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Journal articles on the topic 'Organisation of the United Nations'
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1
Ferguson, Lucy. "The United Nations World Tourism Organisation." New Political Economy 12, no. 4 (December 2007): 557–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13563460701661587.
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Shukla, Shashi. "Making United Nations a Viable Organisation." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 58, no. 2 (April 2002): 213–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492840205800213.
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Singh, Rai. "Need for Restructuring of United Nations Organisation." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 50, no. 4 (October 1994): 35–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492849405000403.
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Dellmuth, Lisa Maria, and Jonas Tallberg. "Advocacy Strategies in Global Governance: Inside versus Outside Lobbying." Political Studies 65, no. 3 (April 5, 2017): 705–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321716684356.
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As political authority shifts to the global level, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) increasingly attempt to influence policy-making within international organisations (IOs). This article examines the nature and sources of non-governmental organisations’ advocacy strategies in global governance. We advance a twofold theoretical argument. First, non-governmental organisation advocacy can be described in terms of inside and outside strategies, similar to interest group lobbying in American and European politics. Second, non-governmental organisations’ chosen combination of inside and outside strategies can be explained by their organisational goals and membership base. Empirically, this argument is corroborated through a large-n analysis of original data from structured interviews with 303 non-governmental organisation representatives active in relation to the United Nations (UN), complemented by 19 semi-structured interviews with UN and state officials. The article’s findings have implications for the theory and practice of non-governmental organisation involvement in global governance.
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Donovan, G. P. "Thirty-Sixth annual meeting of the International Whaling Commission, June 1984." Polar Record 22, no. 139 (January 1985): 421–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247400005660.
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The thirty-sixth annual meeting of the International Whaling Commission (IWC) was held in Buenos Aires, Argentina, 18–22 June 1984, at the invitation of the Government of Argentina, under the chairmanship of E.H. Iglesias (Argentina). This was the first time since 1977 that the meeting had been held outside the United Kingdom, where the Secretariat has its headquarters. Thirty-seven of the Commission's 40 member nations attended. Observers were present from two non-member governments, five intergovernmental organisations (including the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organisation and the United Nations Environmental Programme) and 37 non-governmental conservation, animal welfare and trade organisations.
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van Luijk, Nicolien. "The International Olympic Committee: A United Nations Permanent Observer of post-politics?" International Area Studies Review 21, no. 2 (March 23, 2018): 134–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2233865918761110.
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In October of 2009 the United Nations (UN) General Assembly accepted the International Olympic Committee’s (IOC) application for Permanent Observer status. This is an honour usually reserved for non-Member States and intergovernmental organisations; very rarely do non-governmental organisations (NGOs) obtain this position. The position enables the IOC to directly influence General Assembly policy decisions. This paper examines how the IOC was able to obtain such a unique status when other NGOs have had their applications rejected, and asks: what does this appointment mean for the involvement of broader civil society at the UN? The paper argues that there are various factors at play that have influenced the relationship between a global sports organisation and an international development organisation, including the neoliberalisation of development, the global power of sport, and processes of legitimation for both the IOC and the UN.
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Puchala, Donald J. "The United Nations: A Clumsy but Worthy Organisation." Global Society 21, no. 3 (July 2007): 467–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13600820701417915.
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WEISS, THOMAS G. "How United Nations ideas change history." Review of International Studies 36, S1 (October 2010): 3–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026021051100009x.
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AbstractThis article considers the United Nations (UN) as a creator and facilitator of innovative ideas in world politics. It thereby breathes new life into the world organisation's overlooked characteristics: the quality and diversity of its intellectual leadership, and its value-based framework for dealing with the global challenges of our times. The nature of UN ideas are examined – the good, the bad, and the ugly – while recognising that most have multiple origins and various carriers, and it continues by assessing impact. Three types of UN ideas – positive, normative, and instrumental – are discussed. Positive ideas are those resting on hard evidence, open to challenge and verifiable. Normative ideas are beliefs about what the world should look like. Instrumental (which some might label ‘causal’) ideas are often about what strategy will have what result or what tactic will achieve a desirable outcome, usually less verifiable and with a normative veneer. The article then examines nine UN ideas that changed the world, before illustrating the significance of this by examining two counterfactuals: a world without the world organisation and its ideas as well as with a more creative institution.
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van Buitenen, Arthur. "The United Nations Commission on Sustainable Development: Securing the Outcomes of UNCED?" Leiden Journal of International Law 7, no. 1 (1994): 89–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156500002831.
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The Commission on Sustainable Development (CSD), the intergovernmental body set up to review the implementation of Agenda 21, is in more than one way crucial for the future development of the United Nations system. The Commission is the first organisation within the United Nations system which institutionally links environment and development. In these policy areas, two integration processes can be distinguished. First, environment and development initiatives have to be taken into account in all other areas of policy and law-making, including such important fields as foreign policy and national and international security. Secondly, the interests of actors on the global stage, including states, intergovernmental and non-governmental organisations, are becoming more and more interrelated and convergent.
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Myconos, George. "Reforming the United Nations Organisation: philosophical and practical underpinnings." Global Change, Peace & Security 21, no. 2 (June 2009): 257–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14781150902872174.
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Fleck, Dieter. "The legal status of personnel involved in United Nations peace operations." International Review of the Red Cross 95, no. 891-892 (December 2013): 613–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383114000290.
