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Kirdina, S., I. Kirilyuk, A. Rubinstein, and A. Tolmacheva. "Russian Model of Institutional Change: Empirical-Statistical Research." Voprosy Ekonomiki, no. 11 (November 20, 2010): 97–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.32609/0042-8736-2010-11-97-114.
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The quantitative characteristics of the Russian model of institutional change and its dynamics from 1994 up to 2009 are considered in the paper. The model of institutional change is represented by a group of social actors with the right of legislative initiative (the president, the government, deputies of the Federal Assembly, regional legislative bodies, courts) and the parameters of transaction costs (the average term of enacting federal laws initiated by different actors). Research was based on the specially created database LAWSTREAM.RU.
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Hamm, Mark S. "Legislator Attitudes toward Policies to Reduce Prison Crowding." Criminal Justice Policy Review 3, no. 3 (October 1989): 220–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/088740348900300301.
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This paper examines legislative attitudes toward policies to reduce prison crowding in a state (Indiana) that has a serious prison overcrowding problem. Legislative attitudes were studied through mail surveys of all members of the Indiana General Assembly. A high level of legislative support for the expansion of community corrections and prison construction was found. On the other hand, a return to shorter sentences received little support among the lawmakers. A rudimentary regression analysis of the relationship between legislative characteristics and support for the various strategies to control prison crowding revealed that a variable measuring criminal justice ideology was most strongly associated with legislative attitudes toward prison policy. These findings are also discussed within the present research.
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Lee, Han Soo, Hee Min, and Jungkun Seo. "Legislative Response to Constituents’ Interests in New Democracies: The 18th National Assembly and Income Inequality in Korea." Government and Opposition 53, no. 2 (August 15, 2016): 312–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2016.27.
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Legislative responses to social changes signify how representative democracy works. Yet research is still needed to find out whether and how representatives in new democratic countries address the constituents’ interests and demands. We revisit the 18th National Assembly in Korea (2008–12) to examine legislative activities surrounding the issue of economic inequality. To understand how lawmakers in the new democracy like Korea respond to the demands of redistributive policies, we turn to representatives’ co-sponsorship behaviour. We find that Korean lawmakers do respond to constituents’ preferences. More specifically, Korean lawmakers representing conservative districts tend to care less about economic inequality than other representatives while controlling their partisanship. This study fleshes out the link between the represented and the representatives in a new democracy where party discipline at the expense of constituency connection has long dominated legislative politics.
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Montgomery, Kathleen A., and Gabriella Ilonszki. "Stuck in the Basement: A Pathway Case Analysis of Female Recruitment in Hungary's 2010 National Assembly Elections." Politics & Gender 12, no. 04 (May 3, 2016): 700–726. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x1600012x.
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Women's legislative underrepresentation has emerged as perhaps the most stable feature of the postcommunist Hungarian political system, resisting Europeanization, changes in the electoral and party systems, and a new constitution. Early research on the decline in women's access to power in postcommunist transitional democracies focused on common legacies of communist rule, but those legacies cannot account for widening disparities in women's representation across the region over time or the persistent underrepresentation of women in Hungary. Using a pathway case analysis of Hungary's 2010 parliamentary elections, this research examines how cultural, structural, and institutional factors interacted to keep Hungary stuck in the basement with respect to women's legislative recruitment.
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Huber, John D. "Restrictive Legislative Procedures in France and the United States." American Political Science Review 86, no. 3 (September 1992): 675–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1964130.
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I develop a framework for applying existing formal models of restrictive amendment procedures in Congress to the study of the French government's use of two restrictive legislative procedures, the package vote and the “guillotine”. I test six hypotheses derived from existing formal models and from existing research on the French National Assembly. The analysis shows that the French government invokes the two procedures on the same types of distributive and jurisdictionally complex bills that frequently receive closed rules in Congress. The analysis also shows that the decision to use the restrictive procedures is strongly linked to the majority status of the government, suggesting they are used to preserve agreements between parties in the same way that restrictive amendment procedures are used to preserve agreements between individual members of Congress. Thus, existing formal models of legislative institutions can help us study how procedural structures shape strategic bargaining between political parties in parliamentary systems, especially during coalition and minority government.
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Listyaningsih, Erna, Eka Sariningsih, and Ritali Mudrikah. "Stock Market Reaction to Indonesia Presidential and Legislative Election." Binus Business Review 11, no. 2 (July 31, 2020): 91–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/bbr.v11i2.6302.
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The research investigated the reaction to Jakarta Islamic Index (JII) stocks around the Indonesia Presidential and Legislative Election in 2019. It was the first time that the election of the president and legislative assembly was held on the same day in Indonesia. The sample used was 30 stocks of JII. The event study methodology was conducted on this issue. The results show a significant positive abnormal return on the tenth day before the event and the seventh day after the event. From the liquidity, it is found that this event has a strong effect on Trading Volume Activity (TVA) of JII stocks surrounding the event. Additionally, another liquidity proxy, namely bid-ask spread, has the same result by experiencing a significant positive difference before and after the event. These results indicate that the information on the event is sufficient to influence the price, TVA, and size of the bid-ask spread of JII stock.
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AGBARA, Clara Unoalegie Bola. "The Implicitness of some Interrogative Sentences in Legislative Debates." Nile Journal of English Studies 1, no. 1 (March 7, 2016): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.20321/nilejes.v1i1.37.
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Linguists have identified three major sentence types namely; declaratives, imperatives and interrogatives, which feature in most communication situations, whether formal or non-formal. These sentences which perform specific communicative functions, such as giving out information, giving out command/order, and requesting for information, have unique structures respectively. These functions are sometimes, manipulated to meet speakers’ situational intentions. Legislative discourse is characterized by participants who are of opposing views and yet, need to arrive at a collective decision. Arriving at a collective decision requires convincing information which will assist the participants in decision making. In the bid to provide information as well as to influence co-participants, most speakers punctuate their utterances with interrogative sentences. This paper focuses on the pragmatic functions of some non-verbal response interrogatives in legislative discourse. Using Searle’s Speech Act Theory as well as insights from literature on grammar, this paper sets out to describe the illocutionary acts performed with some interrogative sentences in legislative debates. The data used for the research are taken from the Senate Hansards of the sixth National Assembly. It was discovered that most non-verbal response interrogative sentences (rhetorical questions) are used to perform three illocutionary acts of representative, directive and expressive acts in legislative debates. The paper concludes that rhetorical sentences are important persuasive tools which influence the emotional and reasoning capacities of participants in arriving at a collective decision in legislative debates. They also have the pragmatic force of emphasis, regrets, objections and appeal.
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Ejumudo, Kelly Bryan Ovie, and Francis Ayegbunam Ikenga. "The Problematic of Legislative Oversight in Nigeria: A Study of Delta State." Indonesian Journal of International Clinical Legal Education 3, no. 2 (June 30, 2021): 125–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/ijicle.v3i2.45572.
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This study examines the problem of legislative oversight in Nigeria using Delta State as a case study. Four research questions were raised to guide the study and four null hypotheses were formulated for the study. The design of the study was a descriptive survey. The population of the study comprised 600 staff in the Delta State House of Assembly. The sample of the study consisted of 245 staff drawn from nine (9) departments using stratified and simple random techniques. The instrument used for data collection was the legislative oversight questionnaire and the collated data were analyzed using mean rating and chi-square. The findings of the study revealed that there is a significant relationship between politics of trade-off and pay-off between the legislators and the executive as well as poor commitment to oversight functions by the legislators and legislative oversight in Delta State. The study equally showed that there is a significant relationship between the culture of corruption as well as perceptual legislative subservience to the executive and legislative oversight in Delta State. The study recommended that that the legislature in Nigeria, particularly in Delta State, should be truly independent rather than operate and seen as a subservient extension of the executive arm of government, a new culture that is void of the politics of trade-off and pay-off between the legislature and the executive, as well as corruption, should be established.
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Binti Mohd Rosli, Rozaini, and SM Abdul Quddus. "The Selangor State Assembly Oversight and Government Accountability (Pengawasan dan Akauntabiliti Kerajaan di Dewan Negeri Selangor)." Journal of Islam in Asia (E-ISSN 2289-8077) 17, no. 4 (December 31, 2020): 350–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.31436/jia.v17i4.916.
