Academic literature on the topic 'Organized crime – South Africa – Case studies'

This article explores the social representation of black masculinities as violent in the globally publicized case of the murder by Oscar Pistorius of his girlfriend, Reeva Steenkamp. This murder and the subsequent media interest it generated highlighted the manner in which fear of crime in South Africa, particularly amongst certain sectors of the population such as white, male gun owners and gun lobbyists, (including Pistorius and his family members) contributed to assertions about their right to own guns to defend their families and possessions against this perceived threat. Such claims were made despite statistical evidence showing that black South Africans are more likely to be victims of violent crime than white South Africans. Drawing upon media coverage of the trial, this article critically discusses the intersection between masculinity and racial identity with a particular focus on gun ownership as a symbol of hegemonic white manhood, and the parallel construction of black masculinities as violent and dangerous. The Oscar Pistorius trial offers rich material for this analysis: his entire defence was based on the view that the intruder he feared was almost certainly a black man who, as a legitimate target for the use of lethal force in self-defence, deserved to die from the four bullets fired through a closed door. It is argued that in his absence, the black man was ever-present at the Oscar Pistorius trial as a threatening figure whose calling into being was revealing of how black masculinities continue to be represented, relayed and received in particular ways in post-apartheid South Africa.

Although studies have described the incidence and epidemiology of adolescent homicide victimization in South Africa, little is known about the situational contexts in which they occur. This study aimed to describe the victim, offender, and event characteristics of adolescent homicide and to generate a typology based on the particular types of situational contexts associated with adolescent homicide in South Africa. Data on homicides among adolescents (15-19 years) that occurred in Johannesburg (South Africa) during the period 2001-2007 were obtained from the National Injury Mortality Surveillance System (NIMSS) and police case records. Of the 195 cases available for analysis, 81% of the victims were male. Most of the offenders were male (90%), comprising of strangers (42%) and friends/acquaintances (37%). Arguments (33%) were the most common precipitating circumstances, followed by revenge (11%), robbery (11%), and acts of vigilantism/retribution for a crime (8%). Through the use of cluster analysis, the study identified three categories of adolescent homicide: (a) male victims killed by strangers during a crime-related event, (b) male victims killed by a friend/acquaintance during an argument, and (c) female victims killed by male offenders. The results can serve to inform the development of tailored and focused strategies for the prevention of adolescent homicide.

Advance fee and non-delivery frauds have become very common with the growing preference for online shopping and the new opportunities this brings for online offenders. This article uses unique access to a volunteer group’s database focused on preventing pet scams to explore this type of crime. Distances, among other factors, make the purchase of pets online common in countries such as the USA, Australia and South Africa. This modality of purchase has been exploited by organized criminals largely based in Cameroon to conduct advance fee and non-delivery frauds. The article uses data from the volunteer group Petscams.com to provide unique insights on the techniques of the offenders with particular reference to the strategies used to maximize victimization by using real accounts of victims of such frauds. It also briefly notes how the COVID-19 crisis has been used to adapt this type of scam. The article’s discussion identifies the need for a more nuanced assessment into the role of victim oriented voluntary organizations.

Commentators frequently report on the high prevalence of violent crime in South Africa and often label the country as one of the most violent in the world, with a subculture of violence and criminality. This paper focuses on a different perspective, reporting on the excessive use of force and destruction caused by offenders in South Africa to gain entry to victims' properties in the execution of non-violent property crimes, in a particular residential burglary. Literature on property crimes has been considering the aggravating circumstances of violent property crimes. However, the use of excessive force and destruction caused by burglars to gain access to victims' properties in the execution of residential burglary remains relatively untested in the literature. In this light, the purpose of this study is to describe the unprecedented levels of force used and destruction caused by burglars to gain access to victims' properties during residential burglary victimisation in an urban residential neighbourhood in Johannesburg, South Africa. A qualitative research approach is followed. A case study design was used to select an urban residential neighbourhood in Johannesburg as a case study. A data set of (n = 1 431) crimes were purposively selected by means of non-probability sampling. Qualitative and quantitative content analysis was used to analyse the data. This paper offers valuable insight into the forceful and destructive conduct of burglars in the selected neighbourhood and contributes to the body of knowledge by providing an improved understanding of target hardening as a preventive measure against residential burglary victimisation as well as on methods of entry used by burglars in incidents of residential burglary. The results of reported non-violent property crime victimisation incidences by this community's neighbourhood watch scheme suggest that residential burglars in the selected neighbourhood are uncharacteristically forceful and ravage in their actions since they frequently revert to extreme use of force and destruction, disproportionate to the crime perpetrated. It is concluded that this radical degree of force used and destruction caused by residential burglars to gain entry to victims' properties in the execution of non-violent property crimes is not typically associated with residential burglary as compared to countries internationally.

