account /." Bloomington : Indiana University Linguistics Club Publications, 1995. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/34101894.html.
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Flemming, Edward. "Phonetic Detail in Phonology." Department of Linguistics, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/227274.
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Assimilation and coarticulation both involve extending the duration of some property or feature. The similarities between these phenomena can be seen by comparing Basque vowel raising with vowel -to -vowel coarticulation in a language like English. In Basque the low vowel /a/ is raised to [el following a high vowel. This gives rise to alternations in the form of the definite suffix, /-a/ (de Rijk 1970): (1) sagar –a; 'apple (def.)'; mutil-e 'boy (def.)'. In an English sequence containing a low vowel preceded by a high vowel, like [-ilæ-] in 'relapse', the high vowel also conditions raising of the low vowel. But in spite of the parallels between these cases, standard analyses regard Basque vowel raising as phonological whereas the English vowel raising is regarded as non-phonological, being attributed to a phonetic process of coarticulation. In this paper, we will argue that this distinction is untenable. We will see that coarticulation can affect the distribution of contrasts, and therefore must be specified in the phonology. This opens up the possibility of giving a unified analysis of assimilation and coarticulation. Analyzing coarticulation as phonological implies that phonological representations contain far more phonetic detail than is usually assumed to be the case. Vowel-to-vowel coarticulation involves fine degrees of partial assimilation in that vowels assimilate only partially in quality, and the effects may extend through only part of the duration of a segment (e.g. Ohman 1966). This conclusion thus flies in the face of the standard assumption that the richness of phonological representations should be severely restricted in order to avoid over-predicting the range of possible phonological contrasts. So before we turn to evidence that coarticulation is phonological, we will lay the groundwork by examining the arguments for limiting the detail in phonological representations and show that they are based on very questionable assumptions.
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Cole, Jennifer, and Charles Kisseberth. "Restricting Multi-level Constraint Evaluation: Opaque Rule Interaction in Yawelmani Vowel Harmony." Department of Linguistics, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/227244.
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This paper presents an analysis of vowel harmony in Yawelmani and its interaction with vowel epenthesis and lowering, within the non -derivational, constraint -based model of Optimal Domains Theory (ODT). Kisseberth's (1969) analysis of the Yawelmani system, formulated within classical generative phonology, demonstrates an opaque rule interaction among the rules governing vocalic phonology, and was taken as an important piece of evidence for the notion of rule ordering in generative theory. The challenge in providing a non -derivational analysis of Yawelmani lies in accounting for conditions on vowel harmony which factor in phonological structure that is "inserted" in surface form, as well as structure that is "deleted" from underlying form. This paper presents a restricted means of bringing together information from underlying and surface representations in a theoretical framework that eschews intermediate representations, through the use of abstract (ie., unrealized) feature-domain structure. We discuss problems that arise under an alternative approach in which individual constraints are able to freely inspect structure at both underlying and surface levels of representation.
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Heiberg, Andrea. "Coda Neutralization: Against Purely Phonetic Constraints." Department of Linguistics, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/227245.
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The neutralization of the laryngeal features of a consonant that is not directly followed by a vowel is a common process cross -linguistically. Laryngeal neutralization in this position has a clear phonetic cause: laryngeal features are not salient unless they are immediately followed by a vowel. Since laryngeal neutralization has a phonetic cause, it seems reasonable to characterize it directly in phonetic terms, without positing any additional layer of phonological abstraction. However, a phonetic explanation is not sufficient to account for all cases of laryngeal neutralization. For example, in Korean, laryngeal neutralization occurs in a nonneutralizing phonetic environment; in Nisgha, laryngeal neutralization occurs only in the reduplicant, although the phonetic environment for neutralization is found in both the reduplicant and the base. Although phonetics is the major factor leading to the development of these types of restrictions on laryngeal features, I argue that a phonetic account is not adequate for all such restrictions. Abstract phonological constraints and representations are necessary. Hence, two types of neutralization are possible: (i) phonetic neutralization, which results directly from the lack of saliency of cues and occurs in every instance of the neutralizing environment; and (ii) abstract phonological neutralization, which may occur where the neutralizing environment is absent (as will be demonstrated for Korean), and may fail to occur in every instance of the neutralizing environment (as will be demonstrated for Nisgha).
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Ohno, Sachiko. "Synchronically Unified Ranking and Distribution of Voice in Japanese." Department of Linguistics, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/227247.