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It is imperative to ensure that every decision made by a legislative body has the best interest of the citizens at heart. The Selangor State Assembly (SSA) is the legislative body that oversees the government of Selangor, Malaysia. The SSA follows the parliamentary model of government. This paper attempts to examine the effectiveness of the SSA oversight in ensuring the Selangor state government accountability generally, and in relation to the Talam case, specifically. The concept of accountability has two facets – answerability and enforcement. Matching internal and external oversights with the different forms of accountability must have high enforcement or sanctions capacity for the oversight mechanisms to be effective. There are three areas of focus in the study: i) the mechanisms available in the SSA, ii) the effectiveness of the mechanisms used in ensuring the government accountability in Selangor and iii) the challenges in ensuring government accountability in Selangor and how they are resolved. The data of this research paper is mainly from interviews and secondary sources. The conceptual framework of legislative oversight and government accountability of Pelizzo and Stapenhurst (2014) is used as the theoretical guideline of this study. Legislative oversight, if effectively performed, can keep government accountable; a greater accountability can lead to a reduction in the level of corruption. Reduced corruption results in improved economic development and living standards. This study reveals the extent of the SSA legislative oversight effectiveness in ensuring the Selangor state government accountability. Keywords: Selangor State Assembly, Legislative Oversights, Government Accountability, Corruption Management. Abstrak Amat penting untuk memastikan setiap keputusan yang dibuat oleh sesebuah badan legislatif adalah yang terbaik untuk kepentingan rakyat. Dewan Negeri Selangor (DNS) adalah badan legislatif yang mengawas kerajaan negeri Selangor, Malaysia. Model DNS ialah sistem kerajaan berparlimen. Kajian ini bertujuan untuk melihat keberkesanan DNS dalam memastikan akauntabiliti kerajaan Selangor amnya dan berhubung dengan kes Talam khususnya. Konsep akauntabiliti memenuhi dua aspek – kebertanggungjawaban dan penguatkuasaan. Padanan mekanisme dalaman dan luaran ke arah mencapai akauntabiliti pelbagai bentuk perlu penguatkuasaan yang luhur atau kapasiti sanksi yang mampu menjadikan mekanisme pengawasan berkesan. Tiga fokus utama kajian ini: i) Mekanisme pengawasan sedia ada di DNS, ii) Keberkesanan mekanisme yang digunakan dalam memastikan akauntabiliti kerajaan di Selangor, iii) Cabaran-cabaran dalam memastikan akauntabiliti kerajaan di Selangor dan bagaimanakah cabaran-cabaran tersebut diatasi. Data kajian ini diperolehi dari temu bual dan sumber-sumber sekunder. Kerangka konseptual oleh Pelizzo and Stapenhurst (2014) dalam pengawasan legislatif dan akauntabiliti kerajaan digunakan sebagai panduan teori dalam kajian ini. Pengawasan legislatif, jika dilakukan secara efektif, boleh mengekalkan kerajaan yang bertanggungjawab; akauntabiliti yang lebih semarak akan memerosotkan korupsi. Pengurangan korupsi mewujudkan peningkatan pembangunan ekonomi dan taraf kehidupan. Kajian ini mendedahkan sejauh mana keberkesanan pengawasan DNS ke arah memastikan akauntabiliti kerajaan Selangor. Kata Kunci: Dewan Negeri Selangor, Pengawasan Legislatif, Akauntabiliti Kerajaan, Pengurusan Korupsi.
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Kazemi, Seyyed Sajjad, and Neda Sobhani. "Supporting Victimized Children in Iran's Legislative Criminal Policy." Revista Eletrônica em Gestão, Educação e Tecnologia Ambiental 25 (March 22, 2021): e3. http://dx.doi.org/10.5902/2236117063800.
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In today's society, children have a special place and it is no longer the case that the child is considered a family property rather, the child is an individual with his or her own personality and social status and the rights that society has for him / her. But what matters is whether the rights in our society are sufficient for children and just by telling them can it stabilize the child's position within society and save him from any attack? What should be accepted without question is that the answer is no. Because children need special rights and special protections because of their age and physical and intellectual weakness and if there is no executive guarantee to protect them, of course, not only will these rights not be respected, but they will also be violated and children who are more vulnerable than others suffer a lot. What this research specifically focuses on, a comprehensive review of child and adolescent protection law whereas , in accordance with the international obligations our country has committed to and adhered to in compliance with the convention on the rights of the child in 2000, it was approved by the Islamic Consultative Assembly in 2003. In fact, the author's attempt has been to under the pretext of reviewing and evaluating the aforementioned law, evading the existing penal regulations regarding the protection of children and adolescents in the Iranian penal system and thereby evaluate the weaknesses of the aforementioned laws and thus help the legislator to develop and enforce laws protecting certain vulnerable groups such as children.
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Paola Amata, Pietra, Leonardo Draghetti, Sabrina Galiotto, Rebecca L. Orelli, and Marco Tieghi. "The Introduction of Management Control in the Legislative Assembly of the Emilia-Romagna Region." International Journal of Business and Management 14, no. 10 (September 7, 2019): 185. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijbm.v14n10p185.
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The paper sheds light on management control strategies in public administrations, particularly in the case of Legislative Assembly of the Emilia-Romagna Region (AL-RER), to understand reasons, process and effects in the introduction of a management control system. The research makes use of documentary analysis and participatory observation during the years 2015-2019 to reconstruct the motivations, process and results of the introduction of a new management control system. The analysis shows that the introduction of a management control system required different strategies of change and a reorganisation of activities and processes of AL-RER. It also offered an occasion of legitimisation of the AL-RER governance based on the management control results. Furthermore, the analysis shows that the process of introducing a management control system faced obstacles that acted as inhibitors to its introduction. It was possible to overcome the obstacles thanks to an intermediate step, which required a revision of the AL-RER strategies, and a cultural, political, and organisational change. The paper contributes to the advancement of knowledge on the subject of strategies and processes followed by public sector organisations, in particular by regions, in the introduction of management control systems, offering a first contribution concerning obstacles and benefits deriving from the introduction of such systems. The research is also of interest for public sector management, politicians and technicians, as well as for management control specialists, that have to make decisions about the introduction of management control systems.
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Shim, Woomin. "Data Science and Legislative Practice: A Pilot Design for Introduction Strategy of National Assembly Research Service." Korean Journal of Law and Society 62 (December 31, 2019): 1–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.33446/kjls.62.1.
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AKUBO, Aduku A., and Kolapo Quadri ABAYOMI. "NIGERIAN NATIONAL ASSEMBLY’S LEGISLATIVE OVERSIGHT, THE POWERS OF SUMMONS AND APPOINTMENTS’ RATIFICATION." Caleb Journal of Social and Management Sciences 06, no. 01 (August 31, 2021): 26–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.26772/cjsms2021060102.
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The legislature as First Estate of the realm represents citizens and sovereignty. It makes the law, serve as checks on the activities of the executive (oversight) and represent the citizens in constituencies. The responsibility of the Parliaments is to guarantee that accountability and transparency of government activities are maintained in order to curb misuse of public funds, corruption, while effecting good practices. It also scrutinizes the nominees for top government positions by the executive arm while it ensures that the requests sent by the executive are properly examined in order to avoid inefficiency and non-performance. However, the paper relying on secondary research method and data gathering discover that limited political will by legislators, inadequate funds, deteriorating infrastructural facilities, pressure from the Executive, predominance of inexperience legislators in the art of lawmaking and the tendency to place a higher premium of personal and pecuniary interests at the expense of public interests are antithetical to the effective legislative power of summons and appointment ratification in the National Assembly. Therefore, the paper recommended that there is a need for legislators to shun mediocrity and rise above pecuniary, sectional and party interests in favour of the protection of democracy and its practices.
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Виноградова, Полина, and Polina Vinogradova. "Legal aspects of realization provisions of the Constitutional Assembly." Advances in Law Studies 2, no. 3 (July 1, 2014): 128–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/9307.
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The subject of research is the legal status of the Constitutional Assembly, whose powers include the consideration of questions the constitutional system, which are defined the National Security Strategy of the Russian Federation valid until 2020 as Russia´s national interests in the long term. In this article we focus on problems of realization provisions of the Constitutional Assembly, substantiates the necessity of the adopting the special law in order to regulate the functioning the necessity constitutional authority. The review of legislative initiatives on this issue is provided herein below. In order to ensure the effective functioning of the Constitutional Assembly the author has offered to settle the procedure for amending the Chapters 1, 2 and 9 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation. Conclusions promote maintaining legal and institutional mechanism for ensuring national interests by regulating the convening and functioning of the Constitutional Assembly.