The football (soccer) stadium in Italy has been, since its origin, not only a ludic space but also a symbolic setting that has often reflected national socio-political issues such as the country’s north/south economic and political divide, the existence of organized crime, the promotion of radical political ideologies, and, concomitantly, racism and homophobia. In such a milieu, the spectacle of football can suddenly shift to symbolic and factual violence. One of the main tools of the complex Italian counter hooliganism model (CHM) is the Tessera del tifoso, a compulsory fan ID scheme adopted in 2009 to curb football spectator violence. This paper attempts to systematically evaluate this scheme for the first time, adopting as its conceptual frame Giorgio Agamben’s concepts of the state of exception, bare life, the (concentration) camp, and dispositivo (apparatus). It is argued that the Tessera del tifoso serves as a most prominent example of a CHM based on a permanent state of exception manifested by an increase in State surveillance, control, and regulation of fans’ lives with potential implications for their civil liberties and freedom.

Universities are often considered to be safe sanctuaries. However, many higher education institutions have increasingly been confronted with crime and unrest. Violence and other crimes on campuses are currently an international concern. This paper reports on a study that investigated student’s perceptions of safety on two campuses namely Lahti University of Applied Sciences in Finland and the North-West University in Potchefstroom, South Africa. Theories from Environmental Psychology and Urban Planning are combined in this study in order to incorporate aspects of the individual, social setting and spatial environment. Increasing people’s safety help to optimise their experience of their environment and can in turn create an enabling context for people to flourish and improve their quality of life. The research followed a qualitative research approach. In this study, 21 participants from a Finnish university and 16 participants from a South African university were selected through purposive sampling. Data were generated through semi-structured interviews supported by visual data of the spatial environment. All data were transcribed verbatim and analysed through qualitative content analysis. The literature and findings of the research both support that the spatial and social environment influences safety. It is therefore recommended that safe campus environments require a multi-disciplinary and integrated approach to proactively develop a Comprehensive Safe Environment Plan (CSEP). From a planning perspective, students’ perceptions of campus environments’ safety may include the creation of compact dedicated campus areas, land uses, building placing and orientation, territoriality, landscaping, visibility, control over fear-inducing activities, maintenance, security measures and pedestrian orientated areas.

This article examines some of the collective action problems which beset South African business in national and regional accords. The first part concludes that incomes policy type accords at national level are unlikely to be successful in South Africa. The main part of the article considers accords at subnational level where conflicts of interest are more easily (but not entirely) resolved. This is done by means of two case studies of business acting collectively to promote regional or local development. The first looks at the role of organized business in the Eastern Cape Socio-Economic Consultative Council (ECSECC). It is suggested that the geographical divide between the various business organizations undermines the potential for collective action. The second describes the more successful local housing accord which was negotiated in Port Elizabeth.

Most studies on entrepreneurship have highlighted the relative importance of a conducive environment for the development of entrepreneurship. This notwithstanding, entrepreneurship has been noted to thrive even under the most adverse conditions, such as during economic, social and political instabilities. Using resilience as the propensity to bounce back after adversity and xenophobia, crime, unhealthy competition, etc. as correlates of adversity or an unconducive business environment, this paper investigated the preponderance of Somali grocery shops in South African township despite the perceived hostility of the business environment. Anchored on the qualitative research approach, a purposive sample of 13 participants provided the required data for analysis. Specifically, the data collection took the form of focus group interviews in which two groups of 6 and 7 informants were purposively selected to be part of the interviews. Prominent in the results was the fact that almost all the current Somali grocery shops in the study area have been victims of crime and theft. Furthermore, virtually all the Somali grocery shops that were victimized during the xenophobic outburst have since re-opened. The foregoing themes of resilience and adversity unmistakably indicate the propensity of Somali grocery shop owners’ ability to bounce back. As to what township entrepreneurs worry or fear most, clearly the fear of the re-occurrence of the xenophobic attacks surpassed that of burglary, theft and death. As to what fuels Somali’s persistence and preponderance in townships, both push and pulled factors were reported. Reporting on risk aversion, it was noted that most of the founders (here referred to as an entrepreneur) are not actively involved in running the shops. They simply recruit others to do the job on their behalf. Under this circumstance, the risk is limited to financial risk. This approach is quite different for other African immigrants in the same township. Keywords: entrepreneurship, turbulent business environment, xenophobia, entrepreneurial resilience, South Africa townships. JEL Classification: M00

