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Journal articles on the topic 'Orators Orators'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 3 February 2022

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1

Steel, Catherine. "IV The Orator's Education." New Surveys in the Classics 36 (2006): 63–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383506000210.

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The order of chapters in this book may seem paradoxical: the finished orator is considered before the processes by which he reached that state are examined. The order is indeed back-to-front from the perspective of an individual orator's trajectory, whose training must inevitably precede his activity. But in the wider context of an attempt to understand the nature of oratorical training in the Roman world it makes sense to move from the practising orator back to the embryonic form, since the expectations and norms imposed on the fully fledged orator are the foundations which support the system of oratorical education. This observation does not imply any necessary confidence that Roman oratorical education was designed for the creation of orators who met the criteria for and defused the anxieties about oratory which I discussed in the previous chapter. And even if the material which a modern audience can access did suggest that Roman oratorical education was indeed good at producing Roman orators, there is of course no guarantee that actual practice in classrooms across the Empire bore any relation to these writings or displayed any competence at its task. But an awareness of the practice of oratory can usefully inform analysis of how orators were trained.

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2

Gagarin, Michael. "The Poetry of Justice: Hesiod and the Origins of Greek Law." Ramus 21, no. 1 (1992): 61–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00002678.

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A growing area of contemporary legal scholarship is the field loosely described by the expression ‘law and literature’. One of the many points of intersection between law and literature is the study of legal writing, including the opinions of judges and jurists, as a form of literature. Scholars began to study the works of the Attic orators as literature as early as the first century BC, but their specific concern was with these texts as examples of Attic prose and their literary interest primarily concerned matters of rhetoric and prose style. Similarly, modern scholars who have continued this study of the orators have generally examined legal orations not as a separate genre but as another example of prose literature in the same category with history or epideictic oratory. But forensic oratory can also be studied as a form of literature sui generis, whose worth is determined by the special requirements of this genre. As background for such a study I propose to examine the earliest examples of legal oratory, as seen in the works of Homer and Hesiod.

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3

Steel, Catherine. "Introduction." New Surveys in the Classics 36 (2006): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383506000179.

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The focus of this survey is on oratory as a spoken phenomenon, intimately related to politics and government at Rome. Its chronological scope is roughly from the beginning of the second century B.C. until the end of the first century A.D.; it has no pretensions to offer a guide to oratory in the later Empire. Its geographical focus is firmly on Rome, reflecting the overwhelming bias in our source material. I start with the occasions for oratory in Rome and turn then to the issues which arise from the process of turning a speech, delivered in front of an audience on a particular occasion, into a written text which can be accessed and enjoyed in private and at any time. I then consider some of the means by which orators of the imperial period explored different means of preserving their oratorical activities for posterity. In the final two chapters I concentrate on orators themselves: how they carried out their task, and reflected upon it, as adult practitioners, and then how boys became the next generation of orators.

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4

Calloway‐Thomas, Carolyn, and Deborah Atwater. "William G. Allen: On “orators and oratory“." Rhetoric Society Quarterly 16, no. 1-2 (January 1986): 31–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02773948609390735.

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5

Cohen, Charles L., and David A. McCants. "Patrick Henry, the Orator. Great American Orators." Journal of Southern History 58, no. 4 (November 1992): 698. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2210794.

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6

Steel, Catherine. "III The Practising Orator." New Surveys in the Classics 36 (2006): 45–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383506000209.

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We have already seen how public speaking was central, during the Republican period, to the operation of the Roman state; and how, despite radical political change between Republic and Empire, oratory retained its position as a key skill for the politically active elite. The importance of oratory made it, in turn, both the vehicle of and the focus for sustained critiques of the behaviour and values of Rome in general and the elite in particular. In this chapter I turn to the figure of the orator and consider how the expectations concerning his behaviour are set up. Technical works on rhetoric, anecdotes about individual orators and surviving oratorical texts can supplement surviving texts of speeches in the task of establishing what the Romans thought their speakers should do and be and how they criticised those who failed to meet these criteria.

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7

Hodgson, Louise. "‘A FADED REFLECTION OF THE GRACCHI’: ETHICS, ELOQUENCE AND THE PROBLEM OF SULPICIUS IN CICERO'S DE ORATORE." Classical Quarterly 67, no. 1 (March 16, 2017): 163–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000983881700012x.