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It is well known that there are four classes of Japanese vocabulary with respect to its origin; Yamato vocabulary consists of native morphemes, Sino- Japanese consists of borrowed morphemes from Chinese, Foreign is a loanword from a language other than Chinese, and Mimetic describes sounds or manners. Each of these classes has different phonological properties.1 There are three phenomena with respect to the distribution of voice in Japanese. One of them is that post-nasal obstruents in Yamato vocabulary and Mimetic are mostly voiced while those in Sino-Japanese and Foreign are not. I will mainly focus on this property in this paper. However, I will also discuss the other phenomena, namely the compound voicing alternation (Rendaku) and the restriction of voiced sounds in a morpheme (Lyman's Law). These phenomena typically occur with Yamato vocabulary only. Although the domain of each phenomenon largely overlaps with a certain class of lexical origin, they do not match completely with each other. The purpose of this paper is to account for the distribution of voice in Japanese by establishing a constraint ranking that covers Japanese vocabulary of any origin. The organization of the paper is as follows. In section 2, I will present data and four problems to be solved. General tendency of Yamato vocabulary are summarized in 2.1, and many exceptions to the generalization are presented in 2.2. In section 3, I will give an analysis using a unified ranking rather than different rankings depending on origins of the vocabulary. In section 4, I will present two pieces of evidence --- historical and acquisional---to support my claim that Japanese has only one ranking.
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Hendricks, Sean. "Shuswap Diminutive Reduplication." Department of Linguistics, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/227249.
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Archangeli, Diana, and Keiichiro Suzuki. "Menomini Vowel Harmony: O(pacity) & T(ransparency) in OT." Department of Linguistics, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/227273.
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Ikawa, Hajime. "On Stress Assignment, Vowel-Lengthening, and Epenthetic Vowels in Mohawk: Some Theoretical Implications." Department of Linguistics, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/227275.
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Optimality Theory (OT) developed by Prince and Smolensky (1993) assumes that cross - linguistic phonological variations solely derive from different rankings of universal constraints. A question naturally arises as to the adequate formulations of constraints for types of phonological entities which appear to be parametrized, and constraints which appear to apply in different domains. There are at least two possible ways of formulating them. One is to simply assume that UG contains a single constraint with a parameter for types or domains, and the other is to assume that UG contains distinct constraints for different types and different domains, and that all of them are present in every language. In this paper, based on stress assignment and its interaction with epenthetic vowels in Mohawk, a northern Iroquoian language studied by Michelson (1988, 1989) and Piggott (1 992), and Selayarese, an Oceanic language studied by Mithun and Basri (1 986), Goldsmith (1 990), and Piggott (1992), I will argue for the latter. In particular, I will claim that UG contains distinct FT-FORM constraints for different foot types, and distinct FILL constraints and distinct NONFINALITY constraints for different domains. This paper is organized as follows. Section 2 will introduce the basic facts in Mohawk. Section 3 will provide accounts for the relevant facts under OT, employing distinct FT -FORM constraints for different foot types, and distinct FILL constraints for different domains. Section 4 will refine the proposed accounts based on the facts in Selayarese. Section 5 will introduce two species of NONFINALITY for two different domains. Section 6 will discuss important implications of the accounts proposed in this paper for other aspects of the theory. Section 7 will conclude the paper.
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Padgett, Jaye. "Partial Class Behavior and Nasal Place Assimilation." Department of Linguistics, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/227277.
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Pulleyblank, Douglas, Ping Jiang-King, Myles Leitch, and Nike Ola. "Typological Variation Through Constraint Rankings: Low Vowels in Tongue Root Harmony." Department of Linguistics, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/227278.
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One of the fundamental claims of Optimality Theory is that by varying the rankings of universal constraints, different grammars result (Prince & Smolensky 1993). Just as the ranking A » B should define an occurring language, so should the ranking B ≫ A. In this paper, we examine this claim in the domain of tongue root harmony systems, specifically with respect to the behaviour of low vowels. We examine cases where the relative ranking of faithfulness conditions and alignment conditions is varied with respect to substantive conditions governing low vowels. Our primary conclusions are twofold. First, we find that the types of typological variation expected to occur do occur; six different types of harmony patterns are presented. Second, we note that a large degree of variation is attested in a very narrowly defined area of the phonology. This paper begins by a basic discussion of the formal constraints assumed to govern vowel harmony, followed by a discussion of a case where low vowels harmonise in a manner comparable to other vowels (Degema). We then turn to six cases (five languages) where we observe asymmetric behaviour. First, we discuss cases involving constraints against feature "insertion" and feature "spreading ", constraints of the faithfulness family (Yoruba, Konni, Ngbaka-Ma'bo). Second, we turn to cases involving constraints of the alignment family, cases where harmony exhibits directional asymmetries (Ngbaka-Ma'bo, Emalhe, Maasai).