Subject area This case was developed to explore what social entrepreneurship looks like in an emerging market context. It tells the story of Neil Campher, a self-identified social entrepreneur working in South Africa, a country that has recently been awarded middle income status by the World Bank despite sharing a ranking with Syria on the Human Development Index. In environments of deep market failure, what does social enterprise look like? and can you sustain change in communities of extreme poverty? The case looks at the academic characteristics of social entrepreneurs and applies them to Neil to see if he “qualifies”. It has a particular focus on the bricoleur social entrepreneur. It explores concepts of poverty, and looks at sustainability, achieved through asset-based community development. It explores the need for organisations to transition in response to the environment and provides a tool to assess sustainability. The value of the paper is in exploring what social entrepreneurship looks like in an emerging market context. It also raises important questions on sustainability in environments which are inherently constrained. Study level/applicability This case study is aimed at students of social entrepreneurship, development studies, sustainable livelihoods and asset-based development. It is written at an Honours level and is therefore appropriate for use in customised or short programmes. The case study is a good introduction for students with a background in business (e.g. Diploma in Business Administration/MBA/custom programmes) who are wanting to understand social enterprise and blended theories of social and economic change. Case overview The case study follows self-identified social entrepreneur Neil Campher in the grime and crime-ridden township of Helenvale, outside Port Elizabeth, in South Africa. Campher has given up his glitzy career as a financier in the economic hub of Johannesburg and returned to his home town, drawn by a need to give back. Helenvale used to be where he and his school friends would hide from the apartheid police, but as an adult, his friends are focused on strengthening and progressing the community. Campher’s entry point to change is a small waste recycling project, and the case study looks at how he uses this as a lever to achieve deeper structural change in the community. The teaching case exposes several questions around social entrepreneurship and change: what is social entrepreneurship in an emerging context and is Campher a social entrepreneur? What is community led change and can it be sustainable? Campher’s dilemma is around sustainability – has his extensive involvement of the community been enough to achieve progress in Helenvale? Expected learning outcomes The case study gives insight into social entrepreneurship in a developing country context. It highlights the nuances in definition and introduces the importance of context in shaping the social entrepreneur. The case is an opportunity for students to interrogate ideas on poverty and classical interpretations of social entrepreneurship and relate them to a small community that mirrors the macro country context in South Africa. The case study shows how asset-based approaches to development are interlinked with basic principles of social entrepreneurship. It shows that sustainability is more than a secure and predictable income stream and the need for community engagement and commitment to the solution. In tackling these issues, the case questions sustainability potential and the need for the organisation to transition to respond to opportunity and the changing environment. Supplementary materials Video X1 5minute video interview with Neil Campher 5min: YouTube Video of Campher from Interview 1 www.leadingchange.co.za (live from 01 April 2016) Video News report of gang violence in Helenvale 3min: YouTube. This is a quick visual introduction to Helenvale. It is a news clip, so is particularly focused on the angle of the story. It includes interviews with residents. The site www.youtube.com/watch?v=TluLpTuEq8I Northern Areas burning 2min: YouTube is a collection of video footage from a local reporter which shows Helenvale and its surroundings. The site www.youtube.com/watch?v=NCW-Hp24vMI shows the Text Global Competitiveness Report: South Africa; the first page gives additional information on social and economic development in South Africa, highlighting developed/developing country attributes. It also highlights how Helenvale is a microcosm of the negative social development indicators in South Africa (http://reports.weforum.org/global-competitiveness-report-2014-2015/economies/#economy=ZAF). Teaching notes are available for educators only. Please contact your library to gain login details or email support@emeraldinsight.com to request teaching notes. Subject code CSS 3: Entrepreneurship.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study set out to research the influence of a local non-state actor on the role and authority of the state, in the domestic environment. Accordingly, the research problem focused on the impact of a domestic actor on the association between the state and the society. This study only focused on the state at the level of local government and the impact of one specific actor, organised criminal groups, on social control by the state. Thus, state-society relations were discussed in this context. In order to guide this study, the main and two supportive research questions were stated as follows: What is the impact of organised crime on the social control by the state? What are the power dynamics between local governance, criminal agents and society? Has the state become criminalised at the level of local government, as a result of the activities of organised crime, and if so, to what extent? The state thus functioned as the dependent variable and organised criminal groups as the independent variable. The theoretical foundation of this study was located in state-society relations, and specific reference was given to the work of Migdal (1988) and his analysis of state social control, pyramidal and weblike societies. Furthermore, a neo-pluralist view of the state was followed. A conceptualisation of the criminalisation of the state was provided, as the criminalisation of the state was regarded as one possible impact of organised crime on the state. In