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Journal articles on the topic 'Optimality theory (Linguistics) Syllabication'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 7 February 2022

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1

Tesar, Bruce, and Paul Smolensky. "Learnability in Optimality Theory." Linguistic Inquiry 29, no. 2 (April 1998): 229–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002438998553734.

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In this article we show how Optimality Theory yields a highly general Constraint Demotion principle for grammar learning. The resulting learning procedure specifically exploits the grammatical structure of Optimality Theory, independent of the content of substantive constraints defining any given grammatical module. We decompose the learning problem and present formal results for a central subproblem, deducing the constraint ranking particular to a target language, given structural descriptions of positive examples. The structure imposed on the space of possible grammars by Optimality Theory allows efficient convergence to a correct grammar. We discuss implications for learning from overt data only, as well as other learning issues. We argue that Optimality Theory promotes confluence of the demands of more effective learnability and deeper linguistic explanation.

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2

Gáspár, Miklós. "Coordination in Optimality Theory." Nordic Journal of Linguistics 22, no. 2 (December 1999): 157–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03325860050179236.

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The paper offers an account of coordination within the framework of Optimality Theory, which makes use of violable and ranked constraints. Coordination is explained with the help of nine constraints, seven of which are needed in the theory independently of coordination, while the remaining two are coordination-specific constraints. Related phenomena of Unbalanced Coordination and Extraordinary Balanced Coordination are also discussed and differences among Norwegian, English and Hungarian are explained by the difference in the relative ranking of the four relevant constraints.

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3

MAGRI, GIORGIO. "Idempotency in Optimality Theory." Journal of Linguistics 54, no. 1 (March 20, 2017): 139–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226717000019.

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Anidempotentphonological grammar maps phonotactically licit forms faithfully to themselves. This paper establishes tight sufficient conditions for idempotency in (classical) Optimality Theory. Building on Tesar (2013), these conditions are derived in two steps. First, idempotency is shown to follow from a general formal condition on the faithfulness constraints. Second, this condition is shown to hold for a variety of faithfulness constraints which naturally arise within McCarthy & Prince’s (1995) Correspondence Theory of faithfulness. This formal analysis provides an exhaustive toolkit for modelingchain shifts, which have proven recalcitrant to a constraint-based treatment.

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4

Gordon, Matthew. "Typology in Optimality Theory." Language and Linguistics Compass 1, no. 6 (November 2007): 750–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1749-818x.2007.00036.x.

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5

Xu, Zheng. "Optimality Theory and Morphology." Language and Linguistics Compass 5, no. 7 (July 2011): 466–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1749-818x.2011.00290.x.

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6

Gibson, Courtenay St John, and Catherine O. Ringen. "Icelandic umlaut in Optimality Theory." Nordic Journal of Linguistics 23, no. 1 (June 2000): 49–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/033258600750045778.

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This paper presents an analysis of Icelandic umlaut in Optimality Theory. We account for umlaut in sal[œ]t-[Y]m ‘lettuce’ (dat. pl.) and d[œ:]g-[Y]m ‘day’ (dat. pl.), in which /a/ is fronted and rounded when followed by [Y], as well as forms such as j[œ]kli ‘glacier’ (dat. sg.) and b[œ]rn ‘child’ (ace. pl.) with an umlauted vowel, but no overt trigger. We explain why there is no umlaut in forms such as dal-n[Y]m ‘valley’ (def.), kakt[Y]s ‘cactus’ (nom. sg.), or d[a:]g-[Y]r ‘day’ (nom. sg.) despite the fact that /a/ occurs in the umlaut environment. We also explain why there is one umlauted vowel in sal[œ]t-[Y]m ≪ /salat + Ym/, but two umlauted vowels in f[œ]t-n[Y]ð-[Y]m ≪ /fat + nað + Ym/ ‘clothing’ (dat. pl.) and why the umlauted vowel is sometimes [Y] and sometimes [œ].

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7

Bradley, Travis G. "Optimality Theory and Spanish Phonology." Language and Linguistics Compass 8, no. 2 (February 2014): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lnc3.12065.

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8

Walker, Rachel. "Vowel Harmony in Optimality Theory." Language and Linguistics Compass 6, no. 9 (September 2012): 575–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/lnc3.340.