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AbstractThis article examines the status of military and civilian personnel of sending states and international organisations involved in UN peace operations. It undertakes an assessment of relevant customary law, examines various forms of treaty regulation and considers topics and procedures for effective settlement of open issues prior to the mission. The author stresses the need for cooperation between the host state, the sending states and the international organisation in this context. He draws some conclusions with a view to enhancing the legal protection of personnel involved in current and future UN peace operations.
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Krommendijk, Jasper. "Can Mr Zaoui Freely Cross the Foreshore and Seabed? The Effectiveness of UN Human Rights Monitoring Mechanisms in New Zealand." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 43, no. 4 (December 1, 2012): 579. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v43i4.5022.
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This article analyses the impact and effectiveness of the most important international monitoring mechanism for New Zealand's international human rights obligations, which is the process of State reporting under United Nations human rights treaties by committees of experts. This article concludes that the organisation of this process in New Zealand has improved since the mid-2000s and that domestic actors, such as the New Zealand Human Rights Commission and non-governmental organisations, have become more involved. There is, however, no structural follow-up to the recommendations of the supervisory United Nations committees, and as a result they often remain largely ineffective. This article will explain why the reporting process under the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child is considerably more effective.
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Fournier-Tombs, Eleonore. "Towards a United Nations Internal Regulation for Artificial Intelligence." Big Data & Society 8, no. 2 (July 2021): 205395172110394. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20539517211039493.
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This article sets out the rationale for a United Nations Regulation for Artificial Intelligence, which is needed to set out the modes of engagement of the organisation when using artificial intelligence technologies in the attainment of its mission. It argues that given the increasing use of artificial intelligence by the United Nations, including in some activities considered high risk by the European Commission, a regulation is urgent. It also contends that rules of engagement for artificial intelligence at the United Nations would support the development of ‘good artificial intelligence’, by giving developers clear pathways for authorisation that would build trust in these technologies. Finally, it argues that an internal regulation would build upon the work in artificial intelligence ethics and best practices already initiated in the organisation that could, like the Brussels Effect, set an important precedent for regulations in other countries.
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Kazantseva, Elena, Galina Chistyakova, and Yury Kleshchevskiy. "Problems of quality of life of the population of coal-mining regions." E3S Web of Conferences 278 (2021): 02003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202127802003.
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Active research on the quality of life of the population began in the second half of the XX century in the United States. Such international organisations as the United Nations (UN), the World Health Organisation (WHO), the International Labour Organization (ILO), the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) and others have been studying the problems of quality of life. The paper deals with the problems of the quality of life of the population of coal-mining regions. The main challenges include income inequality, low life expectancy, low employment, staff outflow, environmental problems, etc. The analysis of ways to solve the problems of improving the quality of life of the population of coal-mining regions is carried out.
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Kourt, Nadira. "United Nations’ Response to Mass Atrocities in China." Global Responsibility to Protect 13, no. 1 (February 16, 2021): 33–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1875-984x-13010006.
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Abstract The Chinese authorities are carrying out a multidimensional campaign of repression of the Uighurs and other Muslim communities in Xinjiang, which may amount to crimes against humanity and genocide. These ongoing crimes require urgent attention and response of the international community, including the United Nations (UN). To counter China’s great influence within the organisation, all avenues need to be explored to protect minorities in Xinjiang.
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CLAVIN, PATRICIA, and JENS-WILHELM WESSEL. "Transnationalism and the League of Nations: Understanding the Work of Its Economic and Financial Organisation." Contemporary European History 14, no. 4 (November 2005): 465–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777305002729.
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This article explores the work of the little-studied Economic and Financial Organisation of the League of Nations. It offers a sustained investigation into how this international organisation operated that assesses the transnational aspects of its work in relation to its inter-governmental responsibilities, and demonstrates the wide-ranging contribution of the organisation's secretariat. The second part of the article establishes the way in which transnationalism enabled the United States, the League's most influential non-member, to play a crucial role in shaping the policy agenda of the League. It also shows how a growing sense of frustration in its work prompted EFO to attempt to free itself from inter-governmental oversight and become an independent organisation to promote economic and financial co-operation in 1940 – a full four years before the creation of the Bretton Woods agreements.
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de La Fayette, Louise. "The Marine Environment Protection Committee: The Conjunction of the Law of the Sea and International Environmental Law." International Journal of Marine and Coastal Law 16, no. 2 (2001): 155–238. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180801x00072.
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AbstractThis article outlines the work of the Marine Environment Protection Committee of the International Maritime Organization in implementing measures to protect the marine environment and to conserve natural resources called for in the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea and international environmental law, in particular as set forth in Agenda 21 and the Rio Declaration, both products of the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development. In so doing, the paper examines IMO's collaboration with other intergovernmental organisations and UN bodies, such as the FAO, UNEP, the Commission on Sustainable Development and the United Nations, as well as with the secretariats of multilateral environmental agreements, such as the Basel Convention and the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. Although the work of IMO is frequently overlooked because it is an older organisation, the treaties, codes and guidelines developed by the MEPC have made an essential and valuable contribution to the progressive development of international environmental law, as well as to the law of the sea.
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Whomersley, Chris. "How to Amend UNCLOS and Why It Has Never Been Done." Korean Journal of International and Comparative Law 9, no. 1 (May 28, 2021): 72–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134484-12340146.