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This paper is as much about a particular depiction of the tribune P. Sulpicius Rufus as it is about Cicero's De Oratore, a dialogue regularly called upon by historians to give evidence on the 90s b.c. and the characters who take part in the conversation it depicts. My main focus is literary: I will argue that, given what we know about the historical Sulpicius, Cicero's choice of Sulpicius for a prominent minor role in De Oratore drives the tragic historical framework that undercuts the optimism expressed within the dialogue by the main protagonist L. Licinius Crassus for the civic value of oratory. The Rhetorica ad Herennium illustrates a certain type of allegory with the statement ‘as if one should call Drusus a “faded reflection of the Gracchi”’. In De Oratore, Drusus’ friend and successor Sulpicius functions as a reflection of the Gracchi and his eloquence reinforces the problem posed by such orators as the notoriously eloquent Gaius Gracchus for any such grand claims about the civic value of oratory. By examining Cicero's use of relatively recent history, we therefore discover that De Oratore is significantly more pessimistic than it may at first seem. This pessimism, however, has important implications for historians, since expanding our understanding of De Oratore as a literary construct should encourage historians to be significantly more cautious about using the text as a historical source. As Görler points out with regard to Crassus’ swansong at De or. 3.4–5, although ‘a naive reader of Oratorum Romanorum Fragmenta could be left with the impression that some sentences are quite well attested’, most of the fragments of Crassus’ speech can actually be traced back to De Oratore. Likewise, a significant proportion of the standard elements in Sulpicius’ backstory go back to De Oratore and become a great deal less convincing once we accept De Oratore as a sustained fictional account featuring people who were neither as politically ‘safe’ nor as intellectually united as Cicero would have them be. My secondary focus in this paper is therefore on the broader lessons to be drawn from Sulpicius’ role in De Oratore. I will begin by outlining the historical context of the dialogue, which was written in the mid 50s but is set in 91, a few weeks before the natural death of Crassus, one of its two protagonists. Next, I will discuss the dialogue's literary context, specifically the Platonic allusions Cicero embeds within the text. These allusions encourage us to treat De Oratore’s historical framework carefully, if not sceptically, and I will outline the ‘off notes’ struck by references to the Gracchi and by the presentation of Crassus and Antonius before examining the problem Sulpicius poses for a straightforwardly optimistic reading of De Oratore. I will conclude by considering first the literary implications for De Oratore of accepting that Sulpicius is a deliberately problematic character and then the historical implications of taking a sceptical approach towards De Oratore as an historical source for our picture of Sulpicius.

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8

Spatharas, Dimos. "Persuasive Γελωζ: Public Speaking and the Use of Laughter." Mnemosyne 59, no. 3 (2006): 374–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852506778132383.

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AbstractThis paper aims to interpret the function of laughter in Greek oratory. Investigation of relevant passages in the preserved speeches of the Attic orators and rhetorical meta-texts shows how laughter propels the establishment of each one of the three kinds of εντεχνoι πíστειζ ('artistic' proofs), namely argument, êthos and pathos.

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9

Goodrich, Peter. "We Orators." Modern Law Review 53, no. 4 (July 1990): 546–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2230.1990.tb02837.x.

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10

Othman, Mohd Ala-uddin, Zulazhan Ab Halim, Mohd Shahrizal Nasir, Mohd Fauzi Abd Hamid, and Mohd Firdaus Yahya. "Knowledge of Nonverbal Communication in Friday Sermons." Revista Gestão Inovação e Tecnologias 11, no. 4 (August 21, 2021): 4817–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.47059/revistageintec.v11i4.2506.

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This study identified the level of nonverbal communication knowledge (KNV) among Friday sermon orators. Friday sermons are observed to be an important medium at conveying important messages and reminders to the Muslim community, which is held every Friday. The technique of delivering a sermon will have a great impact on the congregation who listens to the sermon. This is becasue an impactful verbal delivery which is accompanied nonverbally, will provide an optimal impact to its audience. The combination of nonverbal and verbal communication will also increase the effectiveness of the sermon. This is because KNV is an important factor in attracting the audience’s interest and attention at continuing to listen to the sermon while receiving the conveyed message. Therefore, KNV is essentially needed by an effective sermon orator. This study is a quantitative research, which used a survey method involving 82 orators who responded to the questionnaire in order to find out the level of their on KNV. The findings show that the KNV among these Friday sermon orators who are based in Hulu Terengganu District achieve an overall mean which is at a moderately high level of 3.42, namely physical appearance 3.72, limb movement 3.28, facial expression 3.28, occultic 3.09, vocal 3.52 and chronological 3.60. Findings from this study is expected to encourage sermon orators to pay more attention on KNV during sermon delivery so that important messages can be effectively conveyed to the Muslim community and achieve the desired goals.