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JUN, HAE-WON, and SIMON HIX. "Electoral Systems, Political Career Paths and Legislative Behavior: Evidence from South Korea's Mixed-Member System." Japanese Journal of Political Science 11, no. 2 (July 2, 2010): 153–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109910000058.
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AbstractA growing literature looks at how the design of the electoral system shapes the voting behavior of politicians in parliaments. Existing research tends to confirm that in mixed-member systems the politicians elected in the single-member districts are more likely to vote against their parties than the politicians elected on the party lists. However, we find that in South Korea, the members of the Korean National Assembly who were elected on PR lists are more likely to vote against their party leadership than the members elected in single-member districts (SMDs). This counterintuitive behavior stems from the particular structure of candidate selection and politicians' career paths. This suggests that any theory of how electoral systems shape individual parliamentary behavior needs to look beyond the opportunities provided by the electoral rules for voters to reward or punish individual politicians (as opposed to parties), to the structure of candidate selection inside parties and the related career paths of politicians.
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Jones, Jacob, and K. Nicole Jones. "Commentary on Jones J, Jones KN and Peil J (2018) The impact of the legalization of recreational marijuana on college students. Addictive Behaviors 77: 255–259, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.addbeh.2017.08.015." Substance Abuse: Research and Treatment 13 (January 2019): 117822181982760. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1178221819827603.
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With the broadening legislative changes surrounding legalized recreational marijuana in the United States, tracking the impact of such changes is imperative. As such, in a recent article published in Addictive Behaviors, we identified several emerging trends in the first state to legalize recreational marijuana, Colorado. Since our publication, similar research from other states that have legalized recreational marijuana (Oregon and Washington) has emerged. Here, we attempt to expand on our findings and identify patterns across the research, by comparing and contrasting our results to research in other states with legalized recreational marijuana. We identified several trends including, but not limited to, the rates of marijuana use rising after decriminalization, but not the retail sale of recreational marijuana; recreational marijuana legalization leading to a decrease in the relationship between marijuana and alcohol use; and the identification of binge drinkers as a high-risk population for marijuana use after recreational legalization. We also explore the complicated relationship between marijuana use and academic performance, and point out areas where future research is needed.
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POPOVA, AKSANA. "PROBLEMS OF FORMATION OF THE PARLIAMENT AS A POLITICAL INSTITUTE." Sociopolitical sciences 10, no. 4 (September 30, 2020): 22–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2223-0092-2020-10-4-22-31.
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The article examines the issues of parliament as a political institution, the main purpose of which is the development and adoption of laws in the interests of the population and the state. At the same time, in addition to law-making, the parliament also performs other equally important functions, among which are representative, control and organizational. It should be noted that the representative function is a priority, because, firstly, it is implemented both through the legislative sphere and through other aspects of the parliament; secondly, representative powers compel us to consider the activity of parliament as a way to realize the collective right of the people to power; thirdly, representation as the central function of the parliament should be ensured in the daily activities of the latter and express the interests of the majority in society, and not just the parliamentary majority itself. The purpose of the study is to analyze scientific research materials and legal regulation of the parliament as the bearer of the supreme legislative power. It should be noted that the fundamental place of representative power is determined by the normative consolidation of the leading role of parliament, where representation is implemented in a very complicated legislative procedure, which is aimed at working out a compromise solution and is due to the removal of social tension and the legitimization of the state apparatus. At the same time, parliamentary law can be considered as a sufficiently formed and dynamically developing branch of law, which does not contradict its characterization as a sub-branch of constitutional law. Parliamentary law, along with suffrage and constitutional procedural law, develops in the fundamental system of constitutional law, and is one of its largest entities. At the same time, parliamentary law can be considered as a sufficiently formed and dynamically developing branch of law, which does not contradict its characterization as a sub-branch of constitutional law. Parliamentary law, along with suffrage and constitutional procedural law, develops in the fundamental system of constitutional law, and is one of its largest entities. Based on the research, the author comes to the conclusion that parliament as a political institution in Russia is one of the instruments for implementing the modern principles of a democratic rule of law with a federal structure and a republican form of government. The Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation has real means to avoid concentration or usurpation of power in the hands of one body, group of persons or one person. These tools include both the general principles of the Federal Assembly (separation of powers, openness, legality, collegiality, etc.), and direct rights, duties of the houses of parliament (legislative, representative, control).
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Aliyu, Garba, Ibrahim Enesi Umar, Irunokhai Eric Aghiomesi, Hassan Jimoh Onawola, and Sandip Rakshit. "Anomaly Detection of Budgetary Allocations Using Machine-Learning-Based Techniques." Advances in Science and Technology 107 (June 28, 2021): 174–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/ast.107.174.
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In Nigeria, a crucial responsibility of the executive arms of the government is to submit annual budgetary allocations to the national assembly for approval. Due to the diversity and complexity of the budget, the national assembly is mandated to carry out its constitutional duty of scrutinizing the budget to discover irregularity or anomaly, make recommendations, or substantial modification upon what it received. This is very challenging, particularly in Nigeria where there are many different ethnicities and regional, to ensure inclusiveness, the national assembly must carry out its constitutional duty diligently and carefully without fear or favor that often has unintended consequences. This might not be very easy to accomplish within a short period. Thus, this research aims at detecting an anomaly in the budget that will ease the legislative duty thereby facilitating the process of appropriation. The concept of Clustering for Machine learning technique was used for the detection of an anomaly, where the detected ones are noted and indicated for critical examination.
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Amsori, Amsori, and Jailani Jailani. "LEGISLASI QANUN JINAYAT ACEH DALAM SISTEM HUKUM NASIONAL." Ar Raniry : International Journal of Islamic Studies 4, no. 2 (January 1, 2018): 221. http://dx.doi.org/10.20859/jar.v4i2.138.
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<p><em>This research moved from the process and formulation mekanism of Jinayat Law into Positive Law in Aceh in Indonesia's legal system is influenced by a variety of legal systems and ideologies that developed there in. The object of this study is the Aceh Qanun No. 6 of 2014 on the law Jinayat that the legislative process takes place during two periods of provincial parliament. This study is qualitative, by combining the research literature (library reseacrh) with field research (field reseacrh). The approach used consisted of approach law (statute approach), normative-empirical approach and conceptual approaches. Type of research data in the form of descriptive analysis. The results showed the legal legislation jinayat Aceh is gradually taking into account the socio-cultural conditions of the community in accepting the substance of the law jinayah, adaptive law enforcement and crime rates are dominant in society. Parties involved in the formulation of the substance Raqan jinayah Aceh, among others: Ulama Consultative Assembly (MPU), law enforcement agencies (Syari'yyah Court, the Prosecutor, the Police and the WH) as well as the public through non-governmental organizations. The Aceh Government also involves the Expert Team Expert Team Executive and Legislature in the substance of the discussion on the draft jinayah. The dynamics of thought that emerged in the formulation of the substance of the criminal law (Jinayah) should be sought common ground in order Raqan jinayah be passed along between the legislative and the executive.</em></p>
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Sugiantiningsih, Putu. "Effectiveness of Performance of the Regional People's Legislative Assembly in Supervision of Distribution of Social Aid Funds in Denpasar City Community." International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding 6, no. 3 (June 18, 2019): 225. http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v6i3.811.
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This research is a qualitative research with the intention of obtaining a description of the evaluation of the working effectiveness of the DPRD in the distribution of social assistance funds to the community in Denpasar City. The data analysis technique used is by collecting data, compiling data, presenting data, drawing conclusions and suggestions. Finding the best conclusions is subsequently realized as input.The research allocation is at the Denpasar City DPRD office which is located at Jalan Melati Denpasar - Bali. With the following considerations: the number of problems that arise because the DPRD is where the people's voice is accommodated. DPRD is the supervisor of the performance of the executive. Because executives have the duty to channel grants and social assistance funds to the community. Human resources are championed and there are many there. The results of the study indicate that good cooperation between the executive and the legislature is very necessary.Because after all the fate of the community is in the hands of these two institutions. All obstacles must be found out because the problem is that social assistance is a very sensitive issue. Many problems often arise from channeling social assistance funds.
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Severo, Andréa Asti, Mayara Costa Da Silva, and Claudio Roberto Baptista. "A educação especial no estado do Rio Grande do Sul: História, política e gestão (1970-1980)." education policy analysis archives 27 (June 3, 2019): 66. http://dx.doi.org/10.14507/epaa.27.4471.