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Suzuki, Keiichiro. "Double-sided Effect in OT: Sequential Grounding and Local Conjunction." Department of Linguistics, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/227279.
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In a standard SPE-style rewrite rule scheme, the positioning of the environmental dash ("__") directly expresses both adjacency and linear precedence relations between the focus and the determinant. For example, all of the three rules in (1) involve A-to-B alternation, but differ with each other in the focus (A) - determinant (X, Y) relation: in (1a), A becomes B when preceded by X; in (1b), A becomes B when followed by Y; and in (1c), A becomes B when double -sided (preceded by X and followed by Y). (1) a. A → B / X __ b. A → B / __ Y c. A → B / X __ Y Thus, in this model, both adjacency and linear precedence relations are treated as properties of a rule. This view has been carried over to subsequent work in some guise or other (see, e.g. Howard 1972, Cho 1991, Archangeli and Pulleyblank (A&P) 1994). The question to be addressed here is how these various focus -determinant relations are expressed if there are no rules (see McCarthy 1995b for a recent treatment of this issue). In this paper, I would like to consider this question from the perspective of Optimality Theory (henceforth OT) (Prince and Smolensky 1993, McCarthy and Prince (M&P) 1993). Specifically, I consider the three types of focus-determinant relations seen in (1) with respect to the phenomenon of vowel raising. We find that the variation of vowel raising among Basque, Old High German, and Woleaian parallels the variation illustrated in (1): in many dialects of Basque, a low vowel raises to a mid vowel when preceded by a high vowel (de Rijk 1970, Hualde 1991) ( =1a); in Old High German, a low vowel raises to a mid vowel when followed by a high vowel (Voyles 1992) ( =1b); and in Woleaian (spoken in Woleai Island of Micronesia), a low vowel raises to a mid vowel when double-sided by high vowels (Howard 1972, Sohn 1975, Poser 1982) ( =1c). I argue that all of these cases are accounted for by allowing constraints to make reference to the adjacency and linear precedence information. Formally, I propose the following two notions: Sequential Grounding (Smolensky 1993), a syntagmatic extension of Grounded Conditions (A &P 1994), and Local Conjunction (Smolensky 1993, 1995), a UG-operation which conjoins two constraints (details of these notions are explained in section 2.2.2.). This paper is organized as follows. Section 2 provides data and an analysis of the double -sided raising in Woleaian, introducing Sequential Grounding (Smolensky 1993) and Local Conjunction (Smolensky 1993, 1995). I show that Local Conjunction of two Sequential Grounding constraints accounts for the fact that one adjacent high vowel on either side is not sufficient to trigger the raising, but there must be a high vowel on each side. Section 3 gives brief analyses of Basque and Old High German. I demonstrate that reranking of the constraints proposed for the double -sided raising in Woleaian accounts for the other cases of raising (Basque and Old High German). Finally in section 4, the summary of the analyses and conclusion are provided.
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Yip, Moira. "Repetition and its Avoidance: The Case in Javanese." Department of Linguistics, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/227280.
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It is argued that echo -words result from the tension between a requirement that penalizes a sequence of two identical stems, *REPEAT(Stem), and one that requires two identical stems, REPEAT(Stem). Based primarily on data from Javanese, I make three main points. First, at least some inputs to the Optimality Grammar must be abstract morphological specifications like PLURAL. They are phonologically incomplete outputs of the morpho-syntax. Second, morpheme realization results from an attempt to meet output targets in the form of constraints: REPEAT, σ₂ =a; PL=s, and so on. Such morphemes do not have underlying forms in the familiar sense (cf Hammond 1995, Russell 1995). Third, the target constraints may be out -ranked by phonological constraints of various kinds, particularly constraints against the repetition of elements, here called *REPEAT. The elements may be phonological (feature, segment) or morphological (affix, stem). These findings support the view of Pierrehumbert (1993a) that identity has broad cognitive roots. The primary data comes from Javanese, but the paper also touches on English and Turkish. Section 1 gives some background on the handling of morphological data in OT. Section 2 discusses identity avoidance in morphology, sets out the basic proposal, and gives sketches of English and Turkish. Section 3 is an extended discussion of Javanese. Section 4 looks at secret languages, and section 5 sums up.