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Othman, Mohd Ala-uddin, Zulazhan Ab Halim, Mohd Shahrizal Nasir, Mohd Fauzi Abd Hamid, and Mohd Firdaus Yahya. "Knowledge of Nonverbal Communication in Friday Sermons." Revista Gestão Inovação e Tecnologias 11, no. 4 (August 21, 2021): 4806–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.47059/revistageintec.v11i4.2505.

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This study identified the level of nonverbal communication knowledge (KNV) among Friday sermon orators. Friday sermons are observed to be an important medium at conveying important messages and reminders to the Muslim community, which is held every Friday. The technique of delivering a sermon will have a great impact on the congregation who listens to the sermon. This is becasue an impactful verbal delivery which is accompanied nonverbally, will provide an optimal impact to its audience. The combination of nonverbal and verbal communication will also increase the effectiveness of the sermon. This is because KNV is an important factor in attracting the audience’s interest and attention at continuing to listen to the sermon while receiving the conveyed message. Therefore, KNV is essentially needed by an effective sermon orator. This study is a quantitative research, which used a survey method involving 82 orators who responded to the questionnaire in order to find out the level of their on KNV. The findings show that the KNV among these Friday sermon orators who are based in Hulu Terengganu District achieve an overall mean which is at a moderately high level of 3.42, namely physical appearance 3.72, limb movement 3.28, facial expression 3.28, occultic 3.09, vocal 3.52 and chronological 3.60. Findings from this study is expected to encourage sermon orators to pay more attention on KNV during sermon delivery so that important messages can be effectively conveyed to the Muslim community and achieve the desired goals.

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12

Rowe, Galen O., and Michael Edwards. "The Attic Orators." Classical World 90, no. 5 (1997): 372. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4351967.

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13

Butler, Shane. "Orators Under Augustus." Classical Review 55, no. 2 (October 2005): 535–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/clrevj/bni291.

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14

Drife, James. "Lecturers and orators." Obstetrician & Gynaecologist 20, no. 2 (April 2018): 142. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/tog.12482.

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15

Jackson, Cherelle. "REVIEW: The brutally honest Orator." Pacific Journalism Review 18, no. 1 (May 31, 2012): 243. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v18i1.304.

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Review of: The Orator (O Le Tulafale), written and directed by Tusi Tamasese. Apia: Samoa, 2011. 1hr 50min. theoratorfilm.co.nz‘You know why women don’t want to be Orators, because they don’t want to show their breasts in public.’ This is how Samoan High Chief Tagaloa spoke, squinting through his leathery brown skin framed by a light trim of siga (white hair) as he spoke to Saili, the main actor in the feature film The Orator. When this was said, my 8-year-old nephew Barry Uelese Sapatu nudged me in the Magik Cinema in Apia and said: ‘But aunty, Grandma is an orator, and she doesn’t show her breasts in public, or does she?’

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16

Eber-Schmid, Noah. "Patriots in the Court of Pandæmonium: People, Paradox, and the Making of American Zealots." Review of Politics 82, no. 4 (2020): 571–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670520000571.

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AbstractPolitical theorists often interrogate the constitution of “the people” as a formal theoretical problem. They have paid less attention, however, to how this problem confronts actors directly engaged in political crises, not as a problem of formal theory, but as an urgent problem of practice. Between 1771 and 1783, prominent Bostonians delivered passionate orations to memorialize the Boston Massacre on the annual observance of “Massacre Day.” Rather than focusing abstractly on the people as a formal problem, I turn to this neglected political holiday, examining it through the lenses of affect, performance, and narrative, to demonstrate how orators confronted the pressing problem of making a people. Using public rituals and speech to promote an identity that united powerful emotions with political principles, orators negotiated the paradoxical nature of the people by constructing a model of subjectivity, the patriotic zealot, that intensified political differences and motivated extreme political action.

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17

Kennerly, Michele. "Sermo and Stoic Sociality in Cicero's De Officiis." Rhetorica 28, no. 2 (2010): 119–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2010.28.2.119.

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In his avowedly Stoic De Officiis, Cicero publicizes the persuasive power of a conversational manner, a communicative style consonant with Stoicism's emphasis on human togetherness. The relationships between and among conversation (sermo), Stoicism, and rhetoric call for scrutiny, especially since in other works Cicero decries the uselessness of Stoicism to orators of res publica. By connecting Stoicism with sermo, and sermo with oratory-glory, Cicero fits Stoicism to Rome's political contours and also ushers future leaders of public affairs into both rhetorical and philosophical conversation—mild-mannered modes of discourse—during a politically turbulent time.