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This text presents an analysis related to special education, in Rio Grande do Sul, between 1970 and 1980. The research was based on the analysis of bibliographical and historical documents on the subject, such as a report of a Special Commission of the State Legislative Assembly from 1972. The period analyzed is marked by educational reforms and by the predominance of a military regime that, in addition to its authoritarian dimension, privileged the perspective of privatization of services. It is possible to identify the predominance of an understanding of special education as a “problem” to be corrected and which was associated with an educational policy perspective based on the ideal of homogenization through initiatives that favored the assistance and the private sector.
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Cahyaningsih, Nur, and Akhmad Khisni. "NETRALITAS NOTARIS SEBAGAI ANGGOTA LEGISLATIF: Studi Tentang Peran Notaris Cuti Sebagai Anggota Legislatif Terhadap Notaris Pengganti Terhadap Akta-akta Yang Dibuatnya." Jurnal Akta 4, no. 2 (June 10, 2017): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.30659/akta.v4i2.1781.
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The Regional People's Legislative Assembly, hereinafter referred to as the Regional People's Legislative Assembly (DPRD), is a representative institution of the regional people as an element of local government administration Legally and politically the DPRD has a strategic position in implementing development policies in the regions. The magnitude of the roles, functions and authorities of the legislature invites many elements of society to enter as members of the council, notary positions and many Land Acquisition Authorities who are left behind to follow the legislative election procession. As a first step, a notary and enter into the party membership, and follow all the procedures of scaling, to then be elected by the community to become members of the council. Notaries in exercising their right to sit on behalf of the community as members of the Council, also regulated in Law No. 7 of 2017 on General Elections, are said to have made a statement willing not to practice as notaries and officials of the land deed (hereinafter referred to as PPAT). From this it can lead to issues of provisions contained in Articles 3 and 17, namely dual positions. This study aims to determine the relationship of notary to leave with a substitute notary in the perspective of Law Number 30 Year 2004 regarding Position Notary. Article explaining, among other things, article 33, on this matter Notary, a Notary substitute has the same authority related to the making of authentic deeds made. The research approach used is normative juridical, which will be qualitatively analyzed normative against secondary data. The theory used by the author is the theory of authority, theory of responsibility and theoretical justice. If you look at the explanation and analyze from the articles of article regarding the Notary Substitute, the Article which explains, among others, article 33, regarding this Notary, the Notary substitute has the same authority regarding the making of authentic deeds made. The authority of notary and substitute notary is based on Article 15 of Law Number 2 Year 2014 concerning Notary Position. The authority of a substitute notary commences from the grant of a notary protocol until the expiry of the appointment period based on the decision of the Notary Supervisory Board. Procedures concerning notary leave with a substitute notary may result in a conflict of interest that may affect the independence of a notary who is not allowed to take sides, this is due to 2 (two) factors namely the rules themselves and the political factor. Procedures concerning notary leave with a substitute notary may result in a conflict of interest that may affect the independence of a notary who is not allowed to take sides, this is due to 2 (two) factors namely the rules themselves and the political factor. The solution is to reinforce the terms of nomination of legeslative members, not just to not practice (leave) but with the resignation as a notary or PPAT and release all attributes (nameplate, practice office, and so on).Keywords: Notary, Authority, Conflict of Interest, Legislative Member
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Abdul Manaf, Zati Ilham, Sharifah Zubaidah Syed Abdul Kader, and Nor Asiah Mohamad. "EXAMINING THE EVOLUTION OF WAQF REGULATIONS IN SELANGOR: AN ANALYSIS OF THE GOVERNANCE FRAMEWORK AND TRANSFORMATIVE APPROACH." IIUM Law Journal 27, no. 2 (December 18, 2019): 337–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.31436/iiumlj.v27i2.418.
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The inadequacy of comprehensive laws for Waqf administration is one of the main issues that has limited the development of Waqf in Malaysia. Whilst most states in Malaysia rely on their Administration of Islamic Law enactments, in 1999 Selangor pioneered a Waqf enactment which specifically oversees Waqf administration and management. With the promulgation of the Selangor Waqf Enactment 1999, the administration of Waqf in Selangor became more regulated and structured. However, as matters pertaining to Waqf practices became more complex, Selangor repealed its 1999 Waqf Enactment and replaced it with the 2015 Waqf Enactment. This research therefore analyses the evolution of Waqf in Selangor through the two respective enactments, by identifying the changes in practices and scrutinising the rationales for the development of the laws. It also analyses how the laws have impacted the Waqf governance framework in the state. By assessing the position of the 2015 Waqf Enactment, it determines whether the current legislative demand posed by Waqf development in the state is met and whether the change in approach should be followed by other states in Malaysia. Doctrinal legal research is utilised to examine the two enactments respectively. Legislative Assembly Proceedings related to the promulgation of the respective enactments were also examined to further understand the reasoning behind the repeal and the introduction of certain provisions. It is found that although the 2015 Waqf Enactment is more comprehensive than the 1999 Waqf Enactment, further improvements can be made to better achieve transparency and accountability on the part of the Waqf administrators.
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Akchurin, Maria. "Constructing the Rights of Nature: Constitutional Reform, Mobilization, and Environmental Protection in Ecuador." Law & Social Inquiry 40, no. 04 (2015): 937–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lsi.12141.
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In 2008, Ecuador became the first country to grant legal rights to nature. In this article, I examine how this happened. I show that while proponents of nature's rights acted during a key political moment, their efforts were successful due to the presence of environmentalist social movements that elevated the environmental agenda at the national level during prior decades, and due to the power of indigenous organizations and their call to recognize Ecuador as a “plurinational” polity, demanding respect for indigenous territories and ways of life and incorporating politicized versions of indigenous beliefs about the environment. The study considers the consequences of mobilization for legal innovation and institutional change, and shows the complexity of struggles over the environment in the global South. It is based on research at the Ecuadorian National Legislative Assembly archive, semistructured interviews with respondents involved in the politics of nature and the constitutional assembly, and secondary historical sources.
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Ansori, Mhd. "Pelaksanaan Hak Mengajukan Rancangan Peraturan Daerah dan Hak Imunitas Anggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah." Wajah Hukum 3, no. 2 (October 19, 2019): 148. http://dx.doi.org/10.33087/wjh.v3i2.61.
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There are several opinions regarding the function of the Regional People Representative Assembly, according to Jimly Asshiddiqie "the function of legislation or regulation in its concrete form is manifested in the function of forming regulations that bind citizens" and Bagir Manan said "the budget function is the right to participate in setting regional annual budgets". In practice, in formulating legislation including the formulation and formulation of regional regulations, Regional People Representative Assembly often has difficulties in generating initiatives to draft Regional Regulations that will become a policy in the administration of government and development. According to Bagir Manan in his book explaining the right of immunity namely the immunity rights of a member of the House of Representatives from certain legal processes, unless the immunity is dated or abandoned. To analyze how the application of the concept of the implementation of rights proposes a draft regional regulation and immunity rights for members of the Regional Representatives Council in Indonesia. the type of research used is normative juridical research, namely research focused on examining the application of rules or norms in positive law. This research uses "conceptual approaches, legislative approaches, and historical approaches".
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S, Gokma Toni Parlindungan. "ASPIRASI MASYARAKAT DAERAH SEBAGAI PROGRAM PRIORITAS PEMBANGUNAN DAERAH YANG DIJAMIN KONSTITUSI." Ensiklopedia Sosial Review 3, no. 1 (April 22, 2021): 72–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.33559/esr.v3i1.684.
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Aspirations of the people is one key to success for central or regional development. Regional Representative Council as a representative of the people of the region must take the time to listen to the aspirations of local communities. This study will discuss the role of the Regional Legislative Assembly of representatives in the community aspirations as guaranteed by the Constitution. This research method is sociological normative. So this research, is expected to explain the mechanism that is responsive in the aspiration of society by the local council, knowing the role of the Regional Representative Council in voicing the aspirations of the people in the priority programs of regional development. Aspirations of the people is the voice of the people to be delivered in the formation of legislation. So that created regional development priorities is responsive to the community and the region.
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Yani, Ahmad. "Analisis Kontruksi Struktural dan Kewenangan DPR dalam Fungsi Legislasi Berdasarkan Undang-Undang Dasar 1945." Jurnal Konstitusi 15, no. 2 (September 18, 2018): 348. http://dx.doi.org/10.31078/jk1526.
