Relevant bibliographies by topics / Option citoyenne (Political movement)

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Academic literature on the topic 'Option citoyenne (Political movement)'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 3 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Option citoyenne (Political movement)"

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Patsias, Caroline, and Sylvie Patsias. "Nouvelles instances participatives et contre-pouvoirs : Fung et Wright «revisités» à partir des expériences marseillaises et québécoises." Canadian Journal of Political Science 42, no. 2 (June 2009): 387–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423909090404.

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Résumé. Selon Fung et Wright, la mise en place d'une gouvernance participative impliquerait l'apparition de contre-pouvoirs spécifiques, différents de ceux qui caractérisent les espaces politiques «agonistiques» dans lesquels opèrent les mouvements sociaux. Nous discutons ces conclusions à partir d'une comparaison des rôles joués par des comités de citoyens à Marseille et à Québec dans l'émergence et l'activité d'instances participatives nouvelles. À l'inverse des deux auteurs, nous soulignons que, dans certains cas au moins, la mise en place d'une gouvernance plus participative ne saurait se passer de l'existence de mouvements sociaux, et que certaines des «qualités» que Fung et Wright prêtent aux contre-pouvoirs spécifiques des nouvelles instances participatives peuvent favoriser, au contraire, des logiques de cooptation, néfastes aux pratiques de la démocratie participative. Nous terminons cette discussion par une réflexion plus générale sur les façons de penser le conflit en science politique et sur leur pertinence épistémologique et heuristique.Abstract. According to Fung and Wright, the establishment of participatory governance involves specific stakeholders, different from those characterizing the “antagonistic” political spaces in which social movements operate. We discuss these conclusions via a comparison of roles played by citizens' committees in Marseille and Quebec City in the emergence of new participatory instances. Contrary to the two authors, we stress that, at least in certain cases, the establishment of more participatory governance could not occur without the existence of social movements. More precisely, some features that Fung and Wright attribute to participatory stakeholders could, on the contrary, favour co-optation, harmful to the practices of participatory democracy. We complete this discussion with a more general overview of ways of perceiving the conflict in political science and their epistemological and heuristic relevance.
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Hamilton, Paul. "Animal Liberation: A View from Political Science." Brock Review 12, no. 1 (March 20, 2011): 129–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/br.v12i1.336.

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Political Science has tended not to problematize human domination over nonhuman animals. Political scientists have been engaged intellectually and politically with other struggles for justice and citizenship leading one to question the apparent indifference to the issue of ‘animal rights’. This paper accounts for the absence of animals in political science research and suggests that recent scholarship has begun to take animal liberation seriously. The paper then looks at the options for the broader animal liberation movement and suggests that incremental change is the best and only option for animal advocates in contemporary liberal democracies.
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Silber, Stefan. "Latin American Liberation Theology as a Transforming Political Theology." Interreligious Studies and Intercultural Theology 2, no. 2 (October 9, 2018): 177–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/37328.

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Latin American Liberation Theology is a transforming theology in two senses: It is able to transform reality, as it has shown in these past decades, and it is transforming itself. This article shows how both types of meaning interweave. The transformations of Liberation Theology enable it to continuously adapt itself to new challenges in history. At present, this global theological movement is diversifying, or even fragmenting, in order to propose creative and effective solutions to different problems. Specifically, the Option for the Poor, which is at Liberation Theology’s core, currently presents profound challenges to European and Western theologies.
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Pirro, Andrea L. P., and Pietro Castelli Gattinara. "MOVEMENT PARTIES OF THE FAR RIGHT: THE ORGANIZATION AND STRATEGIES OF NATIVIST COLLECTIVE ACTORS*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 23, no. 3 (September 1, 2018): 367–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-23-3-367.

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The scholarship on the far right has often interpreted nativist organizations as straddling the conceptual space between party and movement. These groups contest elections in order to gain representation in office, yet they also seek to mobilize public support to engage contentious issues like social movements. Despite theoretical commonalities, very little empirical research has focused on far-right “movement parties” as collective actors operating both in the protest and the electoral arenas. The article redresses this inconsistency by exploring the organizational and strategic configuration of two far-right collective actors—the Hungarian Jobbik and the Italian CasaPound. Deploying original interviews with high-ranking officials, the analysis enhances our understanding of the internal “supply side” of the far right as well as empirical knowledge on hybrid organizations that emerge from grassroots activism and successively organize to pursue the electoral option.
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Blühdorn, Ingolfur. "Option Grün: Alliance 90/The Greens at the Dawn of New Opportunities?" German Politics and Society 27, no. 2 (June 1, 2009): 45–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2009.270204.