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18

Ruchi Tandon and Shweta Singh. "Shift in the Status of Women Orators in India." Think India 19, no. 2 (June 15, 2016): 17–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.26643/think-india.v19i2.7784.

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A woman with a voice is by definition a strong woman. But the search to find that voice can be remarkably difficult. – Melinda Gates. It is a general notion that there are not many good women speakers. However, on careful scrutiny, one can find that there have been impactful and wonderful women speakers since time immemorial. The world history is a testimony to this fact. Undoubtedly in Hindu mythology ample respect is given to women consorts, people take the name of a Goddess before the name of God which is why people say Radha-Krishna, Sita-Ram, Gauri-Shankar etc. Importance of women can be seen in Mahabharata where Draupadi had an important role to play. Undoubtedly the power of women is quite known to all of us, how they manage and organize everything so well. In the day to day life also, a lot of attention is given to women in every field, many beautiful adjectives are used for describing them. They are the centre of attraction all the time. But it is very surprising that when the discussion on the topic of rhetoric is done only a had full of people are able to remember the names of the women orators. In this context, it is imperative to analyse the following questions: 1. Why do people not remember the names of any woman orator? 2. Are there lesser number of women speakers? 3. Is there gender inequality in this field? 4. Do we have more strong male orators than the female orators? 5. Is it because males are better speakers than females? 6. How different are men and women when it comes to speaking in public?

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19

Fredal, James. "Enthymemes in the Orators." Advances in the History of Rhetoric 19, no. 1 (January 2, 2016): 31–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15362426.2016.1137248.

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20

Usher, Stephen. "Apostrophe in Greek Oratory." Rhetorica 28, no. 4 (2010): 351–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2010.28.4.351.

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A full list of passages containing apostrophe, the figure of speech when a speaker turns away temporarily from his audience and addresses a third party, shows many more instances of it in later than earlier Greek oratory, reflecting the change from the more impersonal role of the speechwriter to that of the career politician who increased his influence by supporting clients robustly in the lawcourts. This paper also classifies the types of apostrophe and considers to what extent its presence may be due to the characters of particular orators and the cultural trends of the Fourth Century.

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21

Herren, Michael W. "The transmission and reception of Graeco-Roman mythology in Anglo-Saxon England, 670–800." Anglo-Saxon England 27 (December 1998): 87–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100004816.

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Rhetoricians, orators, and public speakers of all stripes, if asked the question, which Greek or Roman deity they should invoke in case of need, would surely answer ‘Hermes’ or ‘Mercury’. Members of this profession who also read early Latin-Old English glossaries might therefore be surprised to learn that the deus oratorum was none other than Priapus! This came as good news to me as one who occasionally looks for novel ways to arouse an audience. However, as I reflected further on the meaning of Épinal Glossary 10v32, my expectations wilted. Oratorum must be a simple error for hortorum, ‘of gardens’. Priapus may be fecundus, but he is not facundus.

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22

Volonaki, Eleni. "Religious Identity in Athenian Forensic Oratory: Public Cases of Eisangelia Trials." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek and Roman Political Thought 38, no. 1 (January 14, 2021): 47–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340308.

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Abstract Attic orators skillfully deployed reference to ancestral cults, sacred laws, traditional rites and other types of religious actions to construct religious identity as a means of persuasion. The present chapter explores the use of a variety of forms of religious argumentation and addresses issues of religious identity in public cases of eisangelia. Emphasis is placed on the question of how orators reconstruct ideal forms of religious identity in their arguments; particularly, the main interest of this chapter lies in the techniques by which orators use their religious argumentation to construct pictures of religious identity, both collective and individual, as well as their own identity.

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23

Heath, Malcolm. "Greek Literature." Greece and Rome 68, no. 1 (March 5, 2021): 114–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383520000285.