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9

McCarthy, John J. "What Is Optimality Theory?1." Language and Linguistics Compass 1, no. 4 (June 1, 2007): 260–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1749-818x.2007.00018.x.

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10

Bonet, Eulàlia, and Maria-Rosa Lloret. "Against serial evaluation in Optimality Theory." Lingua 115, no. 9 (September 2005): 1303–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.lingua.2004.06.004.

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11

Heinz, Jeffrey, Gregory M. Kobele, and Jason Riggle. "Evaluating the Complexity of Optimality Theory." Linguistic Inquiry 40, no. 2 (April 2009): 277–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling.2009.40.2.277.

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Idsardi (2006) claims that Optimality Theory (OT; Prince and Smolensky 1993, 2004) is “in general computationally intractable” on the basis of a proof adapted from Eisner 1997a. We take issue with this conclusion on two grounds. First, the intractability result holds only in cases where the constraint set is not fixed in advance (contra usual definitions of OT), and second, the result crucially depends on a particular representation of OT grammars. We show that there is an alternative representation of OT grammars that allows for efficient computation of optimal surface forms and provides deeper insight into the sources of complexity of OT. We conclude that it is a mistake to reject OT on the grounds that it is computationally intractable.

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12

Rasin, Ezer, and Roni Katzir. "On Evaluation Metrics in Optimality Theory." Linguistic Inquiry 47, no. 2 (April 2016): 235–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00210.

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We develop an evaluation metric for Optimality Theory that allows a learner to induce a lexicon and a phonological grammar from unanalyzed surface forms. We wish to model aspects of knowledge such as the English-speaking child’s knowledge that the aspiration of the first segment of khæt is predictable and the French-speaking child’s knowledge that the final l of table ‘table’ is optional and can be deleted while that of parle ‘speak’ cannot. We show that the learner we present succeeds in obtaining this kind of knowledge and is better equipped to do so than other existing learners in the literature.

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13

Gordon, Matthew. "Positional Weight Constraints in Optimality Theory." Linguistic Inquiry 35, no. 4 (October 2004): 692–703. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling.2004.35.4.692.

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14

Anttila, Arto, and Young-mee Yu Cho. "Variation and change in optimality theory." Lingua 104, no. 1-2 (February 1998): 31–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0024-3841(97)00023-5.

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15

Rubach, Jerzy, and G. E. Booij. "Allomorphy in Optimality Theory: Polish Iotation." Language 77, no. 1 (2001): 26–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lan.2001.0038.

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16

Nevins, Andrew. "Segmental Phonology in Optimality Theory (review)." Language 79, no. 4 (2003): 811–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lan.2003.0259.

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17

Rice, Curt. "The Syllable in Optimality Theory (review)." Language 82, no. 4 (2006): 943–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lan.2006.0221.

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18

Eulàlia Bonet. "Doing optimality theory (review)." Language 85, no. 4 (2009): 942–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lan.0.0174.

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19

Keller, Frank, and Ash Asudeh. "Probabilistic Learning Algorithms and Optimality Theory." Linguistic Inquiry 33, no. 2 (April 2002): 225–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002438902317406704.

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This article provides a critical assessment of the Gradual Learning Algorithm (GLA) for probabilistic optimality-theoretic (OT) grammars proposed by Boersma and Hayes (2001). We discuss the limitations of a standard algorithm for OT learning and outline how the GLA attempts to overcome these limitations. We point out a number of serious shortcomings with the GLA: (a) A methodological problem is that the GLA has not been tested on unseen data, which is standard practice in computational language learning. (b) We provide counterexamples, that is, attested data sets that the GLA is not able to learn. (c) Essential algorithmic properties of the GLA (correctness and convergence) have not been proven formally. (d) By modeling frequency distributions in the grammar, the GLA conflates the notions of competence and performance. This leads to serious conceptual problems, as OT crucially relies on the competence/performance distinction.

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20

Riggle, Jason. "Violation Semirings in Optimality Theory." Research on Language and Computation 7, no. 1 (March 2009): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11168-009-9063-0.