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Following the end of their government coalition with the Social Democratic Party, German Green Party leaders spoke of "a dawn of new opportunities" for Alliance 90/The Greens. They wanted to capitalize on the strategic opportunities afforded by Germany's new five-party system and on the unexpected rise of climate change in public debate. Shortly before the 2009 federal election, however, the party's "new opportunities" seem rather limited. Selectively focusing on one particular explanatory factor, this article contrasts the Green's neo-radical eco-political position as it has emerged since 2005 with the ways in which environmental issues are addressed by the currently popular LOHAS (Life of Health and Sustainability) consumer movement. It suggests that the German Greens may have paid too little attention to the ongoing reframing of the environmental issue in public discourse and that this has impaired their prospects for a swift return to government office.
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ATKIN, MURIEL. "ADEEB KHALID, The Politics of Muslim Cultural Reform. Jadidism in Central Asia, Comparative Studies on Muslim Societies (Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London: University of California Press, 1998). Pp. 353." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 2 (May 2001): 313–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801322067.

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This book focuses on the cultural dimensions of the Central Asian form of an Islamic modernist movement, Jadidism, which arose among several groups of Muslims of the Russian Empire in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Politics was not an option for the Jadidists until the final years of the czarist monarchy and the early revolutionary period, so the author relegates that aspect of the movement to the later chapters. To the extent that involvement in politics in Russia became possible, Central Asian Jadidists sought to participate, not to pursue either isolationism or separatism. According to the author, Russian officials were the ones who mistakenly assumed that Jadidism posed a separatist threat; subsequent generations of scholars misperceived the movement through the lens of those fears. The author argues that culture is a significant dimension of the movement in its own right. It mattered in Central Asia both in the rivalry between the Jadidists and traditionalists for leadership of the region's Muslims and as a way for educated Muslims to preserve their distinctiveness within the Russian Empire.
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DOWLING, ANDREW. "Prohibition, Tolerance, Co-option: Cultural Appropriation and Francoism in Catalonia, 1939–75." Contemporary European History 27, no. 3 (July 23, 2018): 370–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777318000267.

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Dictatorships, autocracies and authoritarian political systems must adapt if they wish to survive. The long-lasting dictatorship of Franco's Spain (1939–75) underwent a series of internal adaptations during its almost forty years of existence. The initial project of the Franco regime, which included the destruction of its social and political enemies, lasted until the end of the Second World War. The second phase, marked by a failed autarkic experiment, ended in 1959. The economic change that followed entailed a moderate opening in political terms, whilst maintaining a dictatorial apparatus. This article examines a further feature in the evolution of the Franco regime which initially sought to impose a monolithic national identity (Spanish) by means of the repression of its national minorities (Basque, Catalan, Galician and so on). Due to the absence of a violent political movement as existed in the Basque Country in the form of ETA, Catalonia is a particularly fruitful source to examine the shifts that took place in the Franco regime's policy towards Spain's historic nationalities. This article focuses on the intermediate spaces that appeared between overt opposition on the one hand and active collaboration on the other. This article assesses the evolving policy towards Catalan culture and identity during the dictatorship. I find three main phases in the regime's strategy: repression, followed by comparative tolerance with a final phase of the co-option of Catalan culture, for the purposes of regime legitimation.
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Martin, Lisa. "Music Education in the Era of School Choice." Music Educators Journal 105, no. 1 (September 2018): 39–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0027432118788130.

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School choice has become an increasingly available option for families in the United States. Given the current political climate, music educators must better understand the various dimensions of the school choice movement and how it may affect the music classroom. Following a brief history of school choice, this article offers a look at the movement’s influence on the music teacher workforce, music curricula, and funding for music education. Recommendations surrounding the equity of school music opportunities are explored.
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ALMadani, Ahmed. "The new Hamas document: An analytical reading of its development and application." Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik 30, no. 4 (December 31, 2017): 406. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/mkp.v30i42017.406-417.