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I begin with a warm welcome for Evangelos Alexiou's Greek Rhetoric of the 4th Century bc, a ‘revised and slightly abbreviated’ version of the modern Greek edition published in 2016 (ix). Though the volume's title points to a primary focus on the fourth century, sufficient attention is given to the late fifth and early third centuries to provide context. As ‘rhetoric’ in the title indicates, the book's scope is not limited to oratory: Chapter 1 outlines the development of a rhetorical culture; Chapter 2 introduces theoretical debates about rhetoric (Plato, Isocrates, Alcidamas); and Chapter 3 deals with rhetorical handbooks (Anaximenes, Aristotle, and the theoretical precepts embedded in Isocrates). Oratory comes to the fore in Chapter 4, which introduces the ‘canon’ of ten Attic orators: in keeping with the fourth-century focus, Antiphon, Andocides, and Lysias receive no more than sporadic attention; conversely, extra-canonical fourth-century orators (Apollodorus, the author of Against Neaera, Hegesippus, and Demades) receive limited coverage. The remaining chapters deal with the seven major canonical orators: Isocrates, Demosthenes, Aeschines, Isaeus, Lycurgus, Hyperides, and Dinarchus. Each chapter follows the same basic pattern: life, work, speeches, style, transmission of text and reception. Isocrates and Demosthenes have additional sections on research trends and on, respectively, Isocratean ideology and issues of authenticity in the Demosthenic corpus. In the case of Isaeus, there is a brief discussion of contract oratory; Lycurgus is introduced as ‘the relentless prosecutor’. Generous extracts from primary sources are provided, in Greek and in English translation; small-type sections signal a level of detail that some readers may wish to pass over. The footnotes provide extensive references to older as well as more recent scholarship. The thirty-page bibliography is organized by chapter (a helpful arrangement in a book of this kind, despite the resulting repetition); the footnotes supply some additional references. Bibliographical supplements to the original edition have been supplied ‘only in isolated cases’ (ix). In short, this volume is a thorough, well-conceived, and organized synthesis that will be recognized, without doubt, as a landmark contribution. There are, inevitably, potential points of contention. The volume's subtitle, ‘the elixir of democracy and individuality’, ties rhetoric more closely to democracy and to Athens than is warranted: the precarious balancing act which acknowledges that rhetoric ‘has never been divorced from human activity’ while insisting that ‘its vital political space was the democracy of city-states’ (ix–x) seems to me untenable. Alexiou acknowledges that ‘the gift of speaking well, natural eloquence, was considered a virtue already by Homer's era’ (ix), and that ‘the natural gift of speaking well was considered a virtue’ (1). But the repeated insistence on natural eloquence is perplexing. Phoenix, in the embassy scene in Iliad 9, makes it clear that his remit included the teaching of eloquence (Il. 9.442, διδασκέμεναι): Alexiou only quotes the following line, which he mistakenly assigns to Book 10. (The only other typo that I noticed was ‘Aritsotle’ [97]. I, too, have a tendency to mistype the Stagirite's name, though my own automatic transposition is, alas, embarrassingly scatological.) Alexiou provides examples of later Greek assessments of fourth-century orators, including (for example) Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Hermogenes, and the author of On Sublimity (the reluctance to commit to the ‘pseudo’ prefix is my, not Alexiou's, reservation). He observes cryptically that ‘we are aware of Didymus’ commentary’ (245); but the extensive late ancient scholia, which contain material from Menander's Demosthenic commentaries, disappointingly evoke no sign of awareness.

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24

Herhiyeu, A. A. "Speaker-audience interaction in British and Belarusian public speeches." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of Belarus, Humanitarian Series 64, no. 2 (May 18, 2019): 176–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.29235/2524-2369-2019-64-2-176-181.

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The article is dedicated to the speaker-audience interaction in British and Belarusian oratory. Two t ypes of speeches are analyzed: epideictic and argumentative. Some genre and culture-specific features are revealed. In particular, the speaker in epideictic speech interacts with their audience mainly via inclusive we and appeals to shared k nowledge while interaction in the argumentative speech has a more sophisticated nature. British speakers tend to use less categorical directives (let’s +infinitive constructions, modals of necessity, performative constructions) while in Belarusian speeches obligatory modals prevail. The peculiarities are based on different culture types: individualistic – for British orators and collectivistic – for Belarusian counterparts.

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25

Edwards, Michael J. "Antiphon and the Beginnings of Athenian Literary Oratory." Rhetorica 18, no. 3 (2000): 227–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2000.18.3.227.

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Abstract: The development of an oratorical literary genre is connected with the work of Antiphon, the first in the canon of ten Attic orators. This paper argues against the modern view that the beginnings of literary oratory date to the 420s B.C. when Antiphon began publishing his speeches. It argues that this view depends on a mistaken conception of literacy in the ancient world and that Antiphon's speech-writing activities began much earlier. The argument is based on references to Antiphon in contemporary and later sources, the dating of his speeches, the authenticity and dating of the Tetralogies, and Antiphon's reputation in antiquity as the first logographer.