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21

Pater, Joe. "Phonological typology in Optimality Theory and Formal Language Theory: goals and future directions." Phonology 36, no. 2 (May 2019): 351–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675719000162.

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Much recent work has studied phonological typology in terms of Formal Language Theory (e.g. the Chomsky hierarchy). This paper considers whether Optimality Theory grammars might be constrained to generate only regular languages, and also whether the tools of formal language theory might be used for constructing phonological theories similar to those within Optimality Theory. It offers reasons to be optimistic about the first possibility, and sceptical about the second.

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22

Murray, Robert W. "Sound Change, Preferences, and Explanation." Lingvisticæ Investigationes. International Journal of Linguistics and Language Resources 16, no. 2 (January 1, 1992): 421–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/li.16.2.09mur.

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Based on data from Romance historical phonology, Picard (1990) attempts to demonstrate that the preference theory for syllable structure developed in Vennemann (1988a), Murray (1988), and elsewhere is inadequate. In this response, I argue that Picard's criticisms are vitiated by a number of flaws including a) the fact that he misconstrues basic concepts of preference theory in a number of cases and accordingly develops false extensions which have little relevance to the original theory and b) that his criticism of consonantal strength does not take into consideration different theoretical frameworks. Although some substantive points remain including the status of sibilant plus plosive clusters, the internal structuring of syllables, and Proto-Romance syllabication, I argue that preference theory provides a suitable basis for the fruitful development of research along these lines.

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23

Golston, Chris. "Direct Optimality Theory: Representation as Pure Markedness." Language 72, no. 4 (December 1996): 713. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/416100.

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24

Pierce, Marc. "Optimality Theory: Phonology, Syntax, and Acquisition (review)." Language 78, no. 4 (2002): 824–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lan.2003.0053.

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25

Archangeli, Diana B. "A Thematic Guide to Optimality Theory (review)." Language 82, no. 4 (2006): 924–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lan.2006.0180.

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26

Hall, T. A. "Derived Environment Blocking Effects in Optimality Theory." Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 24, no. 3 (August 2006): 803–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11049-006-0003-5.

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27

Moira, Yip. "Cantonese loanword phonology and optimality theory." Journal of East Asian Linguistics 2, no. 3 (October 1993): 261–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01739135.

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28

Zubritskaya, Katya. "Mechanism of sound change in Optimality Theory." Language Variation and Change 9, no. 1 (March 1997): 121–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954394500001824.

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ABSTRACTIn this article I examine the ongoing loss of palatalization assimilation in Modern Standard Russian within the framework of Optimality Theory (OT) (McCarthy & Prince, 1993a; Prince & Smolensky, 1993) and show that this theory offers new, meaningful explanations for the role of markedness and naturalness in the mechanism of a sound change. I also argue that OT provides new possibilities for relating quantitative patterns to the formal principles of grammatical organization. In particular, in OT, suggested cross-linguistically invariant relations between phonological factors predict a general pattern of influence that these factors have on the quantitative outcome of a change. I suggest that a change operates as a gradual weakening or strengthening of whole subhierarchies of constraints with universally fixed rankings (constraint families, which implement markedness scales in OT). In an examination of variable data, I argue that the major differences in quantitative patterns mirror the fixed constraint ranking within such constraint families and constraint violation/nonviolation in OT grammar. I also discuss the problem of modeling variable data within OT, which, like other formal phonological theories, permits no output variation. I examine a grammar competition model explored in OT literature and argue instead for constraint competition with constraint weight in production.

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29

Rubach, Jerzy. "Derivation in Optimality Theory: A Reply to Burzio." Linguistic Inquiry 35, no. 4 (October 2004): 656–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/0024389042350541.

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This article argues against Burzio's (2001) reanalysis of Rubach's (2000b) glide and glottal stop insertion in the Slavic languages. It is shown that the reanalysis cannot account for the range of attested facts and that it leads to unwarranted extensions of Optimality Theory by relying on unrestricted targeted constraints. The conclusion is that Optimality Theory must admit derivational levels.

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30

Iwan, Karolina. "The Interaction of Yer Deletion and Nasal Assimilation in Optimality Theory." Research in Language 13, no. 2 (June 30, 2015): 162–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/rela-2015-0019.