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Abstract The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) contains detailed provisions concerning its amendment, but these have never been used and this article explores why this is so. States have instead maintained the Convention as a “living instrument” by adopting updated rules in other organisations, especially the International Maritime Organisation and the International Labour Organisation. States have also used the consensus procedure at Meetings of the States Parties to modify procedural provisions in UNCLOS, and have adopted two Implementation Agreements relating to UNCLOS. In addition, port State jurisdiction has developed considerably since the adoption of UNCLOS, and of course other international organisations have been active in related fields.
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Karska, Elżbieta, and Karol Karski. "Introduction: The Use of Private Military and Security Companies by the United Nations." International Community Law Review 16, no. 4 (October 24, 2014): 399–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18719732-12341286.
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The work of private military and security contractors is extremely controversial from the point of view of international law and of practice. Sometimes there are doubts as to whether some of their activities should be considered legal activities or illegal mercenarism. Like any other entities using force, they can violate human rights as well as international humanitarian law. They provide their services to, amongst others, states and intergovernmental organisations, including the un. This requires a precise definition of the rules under which such contractors operate, both with regard to the law of treaties and the domestic law of the entities using their services. A question also arises as to whether there is any legal limit to their services being used by intergovernmental organisations, i.e. entities deriving their competences from the will of their member states. The work of the un is an interesting example here. The organisation uses such contractors, but on the other hand, it undertakes various activities to eliminate any potential threats in this respect.
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Raymond Saner and Lichia Yiu. "Porous Boundary and Power Politics: Contextual Constraints of Organisation Development Change Projects in United Nations Organisations." Gestalt Review 6, no. 2 (2002): 84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/gestaltreview.6.2.0084.
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MULIKITA, (KONSTANZ) NJUNGA-MICHAEL. "THE UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL AND THE ORGANISATION OF AFRICAN UNITY." African Security Review 11, no. 1 (January 2002): 27–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2002.9627778.
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Maertens, Lucile. "Depoliticisation as a securitising move: the case of the United Nations Environment Programme." European Journal of International Security 3, no. 03 (June 22, 2018): 344–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eis.2018.5.
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AbstractCreated in 1972, the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) has a normative mandate to promote the protection of the environment at the international level. However, since 1999, the organisation has been conducting field assessments in postconflict situations and addressing the role of natural resources in conflict, framing the environment as a security issue. To do so, the programme insists on its neutrality as a technical and ‘apolitical’ actor within the UN system. Considering depoliticisation as a political act, this article unpacks the concrete practices by which international organisations (IOs) enact depoliticisation. It further argues that IOs can perform securitising moves through practices and techniques presented as outside of the political realm. It draws upon the recent work on depoliticisation at the international level and reinforces studies considering the links between (de)politicisation and securitisation.
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Cupać, Jelena, and Irem Ebetürk. "The personal is global political: The antifeminist backlash in the United Nations." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 22, no. 4 (September 9, 2020): 702–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148120948733.
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Antifeminist mobilisation is growing in the United Nations. It is led by a coalition of certain post-Soviet, Catholic, and Islamic states; the United States; the Vatican; conservative nongovernmental organisations, occasionally joined by the Organisation for Islamic Cooperation, the League of Arab States, the UN Africa Group, and the G77. Uniting them is the aim of restoring the ‘natural family’ and opposing ‘gender ideology’. The group has become increasingly strategic, and its impact can already be seen in a number of UN fora, including the Security Council. By surveying feminist notions of backlash and comparing them to Alter and Zürn’s definition of ‘backlash politics’, the article gauges whether the group’s activities can be characterised as such politics. The conclusion is that they can, suggesting that we are looking at a group with the potential to alter not only the global course of women’s rights but also how politics is done within the UN.
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Bratajaya, Yogi. "ASEAN REFORM: TOWARDS A MORE COHESIVE REGIONAL INTERGOVERNMENTAL ORGANISATION." Padjadjaran Journal of International Law 3, no. 1 (January 31, 2019): 71–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.23920/pjil.v3i1.335.
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AbstractThe Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is a regional intergovernmental organization that has seen exponential growth throughout the course of its lifespan ever since it was founded in August 8 of 1967. The organization comprises of 10 Member States with differing backgrounds in economy, culture and government. Its aims and purposes include “To promote regional peace and stability through abiding respect for justice and the rule of law in the relationship among countries of the region and adherence to the principles of the United Nations Charter” based on the “Mutual respect for the interdependence, sovereignty, equality, territorial integrity, and national identity of all nations.” However, it seems that ASEAN’s fundamental principles are its main detriment to achieving and carrying out its aims and purposes. The organization has faced multiple criticisms regarding its failure to address pressing matters in the region, such as ongoing human rights violations committed by member states. The slowness in addressing these matters is due to its fundamental principles of non-intervention and mutual respect for political independence, which in turn causes the lack of comprehensive dispute settlement mechanisms within the organization. This journal aims to pinpoint and identify the root of the aforementioned problems and seeks to provide a comprehensive solution with reference to other regional organizations.