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26

Dobsevage, A. P., and Stephen C. Daitz. "Selections from the Greek Orators." Classical World 86, no. 4 (1993): 363. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4351372.

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27

Schmitz, Thomas. "Plausibility in the Greek Orators." American Journal of Philology 121, no. 1 (2000): 47–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ajp.2000.0014.

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28

D'Elia, Anthony F. "Marriage, Sexual Pleasure, and Learned Brides in the Wedding Orations of Fifteenth-Century Italy." Renaissance Quarterly 55, no. 2 (2002): 379–433. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1262314.

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In the fifteenth century, Guarino Guarini, Ludovico Carbone, Francesco Filelfo, and other humanists composed and delivered Latin orations at courtly weddings in Ferrara, Naples, and Milan. In these epithalatmia, which are mostly unpublished, orators adapt a classically inspired conception of marriage to Italian court culture. They defend physical beauty and sexual pleasure, praise learned brides, and assert the importance of mutual affection, revealing a complex picture of ideal gender relations in courts. Against the ancient and Christian anti-marriage ascetic traditions, humanists offer biblical, philosophical, political, economic, and hedonistic arguments in defense of marriage.

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29

Gärtner, Thomas. "Pity in the rhetorical theory and practice of classical Greece." Rhetorica 22, no. 1 (2004): 25–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2004.22.1.25.

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AbstractDuring the rise and growth of the Greek art of oratory in the fifth and fourth centuries B.C. the development of open and systematic techniques for awakening and encouraging a sense of pity can be observed both in rhetoric proper (the ten Attic orators) and in associated literary genres influenced by rhetoric (Historiography and Tragedy). These are classified—most notably by reference to the writings of Plato and Aristotle—in the light of rhetorical theory and significant examples are provided. Three techniques are investigated: (1.) the direct use of instances of pity, without elaboration, (2.) the development of axioms concerning the nature of pity, and (3.) systematic approaches to the awakening of pity.

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30

Burns, Timothy W. "Hobbes and Dionysius of Halicarnassus on Thucydides, Rhetoric and Political Life." Polis 31, no. 2 (August 15, 2014): 387–424. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340022.

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Thomas Hobbes’ dispute with Dionysius of Halicarnassus over the study of Thucydides’ history allows us to understand both the ancient case for an ennobled public rhetoric and Hobbes’ case against it. Dionysius, concerned with cultivating healthy civic oratory, faced a situation in which Roman rhetoricians were emulating shocking attacks on divine justice such as that found in Thucydides’ Melian dialogue; he attempted to steer orators away from such arguments even as he acknowledged their truth. Hobbes, however, recommends the study of Thucydides’ work for a new kind of political education, one that will benefit from Thucydides’ private, even ‘secret’, instruction, which permits the reader to admit to himself what vanity would otherwise hide from him.

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31

JACKSON, JENNIFER L. "To tell it directly or not: Coding transparency and corruption in Malagasy political oratory." Language in Society 38, no. 1 (February 2009): 47–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404508090039.

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ABSTRACTThis article discusses stylistic and contextual variations in the political oratory (kabary politika) of urban Madagascar. New imported oratorical styles and older styles ofkabaryrepresent competing linguistic markets where political leaders field broader issues of political modernity, fighting government corruption through reforms toward transparency.Kabaryhas become the object of criticism in models for transparent government practice. This has affected the way leaders speak to and about the country, reifying a moral structure arguing what constitutes truth and how speakers understand language as conveying that truth. In this respect, this article describes linguistic and metalinguistic encodings of transparency versus corruption in the political communication styles of highland Malagasy political orators. It looks at how the rhetorical modes of an urban polity are reorganized in ways that reshape vernacular epistemologies of truth in language and shift the production of particular publics and their access to participation in political process. (Madagascar,kabary, oratory, democracy, linguistic variation, language ideology, truth and ethics, public opinion, public culture)*

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32

Guth, Dina. "The king's speech: Philip's rhetoric and democratic leadership in the debate over the Peace of Philocrates." Rhetorica 33, no. 4 (2015): 333–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2015.33.4.333.

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I argue that Philip's speech was a central point of contention in the debate over the Peace of Philocrates and in the legal struggle between Demosthenes and Aeschines that followed it. The ambassadors supportive of the peace praised Philip's speaking ability as part of his philhellenism; in his defense speech as well Aeschines emphasized Philip's rhetorical knowledge in order to show the openness of the contest between the king and the ambassadors. Demosthenes, on the other hand, rejected the king's ability to speak. In so doing, he elevated his own role as the only orator capable of penetrating Philip's silence. For both Aeschines and Demosthenes, their characterizations of Philip's speech were crucial to their self-presentations as orators.