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The problem of opacity presents a challenge for generative phonology. This paper examines the process of Nasal Assimilation in Polish rendered opaque by the process of Vowel Deletion in Optimality Theory (Prince & Smolensky, 1993), which currently is a dominating model for phonological analysis. The opaque interaction of the two processes exposes the inadequacy of standard Optimality Theory arising from the fact that standard OT is a non-derivational theory. It is argued that only by introducing intermediate levels can Optimality Theory deal with complex cases of opaque interactions.

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31

Dinnsen, Daniel A. "New insights from optimality theory for acquisition." Clinical Linguistics & Phonetics 15, no. 1-2 (January 2001): 15–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3109/02699200109167623.

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32

Flynn, Darin. "Floating yet grounded: Feature transmutation in Optimality Theory." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 56, no. 3 (November 2011): 377–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000841310000205x.

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AbstarctIt is argued that proxy relations between feature-defining and enhancing gestures in the phonetics can become phonologized. The article proposes Optimality-theoretic markedness constraints, which are grounded in phonetic enhancement and which can compel a delinked/unparsed/floating feature to be realized with another feature (or prosodic element), giving the impression of featural transmutation. Among the phonological phenomena revisited are incomplete neutralization, devoicing, vocalization, and debuccalization.

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33

Koontz-Garboden, Andrew J. "The Derivational Residue in Phonological Optimality Theory (review)." Language 77, no. 2 (2001): 410–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lan.2001.0094.

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34

Downing, Laura J. "Modeling ungrammaticality in optimality theory (review)." Language 87, no. 2 (2011): 423–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lan.2011.0032.

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35

Kadenge, Maxwell, and Calisto Mudzingwa. "Diphthong simplification through spreading: An Optimality Theory account." Language Matters 42, no. 1 (July 2011): 142–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10228195.2011.569740.

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36

Kadenge, Maxwell. "Hiatus resolution in Nambya: An Optimality Theory analysis." Language Matters 44, no. 1 (March 2013): 94–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10228195.2012.716859.

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37

Idsardi, William J. "A Simple Proof That Optimality Theory Is Computationally Intractable." Linguistic Inquiry 37, no. 2 (April 2006): 271–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling.2006.37.2.271.

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Adapting arguments from Eisner 1997, 2000, this remark provides a simple proof that the generation problem for Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 2004) is NP-hard. The proof needs only the binary evaluation of constraints and uses only constraints generally employed in the Optimality Theory literature. In contrast, rule-based derivational systems are easily computable, belonging to the class of polynomialtime algorithms, P (Eisner 2000).

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38

ANTTILA, A., and V. FONG. "The Partitive Constraint in Optimality Theory." Journal of Semantics 17, no. 4 (November 1, 2000): 281–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jos/17.4.281.

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39

Colina, Sonia. "Galician geada: In defense of underspecification in Optimality Theory." Lingua 133 (September 2013): 84–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.lingua.2013.04.003.

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40

Anne-Michelle Tessier. "Optimality theory, phonological acquisition and disorders (review)." Language 86, no. 3 (2010): 716–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lan.2010.0003.

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41

Payne, John, and Erika Chisarik. "Negation and focus in Hungarian: an Optimality Theory account." Transactions of the Philological Society 98, no. 1 (May 2000): 185–230. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-968x.00062.

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42

Keer, Edward. "Anti-*that- trace Effects in Norwegian and Optimality Theory." Nordic Journal of Linguistics 22, no. 2 (December 1999): 183–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03325860050179245.

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This article argues that the difference between English and Norwegian with respect to the presence of a complementizer in embedded subject questions is attributable to a larger difference between the two languages, namely that Norwegian is a verb second language while English is not. Verb second forces subject wh- phrases to move to the specifier of a higher projection in Norwegian. The movement creates the need for a complementizer. In English, there is no such pressure for subject wh- phrases to move. Therefore there is no need for a complementizer. The so called anti-*that- trace effects in Norwegian and their lack in English supports the use of ranked and violable constraints in an Optimality-Theoretic system.

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43

Nagy, Naomi, and Bill Reynolds. "Optimality Theory and variable word-final deletion in Faetar." Language Variation and Change 9, no. 1 (March 1997): 37–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954394500001782.