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Indonesia telah mengalami empat kali amandemen terhadap UUD 1945, dimana amandemen tersebut memberikan pengaruh besar terhadap kewenangan DPR dalam menjalankan fungsi legislasi. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian hukum deskriptif yuridis analitis, dengan menggunakan pendekatan yuridis normatif, dan melalui studi kepustakaan terhadap literatur yang berkaitan dengan kewenangan DPR dalam fungsi legislasi. Sehingga dalam tulisan ini penulis membahas mengenai implikasi mekanisme perubahan UUD 1945 terhadap struktur dan kewenangan DPR serta dinamika politik dan kepentingan adanya perubahan kewenangan DPR dalam Legislasi DPR berdasarkan UUD 1945. Perubahan konstitusi hingga peraturan perundang-undangan terkait dibawahnya saat ini telah menempatkan DPR pada posisi lemah. Lemahnya fungsi DPR dalam pembuatan undang-undang juga diakibatkan dengan kondisi parlemen dengan konflik kekuasaan antara pemerintah dan partai politik. Konflik yang disebabkan karena adanya keinginan untuk menguasai posisi dalam pimpinan di DPR, Komisi dan Alat Kelengkapan Dewan lainnya.Indonesia has experienced four amendments to the Constitution, in which the amendment has a major influence on the authority of People’s Representative Assembly (DPR) in carrying out its legislative functions. This research is a descriptive juridical analytical research, using normative juridical approach, and through library research of literature related to DPR’s authority in legislative function. In this research the author discusses the mechanism implications from The amended 1945 Constitution on the structure and the DPR’s authority. The author also discusses about political dynamics and interests for change in the DPR’s authority in Legislation based on the 1945 Constitution. Constitutional amendments to the relevant legislation under it have placed the DPR in a weak position. The weak function of the House of Representatives in the law drafting is also due to the condition of parliament with the conflict of power between the government and political parties. The conflicts were caused by the desire to control positions in the leadership of the DPR, Comissions and other Councils.
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Aliksan Rauf, Muhamad Aljebra, Marten Bunga, and Hardianto Djanggih. "Hak Recall Partai Politik Terhadap Status Keanggotaan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat dalam Sistem Ketatanegaraan Indonesia." Jurnal Magister Hukum Udayana (Udayana Master Law Journal) 7, no. 4 (December 31, 2018): 443. http://dx.doi.org/10.24843/jmhu.2018.v07.i04.p03.
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This study aims to analyze the nature of political party recall rights to the membership of the House of Representatives; recall rights of members of the People's Legislative Assembly by political parties whether they are in accordance with the principles of a democratic state based on law; Juridical consequences of recall rights if they remain in the hands of political parties. This type of research is normative law research. The results of the study indicate that the nature of the right of Recall by political parties to the membership of the People's Legislative Assembly is that political party members who sit in parliamentary seats remain supervised by political parties as political organizations that carry on the democratic stage in order to be submissive and obedient to party policies even if they are against the spirit struggle of the people's representatives. The right of a political party's recall is not in accordance with the principles of a democratic state, if the reason for recalling the membership of the House of Representatives is only limited to members of the House of Representatives who violate the Articles of Association and Household Budget.
Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis Hakikat hak recall partai politik terhadap keanggotaan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat; hak recall terhadap anggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat oleh partai politik apakah telah sesuai dengan prinsip-prinsip negara demokrasi yang berdasarkan hukum; konsekuensi yuridis hak recall apabila tetap berada di tangan partai politik. Tipe penelitian ini adalah penelitian hukum normatf. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa hakikat Hak Recall oleh partai politik terhadap keanggotaan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat adalah agar anggota partai politik yang duduk di kursi parlemen tetap diawasi oleh partai politik sebagai organisasi politik yang mengusung dalam pentas demokrasi agar tunduk dan patuh terhadap kebijakan partai sekalipun bertentangan dengan semangat perjuangan wakil rakyat. Hak Recall Partai Politik tidak sesuai dengan prinsip-prinsip negara demokrasi, apabila alasan merecall keanggotaan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat hanyalah sebatas anggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat melakukan pelanggaran terhadap Anggaran Dasar dan Anggaran Rumah Tangga Partai politik.
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Spirou, Mary Eve. "The challenges of political representation: gender in a US State legislature." International Journal of Public Leadership 13, no. 1 (February 13, 2017): 13–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijpl-10-2016-0037.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to investigate the role of women in the Georgia General Assembly and determines the impact of gender on the activities of state legislators, specifically in the areas of committee assignments and sponsored legislation from 2003 to 2014. Design/methodology/approach The approach set forth in this analysis seeks to answer four research questions employing quantitative data regarding female legislator involvement in activities of the state legislature and compare these findings with their male colleagues over a ten-year period. Findings Some of the key findings include that female representative sponsor fewer bills and participate in fewer committees than their male counterparts. The only legislative area female representatives exercise greater involvement is in government committees. The paper concludes with policy recommendations on how to address the current standing of women in the Georgia General Assembly. Originality/value A value of this analysis is that its content can support comparative work that can prove helpful to future research goals. As the most comprehensive analysis of its kind in Georgia, this paper contributes to a better understanding of the state legislature.
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Silva Teixeira, Erica, and Alexandre Douglas Zaidan de Carvalho. "MULHERES NA ASSEMBLEIA LEGISLATIVA DA BAHIA NO PÓS-1988." Revista Eletrônica Direito e Política 16, no. 1 (May 4, 2021): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.14210/rdp.v16n1.p1-29.
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RESUMOO presente trabalho se propõe a analisar, sob a perspectiva da garantia constitucional da igualdade de gênero, a participação das mulheres na Assembleia Legislativa do Estado da Bahia - ALBA. Através de uma abordagem empírica fundada no levantamento quantitativo dos mandatos parlamentares exercidos por mulheres em cada legislatura da ALBA após 1988, pretende-se demonstrar como a participação feminina naquela instituição representativa ainda é incipiente e enfrenta uma série de obstáculos. Tal constatação confirma algumas das hipóteses da literatura feminista sobre gênero e política e também da teoria democrática contemporânea sobre a baixa representatividade feminina nos órgãos legislativos. Ao final, apresentam-se indicativos a serem avaliados como alternativas inclusivas enquanto as estruturas partidárias não conseguem promover maior equilíbrio de gênero na representação política. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Igualdade de gênero; Democracia; Representatividade Política Feminina. ABSTRACTThis paper analyses the female political representation in the Legislative Assembly in the State of Bahia - ALBA, under a perspective of the constitutional guarantee of gender equality. Through an empirical approach stablished in a quantitative research on parliamentary mandates from women in each legislature since 1988 it is intended to show how female participation in that institution is still incipient and faces several obstacles. The evidence confirms some of the hypotheses of feminist literature on gender and politics and also from contemporary democratic theory on low female representation in legislative bodies. In the end, there are suggestions to be evaluated as inclusive alternatives as long as party structures cannot promote greater gender balance in political representation. KEY WORDS: Gender equality; Democracy; Female Political Representation.
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Aroney, Eurydice, and Penny Crofts. "How Sex Worker Activism Influenced the Decriminalisation of Sex Work in NSW, Australia." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 8, no. 2 (April 30, 2019): 50–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v8i2.955.
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In 2015, Amnesty International joined over 200 sex worker organisations in the call for nations to decriminalise sex work. Despite this, only two jurisdictions in the world, New Zealand and New South Wales (NSW; Australia), have adopted this approach. This article examines the role that sex worker activists played in sex work law reform in NSW through their representative organisation, the Australian Prostitutes Collective (APC). The APC produced and submitted groundbreaking research to the Select Committee of the NSW Legislative Assembly on Prostitution (1983–1986) whose recommendations laid the foundation for the decriminalisation of sex work in NSW. This article contributes to a developing history of the contribution of sex worker activism to law reform. It explores why it is so important that sex worker voices are included in the process of reform, and how meaningful consultation with sex workers helped shape and invoke a radical policy and legal transformation.
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Van de Voorde, Nicolas. "Municipal Councillors in Parliament, a Handicap for Legislative Activism? Parliamentary Productivity of Dual Mandate-Holders in the Belgian Federal Assembly between 1995 and 2014." Parliamentary Affairs 73, no. 3 (March 16, 2019): 565–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsz011.