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Todd, Stephen. "The Use and Abuse of the Attic Orators." Greece and Rome 37, no. 2 (October 1990): 159–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500028928.

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How significant are the Attic orators as sources for Athenian history? Their intrinsic importance is certainly very great, greater perhaps than that of any other comparable category of material. On the other hand, they have received surprisingly little direct and systematic attention from ancient historians. This is something of a paradox, and like many paradoxes it is worth examining in some detail: in this case, it has significant implications for the ways in which the orators have been and ought to be studied.

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Gagarin, Michael, M. Edwards, and S. Usher. "Greek Orators. I: Antiphon and Lysias." Classical World 80, no. 3 (1987): 218. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350021.

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35

Harris, E. "Greek Orators IV. Andocides. MJ Edwards." Classical Review 48, no. 1 (January 1, 1998): 18–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/48.1.18.

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Cooke, Alistair, and Lord Lexden. "Conservative Orators from Baldwin to Cameron." Parliaments, Estates and Representation 36, no. 2 (April 6, 2016): 248–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02606755.2016.1164538.

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37

Rood, Sarah, and Katherine Sheedy. "Bibliography & Appendix." Microbiology Australia 30, no. 3 (2009): 52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ma09s52.

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Trevett, Jeremy. "History in [Demosthenes] 59." Classical Quarterly 40, no. 2 (December 1990): 407–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800042981.

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It is well known that Athenian orators, when they made reference to the historical past, usually eschewed prolonged narrative in favour of brief allusions to familiar episodes from Athenian history. Perhaps the most striking exception to this custom is the long and detailed account of fifth-century Plataean history in the pseudo-Demosthenic speech Against Neaera (Dem. 59.94–103). The main interest of this passage, however, lies not in its divergence from contemporary rhetorical practice, but in its clear reliance on Thucydides for its account of the siege of Plataea during the Peloponnesian War. Indeed, it is unique in Attic oratory in the extent of its reliance on an identifiable historical work. Yet, considering its significance, this passage has received very little scholarly attention, and merits a closer reexamination.

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Balot, Ryan K. "Subordinating Courage to Justice: Statecraft and Soulcraft in Fourth-Century Athenian Rhetoric and Platonic Political Philosophy." Rhetorica 25, no. 1 (2007): 35–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2007.25.1.35.

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Abstract After discussing the relationship of courage to justice in modern and ancient political thought, this paper explores the debate between Athenian democratic orators and Plato on the subject of andreia, or “manly courage.” While the orators set andreia in a particular relation to justice by embedding andreia within a salvific narrative of the city's history, Plato used the figure of Callicles to draw attention to the democrats' self-serving construal of andreia within their own politics. Plato's arguments suggest that statecraft must begin with a deeper “soulcraft” than Athenian politics is capable of.

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Martin, Gunther. "INTERPRETING INSTABILITY: CONSIDERATIONS ON THE LIVES OF THE TEN ORATORS." Classical Quarterly 64, no. 1 (April 16, 2014): 321–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000983881300075x.

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The text that has been preserved among Plutarch's writings under the title βίοι τῶν δέκα ῥητόρων (Lives of the Ten Orators, henceforth LTO) is, on the one hand, an invaluable and often the best source about the canonical Attic orators: it is, for example, our only source for the verdict against Antiphon after the oligarchic revolution of 411 and for Lycurgus’ state copy of the tragedies of Aeschylus, Sophocles and Euripides. On the other hand, it is a shambles, containing dubious anecdotes, obvious factual mistakes, and blatant contradictions.

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Alwood, Thomas, Tacitus, and Herbert W. Benario. "Tacitus' Agricola, Germany, and Dialogue on Orators." Classical World 86, no. 4 (1993): 358. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4351365.

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Thür, Gerhard. "The Attic Orators, hg. von Edwin Carawan." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Romanistische Abteilung 127, no. 1 (August 1, 2010): 603–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgra.2010.127.1.603b.

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CAREY, CHRISTOPHER. "‘ARTLESS’ PROOFS IN ARISTOTLE AND THE ORATORS." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 39, no. 1 (December 1, 1994): 95–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.1994.tb00454.x.

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Keppel, Ben, and Richard W. Leeman. "African-American Orators: A Bio-Critical Sourcebook." Journal of American History 84, no. 4 (March 1998): 1471. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2568102.