Keywords: ASEAN, Legal Personality, Dispute Settlement, Human Rights
AbstrakAssociation of SouthEast Asian Nations (ASEAN) merupakan sebuah organisasi antarnegara regional yang mengalami perkembangan pesat sejak terbentuknya pada 8 Agustus 1967. Saat sekarang ASEAN mengandung 10 anggota negara yang mempunyai latar-belakang ekonomi, budaya, dan sistem pemerintahan yang berbeda. Tujuan dari ASEAN adalah “To promote regional peace and stability through abiding respect for justice and the rule of law in the relationship among countries of the region and adherence to the principles of the United Nations Charter” berdasarkan “Mutual respect for the interdependence, sovereignty, equality, territorial integrity, and national identity of all nations.” Namun, prinsip dasar ASEAN seakan-akan menghambat ASEAN untuk mencapai tujuannya. Kritik yang dihadapi oleh ASEAN meliputi statusnya dalam hukum internasional, kurangnya efektivitas sistem penyelesaian sengketa di dalam ASEAN, dan bagaimana ASEAN mengatasi permasalahan Hak Asasi Manusia. Jurnal ini bertujuan untuk mengidentifikasi masalah tersebut dan memberi solusi komprehensif dengan meninjau kepada organisasi regional lain.
Kata Kunci: ASEAN, Personalitas Hukum, Penyelesaian Sengketa, Hak Asasi Manusia
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GÖTZ, NORBERT. "From Neutrality to Membership: Sweden and the United Nations, 1941–1946." Contemporary European History 25, no. 1 (January 13, 2016): 75–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077731500048x.
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AbstractSweden's relationship with the United Nations fluctuated considerably between 1941 and 1946. This article examines how the Nordic country's own security interests were sometimes viewed as compatible and sometimes at odds with membership of the United Nations. The discussions surrounding Sweden's accession to the United Nations and actions of its first delegates to the international organisation are explored at length. So too is the discrepancy between Sweden's reputation for neutrality and its enthusiastic support for the United Nations, on the one hand, and its internal debates and policy decisions during the 1940s, on the other. Finally, the article explores the ways in which Sweden used the United Nations as an arena in which to manifest both its indifference to security alignment and its exceptionalism in world affairs.
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Hartmann, Eva. "The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation: pawn or global player?" Globalisation, Societies and Education 8, no. 2 (June 2010): 307–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14767721003780645.
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Meulenberg, Cecil J. W. "Book review Sustainable Diets - Linking nutrition and food systems." Annales Kinesiologiae 10, no. 2 (November 5, 2019): 149–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.35469/ak.2019.188.
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Book review
Barbara Burlingame and Sandro Dernini (eds):
SUSTAINABLE DIETS – LINKING NUTRITION AND FOOD SYSTEMS
CAB International; 2019, 280 pages
In the scope of the nutrition decade that started in 2016, this monograph addresses, in detail, the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organisation's current definition of sustainable diets from the perspective that 'those have low environmental impacts which contribute to food and nutrition security and to healthy life for present and future generations. Besides, are protective and respectful of biodiversity and ecosystems, culturally acceptale, accessible, economically fair and affordable; nutritionally adequate, safe and healthy; while optimizing natural and human resources.' Throughout 29 expert contributions, the current policy making process regarding the sustainable development goals of the United Nations General Assembly supported by the World Health Organisation and their implementation are explained in length.
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Farquhar, Graham. "Ralph Owen Slatyer 1929–2012." Historical Records of Australian Science 31, no. 1 (2020): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/hr19009.
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Ralph Slatyer (16 April 1929–26 July 2012) had a distinguished career in the Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation and the Australian National University, in plant-water relations and plant succession, leading the development of physiological plant ecology. He was the founding Professor of Environmental Biology at the Research School of Biological Sciences, at the Australian National University and then Director of the Research School of Biological Sciences, 1984–9. He was Australian Ambassador to United Nations Educational and Scientific Cultural Organisation (1978–81), and as Australia’s first Chief Scientist (1989–92), he set up the Cooperative Research Centres.
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Tiwari, Ayushi, and Parimal Kashyap. "Countering Terrorism Through Multilateralism: Reviewing the Role of the United Nations." Groningen Journal of International Law 8, no. 1 (September 30, 2020): 110–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/grojil.8.1.110-122.
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The United Nations (UN) came into being after the world had been ravaged by two World Wars and was on the brink of a Cold War. It was uncharted territory, even for a global organisation, to acknowledge the perils of the new era, which were not limited to regional issues but also included territorial and communal tensions, the arrival of full-fledged non- State organisations and an intrinsic link to politics. The UN has witnessed the development of terrorism as a major international issue. Many of its agencies were conceived as part of its counter-terrorism strategy. It has sought the implementation of this strategy on an operational basis worldwide and brought about cooperation, aid and assistance for the same. This article analyses the history of the UN’s role in defining and countering terrorism, along with the reconfiguration of its stance according to the changing times. It lays out various new challenges put forth by terrorism in the 21st century and questions the legitimacy of the UN’s current counter-terrorism strategy. While advocating the necessity of the UN as a guide, a watch dog and an initiator, it highlights the major hurdles in a comprehensive plan of action and suggests a way forward to the revise the perception of the threat and realign the existing institutional efforts and policy changes, as well as highlighting the need to reconfigure the responses and techniques used.
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WOOD, EVAN, and THOMAS KERR. "Could a United Nations organisation lead to a worsening of drug-related harms?" Drug and Alcohol Review 29, no. 1 (October 5, 2009): 99–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1465-3362.2009.00119.x.
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Rusitoru, Mihaela Viorica, Arto Kallioniemi, and Alison Taysum. "Lifelong learning governance and International Organisations." Swiss Journal of Educational Research 42, no. 2 (October 14, 2020): 461–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.24452/sjer.42.2.9.