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ABSTRACTWe examine a pattern of end-of-word deletion in Faetar, a Francoprovençal dialect spoken in southern Italy, considering synchronic variants like [brókələ] ˜ [brókəl] ˜ [brókə] ˜ [brok] ‘fork’. We use the word “deletion” as a synchronic description of the facts; speakers do not always phonetically produce everything in the input form, assuming that the input form is the longest form ever produced. Optimality Theory accounts for this type of variation by positing different rankings of the constraint hierarchy, each of which produces a different optimal output. The predication of alternate constraint rankings within a single dialect, however, poses problems for Optimality Theory as it has been formulated, necessitating numerous grammars for each speaker. We propose floating constraints (Reynolds, 1994), whereby some particular constraint within a single grammar may be represented as falling anywhere within a designated range in the ranking hierarchy. In a previous study (Reynolds & Nagy, 1994) we showed that this model accounts for the distribution of types of output forms produced. Here, we analyze a corpus of 624 tokens from 40 speakers and show that the pattern of distribution of tokens is accounted for as well: the number of rankings that produce each output form is closely correlated to the number of output forms that occur in the data set.

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44

Pennington, Martha C. "Real language phonology: Optimality Theory meets sociolinguistics." Journal of Sociolinguistics 6, no. 3 (August 2002): 418–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9481.00195.

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45

DEKKER, P., and R. VAN ROOY. "Bi-Directional Optimality Theory: An Application of Game Theory." Journal of Semantics 17, no. 3 (August 1, 2000): 217–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jos/17.3.217.

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46

XU, ZHENG, and MARK ARONOFF. "A Realization Optimality Theory approach to blocking and extended morphological exponence." Journal of Linguistics 47, no. 3 (April 8, 2011): 673–707. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002222671100003x.

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Blocking in inflection occurs when a morphological exponent prevents the application of another exponent expressing the same feature value, thus barring the occurrence of multiple exponents of a single morphosyntactic feature value. In instances of extended exponence, more than one exponent in the same word realizes the same feature value. We provide a unified account of blocking and extended exponence that combines a realizational approach to inflection with Optimality Theory (Realization Optimality Theory), encoding morphological realization rules as ranked violable constraints. The markedness constraint *Feature Split bars the realization of any morphosyntactic feature value by more than one exponent. If *Feature Split ranks lower than two or more realization constraints expressing the same feature value, then we observe extended exponence. Otherwise, we find blocking of lower-ranked exponents. We show that Realization Optimality Theory is superior to various alternative approaches to blocking and extended morphological exponence.

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47

Riggle, Jason. "The Complexity of Ranking Hypotheses in Optimality Theory." Computational Linguistics 35, no. 1 (March 2009): 47–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/coli.07-031-r2-06-98.

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Given a constraint set with k constraints in the framework of Optimality Theory (OT), what is its capacity as a classification scheme for linguistic data? One useful measure of this capacity is the size of the largest data set of which each subset is consistent with a different grammar hypothesis. This measure is known as the Vapnik-Chervonenkis dimension (VCD) and is a standard complexity measure for concept classes in computational learnability theory. In this work, I use the three-valued logic of Elementary Ranking Conditions to show that the VCD of Optimality Theory with k constraints is k-1. Analysis of OT in terms of the VCD establishes that the complexity of OT is a well-behaved function of k and that the ‘hardness’ of learning in OT is linear in k for a variety of frameworks that employ probabilistic definitions of learnability.

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48

CARDOSO, WALCIR. "MLJ Reviews: Doing Optimality Theory: Applying Theory to Data. by MCCARTHY, JOHN J." Modern Language Journal 94, no. 3 (August 18, 2010): 524–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-4781.2010.01081.x.

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49

Probert, Philomen. "Ancient Greek Accentuation in Generative Phonology and Optimality Theory." Language and Linguistics Compass 4, no. 1 (November 4, 2009): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1749-818x.2009.00176.x.

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50

Xu, Zheng. "Teaching and Learning Guide for: Optimality Theory and Morphology." Language and Linguistics Compass 5, no. 11 (November 2011): 829–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1749-818x.2011.00314.x.

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