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Abstract Traditionally, scholars have always assumed that exercising a local political mandate as a national legislator intrinsically interferes with the intra parliamentary output. Despite the intuitive presumption that dual mandate-holders lack sufficient time to fulfil both mandates adequately, empirical support remains scarce and contradictory. Existing research has almost exclusively focused on problematic small samples in the French national assembly, failed to disentangle the generic phenomenon based on the nature of the local function and the context it is being exercised in, and neglected to embed their work in the legislative literature. This contribution aims to cover these shortcomings and assesses whether representatives with a dual mandate are less productive in the Belgian federal parliament during five legislatures between 1995 and 2014. The evidence shows that only mayors from large municipalities are less preoccupied with formal parliamentary endeavours, which refines the traditional pessimistic premise that cumul des mandats unambiguously cripples parliamentary activism and instead opens up the possibility for a more optimistic perspective.
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Dzidzoev, Ruslan Mukharbekovich. "Questions of federal structure in the revised version of the Constitution of Russia." Юридические исследования, no. 7 (July 2020): 29–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-7136.2020.7.33720.
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The subject of this research is the questions of constitutional reform regarding the federal structure of Russia, which require scientific assessment. The object of this research is the legal acts that laid the groundwork for the constitutional reform in Russia: Message of the President of the Russian Federation to the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of January 15, 2020; Law on the Amendment to the Constitution of the Russian Federation; Conclusion of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation on Conformity with the Amendment of the Current Constitution of Russia. Detailed analysis is conducted on the content of the constitutional amendments, their correlation with the legal logic and the needs of constitutional federal progress in Russia. The combination of applied methods (general scientific and private scientific, such as formal-legal, comparative-legal, systemic) allows determining the degree and limits of impact of the constitutional amendments upon the federal structure of Russia. The key conclusions consist in ascertainment of the large-scale constitutional federal reform in Russia oriented towards the principles of state unity and territorial integrity, which received prominent and holistic reflection in the revised version of the Constitution; need to complete federal reform at the current legislative level via amending the Federal law “On The General Principles Of Organization of Legislative (Representative) and Executive Authorities of Constituent Entities of the Russian Federation”, as well as the Constitution and statues of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation, which should be brought into compliance with the new revision of the Main Law of Russia. The author's special contribution to this research lies in a systemic analysis of recent amendments to the Constitution of Russia, which testify to substantial changes in federal structure of the country. The novelty is defined by the analysis of new constitutional provisions characterizing the content of the constitutional reform in Russia with regards to federal structure, which have not been previously examined in legal science.
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Munir, Badrul, and Tengku Ahmad Shafiq. "Batas Usia Perkawinan dalam Undang-Undang Keluarga Islam Negeri Selangor Tahun 2003: Analisis Perspektif Maqasid Al-Syari’ah." SAMARAH: Jurnal Hukum Keluarga dan Hukum Islam 3, no. 2 (November 20, 2019): 271. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/sjhk.v3i2.4957.
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Islam does not restrict age of marriage. But the state of Selangor Limited the age of 18 years for men and 16 years for women. According to maqashid sharia, an ideal age of marriage is an age capable of realizing The objectives of marriage sharia. In the discussion of this article, authors use primary and secondary data, the primary data obtained from the research library is research on Selangor Islamic Family Law in 2003, Quran, Hadith and several books of fikih. Secondary data is obtained from supporting sources of data that authors need then analyzed using qualitative descriptive methods. The results showed that there was a legal basis for establishing an age limit in marriage but only abstract and there is no evidence to increase the age of marriage. The reason of the Selangor State Legislative Assembly established an age limit in the Selangor Islamic Family Law of 2003 is in accordance with community needs in those days. But the law is no longer reasonable to practice with the state of Selangor society at present.
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Machovenko, Jevgenij, and Haroldas Šinkūnas. "Establishment of a judicial system and ensuring independence of judges in Lithuania, 1918–1920." Prawo 327 (June 11, 2019): 269–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0524-4544.327.17.
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The problems of court relations with the other branches forming the constitutional triad of powers the legislative and the executive as well as judicial independence are among the most sensitive issues, which never lose their relevance. The article deals with the problems by reference to the constitutional and ordinary law of 1918–1920, the circulars of the Ministry of Justice, other legislation, as well as research papers. A retrospective analysis of certain issues is also presented by way of establishing links with the Constitution of 3 May 1791 and other historical sources of law. The co-authors have arrived at the conclusion that, while refl ecting general observance of the principle of separation of powers and the intention to ensure judicial independence, the Founding Principles of 1918 and 1919, adopted by the State Council, and the Interim Constitution of 1920, adopted by the Constituent Assembly, enshrined the legislative and the executive powers explicitly but judicial power only implicitly the texts do not even mention courts and the respective principle is derived from the others. Due to the severe shortage of lawyers in 1918–1920, judges were allowed to serve in the executive branch at the same time. The Ministry of Justice explained the law to judges, while judges assisted the executive such as the police in discharging their functions. All that contradicted the principles of separation of powers and judicial independence but was accepted as an unavoidable and temporary arrangement. The Ministry of Justice tried to avoid abusing its power and harming the dignity of the judicial system’s employees by intrusive oversight, and acted in their regard as discretely as possible. It encouraged judicial independence and activism and demonstrated confi dence in the courts.
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Lutskyi, Myroslav. "Legal status of WUNR state authorities." Scientific and informational bulletin of Ivano-Frankivsk University of Law named after King Danylo Halytskyi, no. 11(23) (June 11, 2021): 32–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.33098/2078-6670.2021.11.23.32-39.
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Purpose. The purpose of the study is a comprehensive study of public authorities of the Western Ukraine, their legal status and legal basis. Methods. The methodological basis of the study was a set of general scientific, special scientific and historical methods, as well as the principles of historicism and objectivity. The key was the method of historical retrospective, which allowed to determine the features and legal basis for the formation of public authorities of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic. Results. It is established that the government of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic has carried out a large amount of work to create its own system of state bodies. The convening of the Constituent Assembly and the Ukrainian National Council began with the organizational design. The legal basis for the activities of public authorities in the early stages of Western Ukraine was the legal framework of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, which was later amended and supplemented by a number of regulations, decrees, orders of the Ukrainian National Council, the State Secretariat. Own legislative and executive bodies were created, as well as the judiciary was reformed. Given the lack of time and circumstances of the Polish-Ukrainian war, it was decided to accept Austrian law, as well as to leave the positions of civil servants and judges who agreed to work for the Western Ukraine. This gives grounds to say that at the legislative level the government of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic has coped with the task of creating its own system of public authorities, although in practical terms, it has been implemented only partially. Scientific novelty. The analysis of legal bases of the organization and competence of public authorities of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic is given. Practical significance. The results of the study can be used in further historical and legal research, preparation of special courses.
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Rodrigues, David D., Patricia H. Winfield, and Denise Morrey. "Disbonding Technology for Adhesive Reversible Assembly in the Automotive Industry." Materials Science Forum 765 (July 2013): 766–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/msf.765.766.
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Development of the automotive industry is currently driven by three fundamental considerations, i.e. environment, safety and cost, within a strong legislative framework. The reduction of material waste, production stages and weight have become key factors within this scope in the design of vehicles. Therefore, it is important to make greater use of non-conventional materials to take advantage of their recyclability, light weight and mechanical properties, for example new alloys and reinforced polymeric matrix composites (PMC). The dissimilar nature of the materials makes adhesive bonding the principal assembly technique for structural and semi-structural applications. Despite the enhanced performance and durability provided by the use of adhesives compared to that of more conventional joining technologies, bonded materials are very difficult to separate for recycling or reusing components at end of life. Currently, disassembly of adhesive bonded structures is conducted ineffectively by mechanical force, heat, and solvent or acid immersion. Previous research, to overcome these limitations has been mostly for applications other than automotive. Normally, reversible adhesive bonding is obtained through the development of engineered thermoplastic and/or thermosetting resins or incorporation of functional additives into commercial formulations. These technologies generally result in adhesive bonded joints with limited reliability, decreased adhesion strength and reduced resistance to higher temperature. Therefore, no effective disbonding technology has been developed for structural and semi-structural applications for the automotive industry. A comprehensive review will be presented on the adhesive disbonding technology which is currently or intended to be used by industry. This will highlight the advantages and limitations of the various techniques in order to develop an effective disbonding method for the next generation of vehicles at the end of life cycle (ELC).
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Asnawi, Eddy. "Analysis of the Juridical Protection of the Most Traditional Health Laws in the Legal Politics of Legislation of Regional Regulations in Indonesia." International Journal of Law and Public Policy 3, no. 2 (September 25, 2021): 93–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.36079/lamintang.ijlapp-0302.264.