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Lifelong learning policies are subject to various approaches of educational governance. Our research presents a hypothesis that lifelong learning policies are creating and engaging with new facets of governance. To test for proof of concept, the lead author conducted interviews with officials and policy makers from international organisations such as the United Nations Education, Science and Culture Organisation, the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, the International Labour Organisation and the Council of Europe. The thematic analysis of the data revealed lifelong learning governance is characterised by an «effects spiral» or «interactive governance» – an institutional formation, functioning and conditioning in decision making of international, European and national actors. A double issue is also highlighted: the economic difficulties (employability, flexi-security, funding and mobility) and the monitoring process (expertise, comparison, transposition, supervision and control), which are prioritised over the social role of education. This is important because it is the social role of education that empowers citizens to realise national, regional, and international strategic plans, and the monitoring process for sustainable development. The thematic analysis reveals new forms of governance in lifelong learning policies, namely collaborative governance, competitive governance, control governance and thematic governance. The authors present this taxonomy on lifelong learning governance with recommendations of how lifelong learning policies can be optimised.
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Adler, Ralph, Mansi Mansi, Rakesh Pandey, and Carolyn Stringer. "United Nations Decade on Biodiversity." Accounting, Auditing & Accountability Journal 30, no. 8 (October 16, 2017): 1711–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aaaj-04-2015-2028.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore the biodiversity reporting practices and trends of the top 50 Australian mining companies before and after the United Nations (UN) declared the period 2011-2020 as the “Decade on Biodiversity”. Design/methodology/approach Using content analysis and interviews, this study compares the extent and type of biodiversity disclosures made by the Australian Stock Exchange’s top 50 metals and mining companies both before and after the UN’s “Decade on Biodiversity” declaration in 2010. Findings A significant increase in the amount of biodiversity reporting is observed between the 2010 fiscal year preceding the UN’s declaration and the 2012 and 2013 fiscal years following the declaration. The findings reveal, however, that the extent of biodiversity reporting is quite variable, with some companies showing substantial increases in their biodiversity reporting and others showing modest or no increases. In particular, the larger companies in the sample showed a statistically significant increase in their disclosures on biodiversity in 2013 compared with 2010, while the increase in biodiversity disclosures by smaller companies was not significant. While interviewees spoke about their companies being more open and transparent, the biodiversity information that is being reported would not enable external parties to assess the company’s biodiversity performance. Research limitations/implications To minimise an organisation’s use of biodiversity reporting as an impression management tool, it is suggested that biodiversity reporting should be more impact based and organisations should provide a report of their activities and their direct and tangible impacts on short-term and long-term biodiversity in and around their operating sites. A possible limitation of the present study pertains to its focus on companies’ voluntary disclosures made in their annual reports and sustainability reports, as opposed to other possible formal or even informal disclosure mediums. Social implications Australia is one of 17 mega-diverse wildlife countries in the world. Finding ways to support the country’s biodiversity framework and strategy are crucial to this continued status. Due to the mining industry’s significant impact on Australia’s biodiversity, a strong need exists for biodiversity reporting by this industry. Furthermore, this reporting should be provided on a site-by-site basis. At present, the reporting aggregation typically conducted by mining companies produces obscure information that is neither useful for stakeholders who are impacted by the mining companies’ activities nor for policymakers who are vested with responsibility for protecting and sustaining the world’s biodiversity. Originality/value This study examines the biodiversity reporting and discourse practices of mining companies in Australia and develops a 50-item biodiversity reporting index to measure the biodiversity reporting practices.
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Tesseur, Wine. "Institutional Multilingualism in NGOs: Amnesty International’s Strategic Understanding of Multilingualism." Meta 59, no. 3 (February 11, 2015): 557–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1028657ar.
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Institutional multilingualism is most often associated with large intergovernmental institutions such as the European Union and the United Nations. Institutional multilingualism in non-governmental organisations (NGOs), however, has remained invisible to a large extent. Like international governmental organisations (IGOs), NGOs operate across linguistic borders. This raises the question whether NGOs use language and translation in the same way as IGOs. The present article takes Amnesty International as a case study, and explores what institutional multilingualism means for this organisation, how it is reflected in its language policy, and how it is put into practice. By gaining insight into the particular case of Amnesty International, this article aims to make a contribution to institutional translation studies.
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Domagała, Wiktoria. "Instrumenty polityki równości płci w kontekście sytuacji w Polsce." Przegląd Europejski, no. 2-2016 (October 23, 2016): 88–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.2.16.5.
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The article undertakes the issue of gender equality policies in the context of its indicators. The main purpose of the paper is to identify the areas of gender inequality, its scale and determinants. Firstly, the article presents the legislation of gender equality policies – its main objectives. Next, the paper discusses indicators that were implemented by organisations such as the Organisation of the United Nations and the European Union. These selected indicators are presented, taking into account the situation in Poland. In conclusion, the paper highlights the main obstacles to the pursuit of equal opportunities for women and men in Poland.
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DONERT, CELIA. "From Communist Internationalism to Human Rights: Gender, Violence and International Law in the Women's International Democratic Federation Mission to North Korea, 1951." Contemporary European History 25, no. 2 (April 12, 2016): 313–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777316000096.
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AbstractIn May 1951 the Women's International Democratic Federation – a communist-sponsored non-governmental organisation – sent an all-female international commission to investigate the war crimes and atrocities allegedly committed by United Nations forces against civilians during the military occupation of North Korea in late 1950. Communist internationalism has been relatively marginalised in the recent wave of scholarship on internationalism and international organisations. This article uses the Women's International Democratic Federation mission to Korea to analyse how the shifting relationship between communist internationalism, human rights and feminism played out in the ‘Third World’ during the early Cold War.