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Desilva, David A. "What has Athens to Do with Patmos? Rhetorical Criticism of the Revelation of John (1980—2005)." Currents in Biblical Research 6, no. 2 (June 2008): 256–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1476993x07083629.

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While Revelation does not immediately recommend itself for analysis along the lines of Greek and Latin rhetoric, scholars have made considerable progress analyzing the persuasive strategies of Revelation from this methodological orientation. Energetic attention has been given to John's strategies for establishing authority for his message and deconstructing the authority of rival 'orators'. A number of articles have identified and analyzed implicit and explicit enthymemes in Revelation, the deployment of typical epideictic and deliberative topics, and the contributions of intertexture to rational persuasion. Study of John's style has demonstrated John's finesse and purposefulness in deploying standard figures of thought and diction, while investigation of rhetorical arrangement has generally proceeded in ways that have respected Revelation's complexity and its distance from the standard forms of oratory. Although critics generally affirm the importance of John's appeals to the emotions, this line of investigation has been the least developed.

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Van Hoof, Lieve. "PERFORMINGPAIDEIA: GREEK CULTURE AS AN INSTRUMENT FOR SOCIAL PROMOTION IN THE FOURTH CENTURYa.d." Classical Quarterly 63, no. 1 (April 24, 2013): 387–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838812000833.

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Paideia– i.e. Greek culture, comprising, amongst other things, language, literature, philosophy and medicine – was a constituent component of the social identity of the elite of the Roman empire: as a number of influential studies on the Second Sophistic have recently shown, leading members of society presented themselves as such by their possession and deployment of cultural capital, for example by performing oratory, writing philosophy or showcasing medical interventions. As the ‘common language’ of the men ruling the various parts of the empire, Greek culture became a characteristic of, and thus ade factocondition for, leading socio-political positions. Whilst most elite men would have taken for granted a good cultural education no less than a leading position, an outstanding command of the classical Greek language, literature and tradition as displayed in epideictic performances allowed some orators, philosophers and doctors to move distinctively up the social ladder, sometimes reaching the ears of, and thereby wielding influence over, the emperor himself.

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Steel, Catherine. "II Channels of Communication." New Surveys in the Classics 36 (2006): 25–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383506000192.

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The oral dimension to classical literature as a whole has, rightly, become an object of increasing interest to interpreters. The process of composition of any text usually involved a spoken element; public or private readings could be a medium by which a text was disseminated; and individual reading could involve audible speech, or having another person read aloud. All Roman literature involves some oral dimension. Within this broad framework, however, oratory occupies a distinctive space. A speech is prepared for a specific time and place, to be directed at a specific audience and, in the case of forensic and deliberative oratory, with the aim of securing a specific outcome. Moreover, this first performance is, logically, oral and does not imply the existence of a written text; indeed, there was a strong convention within ancient rhetoric that speeches were delivered from memory, and even though written texts might well feature in preparation, orators would often find themselves in situations where improvisation was necessary. The sense of being created for a particular time and place is a characteristic which oratory shares with drama but, unlike drama, subsequent performances in a similar manner are difficult to envisage. Plays in both Greece and Rome were revived after the festival for which they had been initially composed; but the circumstances in front of the Roman people, in the Senate, or in a court which demanded a speech would never be repeated.

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Rydberg-Cox, Jeffrey. "ORAL AND WRITTEN SOURCES IN ATHENIAN FORENSIC RHETORIC." Mnemosyne 56, no. 6 (2003): 652–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852503772914113.

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AbstractAthens in the fifth and fourth centuries witnessed an increase in the use of written materials such as evidence in the law courts, the revision and writing down of laws, the establishment of state archives, and the emergence of books. While many authors praised writing for its positive impact, other writers viewed it as an object of concern. In this paper, I explore the contexts in which Athenian orators used this ambivalence about writing in support of their cases. I demonstrate that the sorts of writing that are praised or attacked in Athenian forensic orations fall into three broad categories, written laws, written contracts, and written evidence. In most cases, the discussion does not revolve around writing in general, but rather focuses on promoting or discrediting an individual piece of writing to suit the needs of the case.

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McCall, Marsh, and S. Usher. "Greek Orators III-Isocrates: Panegyricus and to Nicocles." Classical World 87, no. 6 (1994): 505. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4351566.

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Wolpert, Andrew. "Addresses to the Jury in the Attic Orators." American Journal of Philology 124, no. 4 (2003): 537–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ajp.2003.0064.

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