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The Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) has been the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people since the creation of the Palestinian. The PLO adopted the option of armed struggle against the Israeli occupation, but ended with the signing of the Oslo accords between the Palestine Liberation Organization and Israel in the 1990s. The Islamic Resistance Movement in Palestine (Hamas) was established in the 1980s. Hamas developed its political ideas through a new political document resulted in a new vision to resolve the Palestinian-Israeli conflict by transforming the conflict from religious conflict to political conflict and accepting the establishment of a Palestinian state on the 1967 borders as a common ground between the Palestinian movements and parties, while the armed struggle remains a path of resistance. The purpose of this article is to truly understand this development and the possibility of its application on the ground or not, by clarifying the differences between the ideas of the former and the new Hamas, The researcher relied on a number of academic articles and political research in addition to the political TV shows that talked about the new document, the Arab and international positions of this document, The result of this article is that the Palestinian Hamas movement as a Palestinian resistance movement is capable of political development and finding the alternatives available to solve the Palestinian file while preserving the Palestinian national constants. The Conclusion is the Palestinian Hamas movement is developing with the developments of regional and international events and political development has been partially accepted internationally, Hamas have to work more in the political field to balance between political development and the Palestinian constants.
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Thorkelson, Eli. "Two Failures of Left Internationalism." French Politics, Culture & Society 36, no. 3 (September 1, 2018): 143–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2018.360309.

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After the unsuccessful end of the spring 2009 French university movement, faculty and student activists searched for new political strategies. One promising option was an internationalist project that sought to unite anti-Bologna Project movements across Europe. Yet an ethnographic study of two international counter-summits in Brussels (March 2010) and Dijon (May 2011) shows that this strategy was unsuccessful. This article explores the causes of these failures, arguing that activist internationalism became caught in a trap of political mimesis, and that the form of official international summits was incompatible with activists’ temporal, representational, and reflexive needs.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Option citoyenne (Political movement)"

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Lachance, Johanne. "Identités militantes et identité collective : le cas d'Option citoyenne." Thèse, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/7477.

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Books on the topic "Option citoyenne (Political movement)"

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David, Françoise. Bien commun recherché: Une option citoyenne. Montréal: Éditions Écosociété, 2004.

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Book chapters on the topic "Option citoyenne (Political movement)"

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Ouaissa, Rachid. "Algeria: Between Transformation and Re-Configuration." In Re-Configurations, 51–64. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-31160-5_4.

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Abstract This chapter analyzes the re-configurations of the Algerian political system. It explains the (re)establishment of power alliances and traces power shifts through oil price fluctuations on the global market, laying out the concomitant instability of systems of co-option based on the distribution of rent. In times of power crises, the state class is prepared to make concessions, such as economic and political liberalizations. Since February 2019, however, an unprecedented mass social mobilization has been underway. The Hirak movement disrupted the order within the state class and forced President Bouteflika to step down, but the regime, under military leadership, tried to reconfigure the political system once again by eliminating old clans and striking new alliances. This is the story of a political system’s re-configurations that seek to sustain the old order by building new alliances.
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Malleck, Dan. "S. E. Nicholson, ‘The Local-Option Movement’, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 32, November 1908, 1–5." In Drugs, Alcohol and Addiction in the Long Nineteenth Century, 248–51. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429436086-28.

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Flesher Fominaya, Cristina. "15-M and Podemos." In Democracy Reloaded, 221–49. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190099961.003.0011.

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Chapter 10, “15-M and Podemos: Explaining the Puzzle of the ‘Electoral Turn,’ ” explores the relationship between 15-M and Podemos to answer a central puzzle that arises from the case of 15-M: How did so many members of a movement that was radically committed to critiquing representative democracy embrace the Podemos electoral initiative less than three years later while still claiming allegiance to the spirit and identity of the 15-M movement? It argues that party strategists engaged in extensive discursive work to overcome their cognitive dissonance and realign their activist identities to embrace an electoral option without reneging their 15-M identity. Podemos managed to convince 15-M activists by offering the promise of integrating core elements of 15-M political culture into the party, including autonomy, feminism, and a digitally enabled hacker ethic.
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Prewitt, Kenneth. "Pressures Mount." In What Is "Your" Race? Princeton University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691157030.003.0008.

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This chapter introduces pressures that challenge the role of statistical races in today's policy environment. One pressure is multiraciality as exemplified in the “mark one or more” census option introduced in 2000. A second pressure pulling in a similar direction is diversity as a policy goal, now widely embraced from the military to the corporation to the university. The third pressure is the color-blind movement. This is in response to the dilemma of recognition, a phrase indicating that making race groups beneficiaries of policy can itself intensify group identities. These three pressures weaken the hold of statistical races and in so doing open up political space for fresh thinking about racial measurement.
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Journal articles
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