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Mik, Cezary. "The League of Nations’ Capacity for Reform and Adaptation." International Community Law Review 17, no. 2 (May 8, 2015): 189–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18719732-12341302.
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With the outbreak of the Second World War in 1939 the League of Nations collapsed. But the process of its erosion began much earlier. Paradoxically, the people and States who had proposed the establishment of the League to a large extent also contributed to its failure. Reforms and adaptations of the Organisation were the answer to its many deficiencies. Its internal weaknesses, as well as the instrumental approach to the League adopted by some member States and external pressures resulted, however, in reforms being perceived by some as a remedy against its illnesses and by others as a way of destabilising the Organisation. This article tackles the problem of the League’s own capacity for reform and adaptation, as well as its ability to adjust to the violent changes of the international environment. Some observations are formulated in the context of reformatory efforts concerning the United Nations.
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Flannigan, Sean Alan, and Meleckidzedeck Khayesi. "Content analysis of reported activities of the United Nations Road Safety Collaboration Members during the Decade of Action for Road Safety 2011–2020." BMJ Open 11, no. 3 (March 2021): e042409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjopen-2020-042409.
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ObjectiveSeveral activities were planned for the Decade of Action (DOA) for Road Safety 2011–2020, covering key policies and interventions on road safety. Knowledge of the activities implemented by key actors is currently lacking in the literature. This study answers the question: what activities were implemented during the DOA by the United Nations Road Safety Collaboration (UNRSC) members?DesignThe study used content analysis techniques to extract and analyse information from five United Nations Secretary General’s reports, which summarise the activities reported by UNRSC members.SettingThe primary setting for this study are 116 countries in which activities supporting the DOA were conducted.Outcome measuresFrequency of themes and subthemes that emerged from reported activities are identified and cross-tabulated by year of report, country level of income, geographical region and organisation type.ResultsOver the entire DOA, establishment of institutions and lead agencies as well as the development of national strategies featured prominently under the theme of management. This theme was steadily reported across regions, country income level and organisation type. Workshops, training and major events regarding road safety increased in frequency of reporting throughout the decade as did developing and promoting the basic road and vehicle systems supportive of road safety. It is further noted that other key activities like infrastructure and behaviour change that are required for a balanced approach to road safety policy were also attended to by various organisations. Activities related to road safety enforcement and post-crash response as well as activities in low-income countries appeared to be less reported.ConclusionThe wide range of activities reported by UNRSC members over the entire DOA need to be sustained and evaluated in years to come if they are to have a significant impact on reducing road traffic deaths and injuries at national and international levels.
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Webb, Jonathan. "The impact of external donors on NGO practice and policy-making." Sociologija 58, no. 2 (2016): 280–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc1602280w.
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Different views exist regarding the relationship between international aid donors and recipient organisations. International donors are either seen as essential actors for democratising societies or as external interventions that further advance the interests of certain groups. Using Serbia as a case study, this paper argues that by analysing the structure of donor-recipient relationships, a more nuanced understanding emerges based on an analysis of the formal and informal mechanisms that link donors and actors. To reach this understanding, an initial case study of a donor organisation, the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR), is conducted. By undertaking a network analysis of donorrecipient relationships on UNHCR funded programmes, the agenda setting power of donor organisations is demonstrated. This initial analysis demonstrates how financial capital first links these groups. Over time, financial capital crystallises into social capital that sustains non-governmental organisation (NGO) ?cliques?. Advancing this initial analysis, a second stage of network analysis demonstrates how NGO cliques interact with an organisation capable of influencing government social inclusion and poverty reduction policy. In reflecting on these actor networks, it is demonstrated how social capital constituted through both formal and informal linkage, remains crucial for the UNHCR to implement its objectives, for NGOs to ensure their continued relevance and for government actors to obtain policy advice.
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WU, Xiaoping, and LYE Liang Fook. "China Provides More International Public Goods." East Asian Policy 09, no. 02 (April 2017): 43–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930517000150.
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With increasing clout in world affairs, China has begun to enhance its International Public Goods (IPG) provision in the footsteps of the Great Britain and the United States. Its IPG provision could be enhanced through existing IPGs, such as increasing its budget share in the United Nations, and producing IPGs out of its own initiation and design, such as the establishment of the Shanghai Corporation Organisation and Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank.
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Ali, Shanti Sadiq. "United Nations' Role in South Africa: Constraints and Possible Options." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 42, no. 3 (July 1986): 225–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848604200301.