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Zoll, Cheryl. "The Role of the Root in Segmental Representations." Department of Linguistics, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/227281.
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Majors, Tivoli. "A Perceptually Grounded OT Analysis of Stress-Dependent Harmony." Department of Linguistics, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/227283.
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Stress-dependent harmony (SDH) systems are systems in which an unstressed vowel must agree with the stressed vowel of the word in terms of one or more harmonic feature(s). In this paper, I provide cross -linguistic support for the notion of SDH. I then provide an Optimality Theoretic analysis of the SDH of Old Norwegian. In addition to providing a core analysis that accounts for the SDH in several typologically distinct languages, I provide external support for my analysis with experimental studies that phonetically ground the constraint driving the harmony. In exploring the phonetic basis of SDH, I am drawing on a rich history of inquiry into the relationship between phonetics and phonology. Two methodological approaches can be distinguished: constraining phonological analyses via phonetic grounding through formal modeling of phonological phenomena (e.g. Archangeli and Pulleyblank 1994, Beckman 1998, Hayes 1996, Kaun 1996, Myers 1996, Padgett 1998, Steriade 1997), and experimental approaches that seek to explain phonology systems by providing grounding via empirical studies (Busa and Ohala 1997, Cohn 1990, De Jong et al. 1993, Doran 1998, Fowler 1981, Guion 1996, Hura et al. 1992, Keating 1985, Kohler 1990, Myers 1998, Pierrehumbert 1980). These approaches have the same goal: to place constraints on phonological analyses such that they have external explanations lying outside of the formal theory being used to capture the phonological pattern under scrutiny. Using both formal and experimental methods of phonetic grounding provides a more complete analysis of the relationship between phonetics and phonology.
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Miyashita, Mizuki. "Less Stress, Less Pressure, Less Voice." Department of Linguistics, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/227291.
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In this paper, I provide an analysis of Tohono O'odham vowel devoicing with respect to physiological explanation. There are three points in this paper. First, this paper provides data of devoicing (consonants and vowels) in Tohono O'odham. Second, analysis of devoicing in terms of subglottal pressure drop is provided. Third, the devoicing is accounted for within the framework of OT (McCarthy and Prince 1993, Prince and Smolensky 1993). The organization of the paper is as follows. In section 2, the background of the language including both voiced and voiceless vowels is described. In section 3, the data of Tohono O'odham words with voiceless vowels are provided. Then the distribution of devoiced segments is discussed. In section 4, an analysis of devoicing with respect to subglottal pressure drop is presented with schematic diagrams. Then an OT account utilizing phonetic constraints is presented.
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Takeda, Kazue. "Causative Formation in Kammu: Prespecified Features and Single Consonant Reduplication." Department of Linguistics, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/227292.
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Ussishkin, Adam. "Roots and Correspondence: Denominal Verbs in Modern Hebrew." Department of Linguistics, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/227293.
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Modern Hebrew exhibits a derivational process known as Denominai Verb Formation (DVF) whereby a base form, usually a noun, may become a verb. This process has been analyzed by several researchers (Bat-El 1994, Gafos 1995, Sharvit 1994) but to date a comprehensive, principled account has not been proposed. In this paper, it is my aim to present such a principled account of DVF, within Optimality Theory (Prince & Smolensky 1993). This account crucially relies on the consonantal root, arguing against the proposal of Bat-El (1994) that the root plays no role in DVF. In addition, I propose to capture the well known effects of left-to-right spreading attested throughout Semitic (McCarthy 1979, 1981, et seq.) using a new form of Anchor constraints. These new Anchor constraints will be useful in accounting for cases of consonant doubling, which is attested in a subset of Modern Hebrew denominai verbs. Finally, I show that Bat-El's (1994) arguments against the consonantal root can be recast as reasons to adopt a separate dimension of correspondence relations in the analysis: namely, the dimension of Output-Output Correspondence, following work of, e.g., Benua (1995, 1997) and Burzio (1996).
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Sakurai, Kazuhiro, and 櫻井和裕. "An OT-LFG analysis of language change." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2011. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B46732482.
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