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Regional regulations are written regulations containing generally binding legal norms established by the Regional People's Representative Council with the joint approval of the Regional Head. The regional legislation program has an important and strategic position in the formation of regional regulations. However, most local regulations actually get rejection from the community until they are revoked by the government. The method used in this research is normative legal research. The process of making local regulations rarely involves the community so that local regulations that are born are often not accepted by the community. The Regional Government and the Regional People's Legislative Assembly should first prepare a regional legislation program to determine the needs of the region and the needs of the community, then make regional regulations that are in accordance with the Regional Medium-Term Development Plan or Regional Strategic Plan. Therefore, there must be political will from the Regional Government and the Regional House of Representatives to establish cooperation with universities in conducting studies on a problem so that it becomes an academic text that is ready to be ratified into a regional regulation.
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Sarddar, Debabrata, Raktim Kumar Dey, Rajesh Bose, and Sandip Roy. "Topic Modeling as a Tool to Gauge Political Sentiments from Twitter Feeds." International Journal of Natural Computing Research 9, no. 2 (April 2020): 14–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijncr.2020040102.
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As ubiquitous as it is, the Internet has spawned a slew of products that have forever changed the way one thinks of society and politics. This article proposes a model to predict chances of a political party winning based on data collected from Twitter microblogging website, because it is the most popular microblogging platform in the world. Using unsupervised topic modeling and the NRC Emotion Lexicon, the authors demonstrate how it is possible to predict results by analyzing eight types of emotions expressed by users on Twitter. To prove the results based on empirical analysis, the authors examine the Twitter messages posted during 14th Gujarat Legislative Assembly election, 2017. Implementing two unsupervised clustering methods of K-means and Latent Dirichlet Allocation, this research shows how the proposed model is able to examine and summarize observations based on underlying semantic structures of messages posted on Twitter. These two well-known unsupervised clustering methods provide a firm base for the proposed model to enable streamlining of decision-making processes objectively.
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Winengan, Winengan. "Local Political Democratization Policy: Voter Participation in the Direct Regional Head Elections." Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik 22, no. 1 (September 5, 2018): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jsp.31222.
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The regional head election, a local political event and a symbol of democratic government, is a contest for a legitimized power of regional leaders, who are given authority and responsibility to administer and lead the regional apparatus and development. Since the Indonesian reformation era, the policy regarding the regional head election has shifted from being elected by the local legislative assembly (representative system) to being elected by the people directly (direct election). Anchored in the quantitative descriptive research design, in which the data was garnered from documentation, this study aims to examine the extent to which the people partook in the first round of the direct and simultaneous regional head election in 2015. The collected data was analyzed by means of the participatory and democracy approach within the local political landscape. The empirical findings showed that the public participation in the local election remained low given the statistical evidence (64.02% of the total voters). The study demonstrates that despite the provision of the political stage within the local scope, it does not fully encourage the people to exercise their political rights.
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Saxena, Stuti. "Re-using Open Government Data (OGD) published by the Election Commission of India (ECI)." foresight 20, no. 5 (September 10, 2018): 507–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/fs-12-2017-0082.
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Purpose The paper aims to “re-use” the Open Government Data (OGD) published by the Election Commission of India (ECI). Bihar’s performance across General Elections, 2014, and Bihar Legislative Assembly Elections, 2015, is compared, wherein the role of contestants’ demographic profiles in determining their vote share is being investigated. Design/methodology/approach Hypotheses are derived based on the impact of contestants’ demographic profiles (age, marital status, social category, political party affiliation, educational qualification, availing telephone and email facility, criminal antecedents) on their vote share. Following a quantitative approach, multiple regression and logistic regression are used to draw inferences from the data contestants’ affidavits – sourced from the ECI website. Findings Results show that contestants’ demographic profiles impact their vote share in the elections. While the ECI website is a viable source for re-using the data available there, data are not available in a user-friendly format and this leads to difficulty in being re-used by different stakeholders. Originality/value Academic research on OGD re-use is negligible, and the present study seeks to contribute towards extant literature by underlining the significance of re-using OGD by drawing inferences from the data accessible via ECI.
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Zhou, Chao, Yunjuan Liang, and Anthony Fuller. "Tracing Agricultural Land Transfer in China: Some Legal and Policy Issues." Land 10, no. 1 (January 11, 2021): 58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/land10010058.
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This paper traces the evolution of land tenure changes in contemporary China since 1949. The transfer of land from peasant households to family farms and commercial sized units is on a vast scale and forms one of the greatest land reforms we have ever seen. The agrarian question forms both the policy and academic context in which this legislative account of land transfer is assessed and raises the question of whether land assembly in China resembles previous agricultural transformation policy and processes in industrialized countries or to what extent it has special characteristics of its own. The security of land holding in rural China, established with the household responsibility system, is seen to mature slowly over three to four periods of adjustment, always protecting the rights of peasants while improving conditions for increasing land productivity, resulting in an extension of the two rights of peasant holdings to three rights in the new millennium. The introduction of a third right, a land management right which is transferable from peasants to outsiders, has enabled a huge land assembly movement affecting millions of small holdings. This process of land tenure restructuring raises such questions as the consequences of the capitalization of agriculture, peasant land dispossession, proletarianization, and the prospect of a future land market in rural China, all topics for further research.
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Parkash, Dr Braham. "Political Life of Lala Lajpat Rai." Think India 22, no. 3 (September 26, 2019): 547–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.26643/think-india.v22i3.8327.
Full textAbstract:
The fact is that Lala Lajpat Rai joined the Indian National Congress (INC) and participated in many political agitations in Punjab. For his political agitation, he was deported to Burma without trial in 1907 but returned after a few months because of lack of evidence. Moreover, He was opposed to the partition of Bengal and founded the Home Rule League of America in 1917 in New York. He was also elected President of the All India Trade Union Congress and he supported the non-cooperation movement of Gandhi at the Nagpur session of the Congress in 1920. He also protested against the Rowlatt Act and the Jallianwala Bagh massacre that followed. He founded the Servants of People Society in 1921 and he was elected deputy leader of the Central Legislative Assembly in 1926. In 1928, he moved a resolution in the assembly refusing cooperation with the Simon Commission since the Commission had no Indian members. He was leading a silent protest against the Simon Commission in Lahore when he was brutally lathi-charged by Superintendent of Police, James Scott. Rai died of injuries sustained a few weeks later. In this regard most of the scholars agreed that Lala Lajpat Rai’s contribution to Indian National Movement fall in the unique category. The present research paper highlights Lala Lajpat Rai’s political life.
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Zhou, Chao, Yunjuan Liang, and Anthony Fuller. "Tracing Agricultural Land Transfer in China: Some Legal and Policy Issues." Land 10, no. 1 (January 11, 2021): 58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/land10010058.
Full textAbstract:
This paper traces the evolution of land tenure changes in contemporary China since 1949. The transfer of land from peasant households to family farms and commercial sized units is on a vast scale and forms one of the greatest land reforms we have ever seen. The agrarian question forms both the policy and academic context in which this legislative account of land transfer is assessed and raises the question of whether land assembly in China resembles previous agricultural transformation policy and processes in industrialized countries or to what extent it has special characteristics of its own. The security of land holding in rural China, established with the household responsibility system, is seen to mature slowly over three to four periods of adjustment, always protecting the rights of peasants while improving conditions for increasing land productivity, resulting in an extension of the two rights of peasant holdings to three rights in the new millennium. The introduction of a third right, a land management right which is transferable from peasants to outsiders, has enabled a huge land assembly movement affecting millions of small holdings. This process of land tenure restructuring raises such questions as the consequences of the capitalization of agriculture, peasant land dispossession, proletarianization, and the prospect of a future land market in rural China, all topics for further research.
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Sudrajat, Hendra, and Beggy Tamara. "PERAN NASKAH AKADEMIK DAN DAFTAR INVENTARISASI MASALAH DALAM MEWUJUDKAN PERATURAN DAERAH NOMOR 2 TAHUN 2015 TENTANG PERLINDUNGAN ANAK YANG ASPIRATIF DI KOTA TANGERANG." Soumatera Law Review 1, no. 2 (October 31, 2018): 282–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.22216/soumlaw.v1i2.3713.