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The principle of the elimination of racism and racial discrimination, of which apartheid is an institutionalised form, has become one of the cornerstones of the international community's concerns. As the community's watchdog, the United Nations has accorded, a high priority to this principle. Article 56 of the United Nations Charter stipulates thatbn ‘all members pledge themselves to take joint action in cooperation with the Organisation for the achievement of the purposes set forth in Article 55’, which includes ‘universal respect for, and observance of, human rights and fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion.’ Equally, the concern of the international community has been evident in the progressive evolution of the General Assembly's recommendations, resolutions and decisions, of the relevant international instruments, of its policy of sanctions, albeit by no means satisfactory, and the prominence this principle receives in various UN organs and activities, in particular the programmes undertaken under the Decade for Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination. However, the supportive role of the United Nations in the struggle being waged against apartheid within South Africa and Namibia, highly commendable though it is, has unfortunately been considerably weakened by the lack of consensus in dealing with systematic violations of international norms by the Pretoria regime for the maintenance of apartheid, as well as over the strategies to be adopted to resist this unjust and oppressive system. In the specific context of the present structure of the United Nations, particularly the powers given to the Security Council, these divergencies are found to be major constraints as they have the inevitable impact of impeding enforcement measures. As a consequence today, the continuing gulf between international law and reality threatens the very credibility of the world organisation especially as far as its human rights policies with regard to South Africa are concerned. The struggle within the United Nations system against apartheid, inevitably slow moving, nonetheless continues as can be seen from the evolution of measures taken. It will also be seen that the world body, undeterred by persistent disagreements over principle, its interpretation and enforcement, continues to explore possible options in shaping policies to be able to deal more effectively with the scourge of apartheid and thereby strengthen the ethical foundations of the international community and a civilised system of peaceful coexistence. The situation, therefore, though highly complicated, is not entirely hopeless. On the contrary there is room for optimism that meaningful consequences will emerge from these efforts of the United Nations to eliminate apartheid as well as to bring about a qualitative change in and protection of a whole range of human rights.
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Woolliams, J. A. "Managing populations at risk." BSAP Occasional Publication 30 (2004): 85–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263967x00041963.
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AbstractThe procedures outlined by the Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United Nations (FAO) guidelines for managing small populations at risk are reviewed. These cover identification of breeds at risk, prioritising and deciding upon actions, managing in vivo populations at risk, and managing gene banks of cryoconserved material.
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Laird, Siobhan E. "International Child Welfare: Deconstructing UNICEF's Country Programmes." Social Policy and Society 4, no. 4 (October 2005): 457–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746405002642.
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There has been exhaustive scrutiny of the policies of the Bretton Woods institutions and the United Nations Population Fund. UNICEF, despite a prominent role in agenda setting for children's welfare in developing countries, has not been subject to comparable scrutiny. This paper argues that the Country Programmes promulgated by UNICEF to improve children's welfare reflect ethnocentric conceptualisations of the family. As a case study, Ghana's Country Programme 2001–2005 is considered in detail. Anthropological studies are adduced to highlight underlying ethnocentric assumptions around social organisation. The ramifications of these assumptions are then considered.
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Dellmuth, Lisa Maria. "The knowledge gap in world politics: Assessing the sources of citizen awareness of the United Nations Security Council." Review of International Studies 42, no. 4 (January 11, 2016): 673–700. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210515000467.
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AbstractThe past decades have seen a significant expansion in the scope and authority of international organisations (IOs), raising questions about who participates and is represented in the public contestation of IOs. An important precondition for citizens to become critically involved in the public debate about an IO is that they are aware of the politics of that IO. This article sheds light on this largely unexplored issue, asking why some citizens are more aware of IOs than others. This question is examined in the context of a powerful international organisation, the United Nations Security Council. Using a multilevel analysis of citizens in 17 Asian and European countries, this article argues that citizen knowledge about the Council is shaped by economic conditions and cosmopolitan identity. Higher levels of knowledge are found among the wealthier, and there is some evidence that income inequality depresses knowledge among poorer citizens. Furthermore, citizens identifying with groups or individuals across nation-state borders are more likely to know more about the Council. The article sketches broader implications for the study of the politicisation of IOs and citizen representation in the public contestation of IOs.
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McCullough, J. Mac, Matthew Speer, Sanne Magnan, Jonathan E. Fielding, David Kindig, and Steven M. Teutsch. "Reduction in US Health Care Spending Required to Meet the Institute of Medicine’s 2030 Target." American Journal of Public Health 110, no. 12 (December 2020): 1735–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2105/ajph.2020.305793.
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Objectives. To quantify changes in US health care spending required to reach parity with high-resource nations by 2030 or 2040 and identify historical precedents for these changes. Methods. We analyzed multiple sources of historical and projected spending from 1970 through 2040. Parity was defined as the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) median or 90th percentile for per capita health care spending. Results. Sustained annual declines of 7.0% and 3.3% would be required to reach the median of other high-resource nations by 2030 and 2040, respectively (3.2% and 1.3% to reach the 90th percentile). Such declines do not have historical precedent among US states or OECD nations. Conclusions. Traditional approaches to reducing health care spending will not enable the United States to achieve parity with high-resource nations; strategies to eliminate waste and reduce the demand for health care are essential. Public Health Implications. Excess spending reduces the ability of the United States to meet critical public health needs and affects the country’s economic competitiveness. Rising health care spending has been identified as a threat to the nation’s health. Public health can add voices, leadership, and expertise for reversing this course.
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Manga, Sylvestre-José-Tidiane. "Post-Paris Climate Agreement UNFCCC COP-21: Perspectives on International Environmental Governance." African Journal of International and Comparative Law 26, no. 3 (August 2018): 309–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ajicl.2018.0235.
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This contribution presents a number of key assets on the road to a renewable energy global economy. Among these are science, technology innovation and green investment. The Paris Climate Agreement is also presented as a normative framework asset but the deal failed to establish measureable targets to follow up progress throughout its implementation process. This research points out the fact that such a failure is common to most environmental international instruments. The UNFCCC 21st COP which adopted the Paris Climate Agreement is indeed a demonstration once again of the incapacity of the COP mechanism to adopt suitable institutional arrangements to build up sustainability and resilience. It is suggested, however, that this very fact should raise among nations a collective conscience regarding the inadequacies of the current environmental institutions and forums. The international community is invited to seek a strong specialised institution with organisational status within the United Nations system to adopt decisions, environmental standards and sustainability indicators and to implement these autonomously for the sake of the preservation of life on earth for generations to come. To this end, this article shares the solution of resuming and concluding previous consultations and negotiations on reform of the international environmental governance within the United Nations system aiming at the creation of a World Environmental Organisation (WEO).
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Chang, Kevin C. "When Do-Gooders Do Harm: Accountability of the United Nations toward Third Parties in Peace Operations." Journal of International Peacekeeping 20, no. 1-2 (December 8, 2016): 86–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-02001007.
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The United Nations’ mandate in a peace operation can be multi-dimensional, ranging from ceasefire monitoring to investigating human rights abuses to post-conflict stabilisation and recovery. The exercise of wide-ranging powers comes with risks of failure and unintended consequences. Like any organisation, the un is subject to flaws in decision-making that may result in harmful impact to the local population. Until recent times, international lawyers have paid scant attention to the un’s potential to inflict harm in the pursuit of its noble aims. The expansion of the un’s role over the decades has given rise to greater awareness of its accountability gap under international and municipal laws. The organisation’s response to recent claims from third parties illustrates the challenges that lie before victims in attaining accountability in a manner consistent with international human rights standards. This article examines the multifarious questions of accountability of the un toward third parties in peace operations. It argues that greater accountability is most practically achieved not through attempts to close gaps in international law, but through giving effect to existing mechanisms by applying a balancing approach to immunity and strengthening internal oversight and redress mechanisms.
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PIIPARINEN, TOUKO. "Related powers of the United Nations: reconsidering conflict management of international organisations in Ontological light." Review of International Studies 35, no. 3 (July 2009): 675–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210509008705.
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AbstractThe mainstream literature on the UN has been underlain by a methodological individualist philosophy, according to which all social phenomena, and particularly the functioning of all social institutions, should always be seen as resulting from the decisions of individual actors, as if the whole (organisation) was never more than the sum of its parts (members of an organisation). Such a fallacy has been denounced by social constructivist approaches which account for the existence of certain emergent properties of the UN, such as collective identity, which cannot be reduced to its constituent units, namely, states. These accounts, however, have offered a partial picture of the holistic understanding of the UN, as they have failed to comprehend, or perhaps simply ignored the causal powers of such emergent properties. This article enhances constructivist approaches by dint of the critical realist models of Synchronic Emergent Powers Materialism and Transformational Model of Social Activity. The value added of these two models in comprehending the powers associated with the UN Security Council lies in their ability to function as instructive metaphors; they allow for the independent and irreducible existence of certain mechanisms by which the Council controls international conflicts but nevertheless recognises that these can only emerge from the mutual interaction between agents (states) and structure (UN institutions).
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Hábermayer, Tamás, and Péter Horváth. "Voluntary Rescue Service in Hungary: The HUSZÁR Team." Academic and Applied Research in Military and Public 19, no. 1 (2020): 45–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.32565/aarms.2020.1.4.
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HUSZÁR, the Hungarian National Organisation for Rescue Services, was founded in 2012 and now has a staff of over 80. HUSZÁR is a special rescue unit that can be deployed in domestic and international disaster management. Based on the United Nations International Search and Rescue Advisory Group (UN INSARAG) classification, HUSZÁR is a medium level urban search and rescue team and its units are equipped with special skills and technical equipment. A special feature of the team is volunteerism combined with professional interventional skills. Its subunits can manage individual interventions, they have participated in several international disaster relief tasks following earthquakes and tsunamis, and they have also played an active role in the preparation of other nations’ rescue teams.
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PALCHETTI, PAOLO. "Outlawry but with teeth: The problem of enforcing peace through international institutions." Global Constitutionalism 7, no. 3 (November 2018): 358–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2045381718000175.
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Abstract:If the main merit of The Internationalists is to shed light, in a powerful and convincing way, on the transformative power of rules, the role of institutions – and in particular of the United Nations and its collective security system centred around the activity of the Security Council – does not come out of the book as clearly as it might. It is submitted that the decision to concentrate upon the rule – the prohibition to use force – while limiting the attention paid to the institution – the United Nations and its collective security system – is not without consequence, particularly given the strict link existing, in the common perception, between the rule and the institution. This brief comment will focus on certain ambivalences emerging from the book about the contribution of the United Nations, as a peace-enforcing organisation, to fostering the emergence of a New World Order, as well as its continuing relevance for preserving the effectiveness of the principle on non-use of force.
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Rosenne, Shabtai. "International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea: 1996-97 Survey." International Journal of Marine and Coastal Law 13, no. 4 (1998): 487–514. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180898x00328.
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AbstractThis article surveys the work of the Meeting of States Parties, of the United Nations General Assembly, and of ITLOS, from the third Meeting of States Parties held in November 1995 through 1996 and 1997. The Meeting of States Parties dealing with the Tribunal's financial and administrative matters is noted. The results of the election of members of ITLOS held in August 1996 and the geographical representation in the Tribunal are explained. An account of different actions taken by the United Nations General Assembly relating to ITLOS during the period under review follows. The Tribunal's activities relating to its own internal organisation, the Tribunal's jurisdiction, and the first case submitted to it, conclude this survey.