Full textAbstract:
The rule of law provides guarantees for human rights and popular sovereignty through the constitution. The 1945 Constitution of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia is the highest constitution of Indonesia as the foundation for the implementation of the rule of law of democracy. With the rolling of reforms by amending the constitution to establish new formats of regional government, including the construction of ideal regional regulations. The ideal regional regulation is one that is able to provide solutions to various community problems through binding regulations. The type of research used is normative legal research using a statutory approach or statute approach and a case approach or case approach. the statutory approach or statute approach is to use the regional regulation approach. The establishment of regional regulations is the authority of the Regional People's Legislative Assembly together with the Regional Head, but sometimes raises various problems, namely the role of the regional government more strongly than the people in the process of drafting regional regulations without accommodating the aspirations of the people, including the formation of regional regulations as a form of democracy and participation in the regions. Community participation in the process of forming Regional Regulation Number 2 of 2015 concerning Participatory Child Protection in the City of Tangerang Banten Province is very important to realize a democratic state of law through aspirational regional regulations.
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Yusdiyanto, Yusdiyanto. "Reviving the Broad Guidelines of State Policy (GBHN) as the Product of People’s Consultative Assembly (MPR) in the Presidential Government System in Indonesia." FIAT JUSTISIA:Jurnal Ilmu Hukum 12, no. 4 (December 31, 2018): 307. http://dx.doi.org/10.25041/fiatjustisia.v12no4.1328.
Full textAbstract:
The research aims to enlight the overview about the urgent of the Broad Guidelines of State Policy (GBHN) as the product of the People’s Consultative Assembly (MPR) by using the dogmatic approach. The amendment of the 1945 Constitution has changed the Indonesian constitutional system. According to the article 2 paragraph (1) of the 1945 Constitution, highest authority remains in the hands of the people and is carried out according to the Constitution. The constitutional design of the Indonesian government system is presidential. However, the implementation often reaps many obstacles and problems, the consequences of amendments, eliminating the authority of the People’s Consultative Assembly (MPR) in terms of electing the President and Vice President, and determining the Broad Guidelines of State Policy (GBHN). MPR is no longer placed as the highest institution of the country and the perpetrators of popular sovereignity. The Constitution which is the holder of popular sovereignty in the practice adheres to a clear and strict understanding of the separation of powers. Like in the legislative field there are People’s Consultative Assembly (MPR), House of Representatives (DPR) and Regional Representative Board (DPD); in the executive field there are Presidents and Vice Presidents elected by the people; in the judicial sector there are the Supreme Court, the Constitutional Court and the Judicial Commission; in the field of financial supervision there is a Indonesian Supreme Audit Institution (BPK). Changes in the position, function and authority of the MPR have implications for the emergence of the National Development Planning System and the National Long-Term Development Plan which became the authority of the elected President. The President that won the election as a basic guidelines for implementing development as the replacement of the GBHN.
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H. Idris, Mustamin, Rahmad Hidayat, and Mahsar Mahsar. "Analisis Proses Formulasi Peraturan Daerah (Studi Pada Peran DPRD Lombok Barat Dalam Proses Formulasi Perda No 3 Tahun 2015 Tentang Pedoman Umum Pelaksanaan Pengarusutamaan Gender Dalam Pembangunan Di Kabupaten Lombok Barat)." JIAP (Jurnal Ilmu Administrasi Publik) 6, no. 1 (January 19, 2019): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.31764/jiap.v6i1.664.
Full textAbstract:
Reform and regional autonomy are under way in the country and are expected to provide a more democratic life. One of them is the demands of the Regional People's Legislative Assembly (DPRD) to carry out its duties and functions in the regions, the wrong function of legislation, the formulation process of Regional Regulation (PERDA). The purpose of this study is intended to examine the role of the West Lombok Regional House of Representatives as one of the actors of Policy Formulation of PERDA. 3 of 2015 on General Guidelines of Gender Mainstreaming in Development in West Lombok Regency and the Factors Affecting it.
The method used in this research is qualitative method with descriptive approach, the data in this research are primary and secondary data in the form of observation, interview and documentation.
The results of this research indicate that the role of West Lombok Regency DPRD as one of the actors of PERDA Formulation is seen from its role in the drafting of Local Regulation, where most have been run in accordance with Standard Operating Procedures (SOP), following the procedure of drafting of Raperda and preparing Raperda. Other actors involved are Family Planning and Women Empowerment (BKBPP). Supporting Factors are in the form of budget as a form of support from the budget of APBD for the field of women's empowerment, facilities and infrastructure formation Raperda Initiative DPRD. While the inhibiting factor in the formation of Raperda Initiative is Human Resources (HR) Experts remain that are not yet available in the formulation of Raperda on Gender Mainstreaming.
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Kryshtanovskaya, O. V. "Elite in social networks: new forms of feedback in the digital age." Digital Sociology 2, no. 2 (November 18, 2019): 4–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/2658-347x-2019-2-4-11.
Full textAbstract:
The article presents the data of sociological research of the Russian political elite and its activity in social networks (using the example of the social network “Twitter”). The study was conducted by analyzing a database, containing information about the presence of accounts, subscriptions and the size of the audience, the content of published materials of representatives of the Russian establishment. The object of the study were the deputies of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the VI convocation and of the Federation Council of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, senior officials of the Presidential Administration of the Russian Federation, members of the Government of the Russian Federation, heads of Subjects of Federation . The basic indicators of the analysis of online activity of elite have been revealed, it has been analyzed how their activity in social networks affects popularity and authority of the power. The analysis of the presence on Twitter of various groups of the ruling elite (representatives of both executive and legislative bodies of power and administration of the country), their activity, the content of published texts, has been made. The index of authority, reflecting popularity of each representative of establishment in circles of ruling elite has been constructed. The method has allowed us to identify not only leaders of public opinion in a network, but also to find the most influential persons in circles of the persons making the state decisions. A significant delay of the authorities in the use of new technologies to promote their policies has been revealed. The need to develop this sector of communication between the government and society in the digital age is obvious.
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Arumugam, Dr Anbu. "“National Institute for Transforming India (NITI) Aayog and Achieving Gender Equality in the Sustainable Development Framework by the year 2030”." Think India 22, no. 3 (September 26, 2019): 904–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.26643/think-india.v22i3.8426.
Full textAbstract:
This research paper aims to study the role of the National Institute for Transforming India (NITI) Aayog in the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development of Women in India with special focus on the Sustainable Development Goal (SDGs) number 5 – Gender Equality. The 70th session of the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) formally adopted the resolution on “Transforming our World: The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development”. The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) comprises of 17 goals and 169 targets and came into force on 1st of January 2016. The Government of India (GOI) has appointed the NITI Aayog as the nodal agency for overseeing the implementation of the SDGs in India. (United Nations, 2015) In India only 59.3% women are literate when compared to 78.8% of men whereas there is 100% enrolment in primary education only 75.5% of girls progress for higher education. In the Indian Parliament only 11% of women hold seats in both houses namely Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha. In the sub-national level women hold only 8.7% of seats across the State Legislative Assemblies in India. The sex-ratio at birth is 919 girls for every 100 boys as per the 2011 Census of India. In India 48.5% of the population are women but only 27.4% of women are in the workforce in the country. (Social Statistics Division MoSPI, GOI, 2017)
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Arumugam, Dr Anbu. "“National Institute for Transforming India (NITI) Aayog and Achieving Gender Equality in the Sustainable Development Framework by the year 2030”." Think India 22, no. 3 (September 25, 2019): 904–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.26643/think-india.v22i3.8427.
Full textAbstract:
This research paper aims to study the role of the National Institute for Transforming India (NITI) Aayog in the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development of Women in India with special focus on the Sustainable Development Goal (SDGs) number 5 – Gender Equality. The 70th session of the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) formally adopted the resolution on “Transforming our World: The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development”. The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) comprises of 17 goals and 169 targets and came into force on 1st of January 2016. The Government of India (GOI) has appointed the NITI Aayog as the nodal agency for overseeing the implementation of the SDGs in India. (United Nations, 2015) In India only 59.3% women are literate when compared to 78.8% of men whereas there is 100% enrolment in primary education only 75.5% of girls progress for higher education. In the Indian Parliament only 11% of women hold seats in both houses namely Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha. In the sub-national level women hold only 8.7% of seats across the State Legislative Assemblies in India. The sex-ratio at birth is 919 girls for every 100 boys as per the 2011 Census of India. In India 48.5% of the population are women but only 27.4% of women are in the workforce in the country. (Social Statistics Division MoSPI, GOI, 2017)