order to analyse the criminalisation of the state, a framework was constructed from four main avenues of empirical observation. In order to answer the research questions, a case study research design and a predominantly qualitative methodology was selected. As a case, the City of Cape Town was selected and Manenberg, located on the Cape Flats, as the site for the research. A case study research design created the opportunity to describe the context in detail and to connect the micro level of analysis to the macro level; thus, it provided insight on the research topic that enabled the researcher to expand/build theory. The field research process occurred over a period of three months using a triangulation of methods: Key informant interview, small group discussions and observation with three categories of respondents. These three categories included: Community members of Manenberg, organised criminal groups and agents of local government and local governance. In order to set the stage for the empirical analysis, a contextualisation of the dependent and independent variables were provided. It was stated that there is a lack of a universally agreed upon definition of organised crime, and as a result, a conceptualisation of organised crime was generated for this study. It was further argued that the majority of literature treats organised criminal groups and organised criminal gangs as two separate concepts, despite the fact that there are more similarities than differences. Thus, for the purpose of this study, a conclusion was reached that the difference is inconsequential. The development of organised crime in South Africa and an examination of the historical development of the gangs on the Cape Flats were described. With regards to the dependent variable, the context was provided for an analysis of local government in South Africa. The demographical and operational features of the municipal area of the City of Cape Town were explained, with specific reference to safety and security elements. The primary data collected was analysed according to the indicators of social control (compliance, participation and legitimacy), as identified by Migdal (1988). In addition, the framework to analyse the criminalisation of the state at the level of local government was applied on the case study. Based on the analysis, a different system, to what was described by Migdal (1988) in his narrative of a triangle of accommodation was found to be in operation in Manenberg on the Cape Flats. It was confirmed that there is the presence of a weakened state and accordingly, a weblike society, where social control is fragmented between local government and the criminal community. However, in this weblike society a system of local power dynamics exists between the criminal community, social community and local agents of governance, where dyadic collaboration occurs between all three the actors. However, despite the collaboration, the criminalisation of the state does not occur, but rather the statification of the organised criminal community, as it provides goods and service to the social community. The main findings can be summarised as: If a state lacks extensive social control and a rival authority has claimed a level of social control, this will not necessarily lead to the further weakening of the state, as a result of a system of power dynamics in place, where collaboration between the social community, the criminal community and local agents of governance occurs. This system is kept in place by: On-going efforts by the state to maintain (or regain) compliance, participation and legitimacy; corrupt agents of the state (specifically in the security sector); a level of operational ease that exists for the criminal community (and the interweaving of the criminal community in the social community) and a relatively strong society that acknowledges the benefits of criminal activities for the social community, but also recognises the authority and control of the state.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie het ten doel om die uitwerking van 'n plaaslike nie-staatsrolspeler op die rol en gesag van die staat in die plaaslike omgewing te ondersoek. Vervolgens fokus die navorsingsvraag op die impak van 'n plaaslike rolspeler op die verhouding tussen die staat en die samelewing. Die studie fokus op die staat op plaaslike regeringsvlak en op die impak van een spesifieke rolspeler, georganiseerde misdaadgroepe. Staat-samelewing-verhoudinge is dus teen hierdie agtergrond bespreek. Om die studie te rig, is die hoof- en twee ondersteunende navorsingsvrae soos volg gestel: Wat is die impak van georganiseerde misdaad op die sosiale beheer van die staat? Wat is die magsdinamiek tussen die plaaslike regeringsvlak, kriminele agente en die samelewing? Is die staat gekriminaliseer op plaaslike regeringsvlak as gevolg van die resultate van georganiseerde misdaadbedrywighede en, indien wel, in hoe 'n mate? Die staat vorm dus die afhanklike veranderlike en georganiseerde misdaadgroepe die onafhanklike veranderlike. Die teoretiese begronding vir hierdie studie is gevind in staat-samelewing-verhoudinge en die werk van Migdal (1988), spesifiek sy analise van staat-sosiale beheer en piramiede- en webvormige samelewings, word genoem. Verder is 'n neo-pluralistiese beskouing van die staat ingeneem. 'n Konseptualisering van die kriminalisering van die staat word verskaf, aangesien dit voorsien is as een moontlike impak van georganiseerde misdaad op die staat. Ten einde die kriminalisering van die staat te ontleed, is 'n raamwerk opgebou uit vier hoofrigtings van empiriese observasie. 'n Gevallestudie is as navorsingsontwerp gebruik om die navorsingsvrae te beantwoord, met hoofsaaklik 'n kwalitatiewe metodologie. As 'n geval is die Stad Kaapstad gekies, met Manenberg op die Kaapse Vlakte as die terrein vir die navorsing. Die gevallestudie-navorsingsontwerp het die geleentheid geskep om die konteks in detail te beskryf en die mikrovlak-analise met die makrovlak-analise te verbind; derhalwe het dit insig verskaf wat die navorser in staat gestel het om teorie (uit) te bou. Die veldwerkproses het oor 'n tydperk van drie maande deur drie metodes plaasgevind: onderhoude met sleutelinformante, kleingroepbesprekings, en observasies met drie kategorieë respondente. Hierdie drie kategorieë is gemeenskapslede van Manenberg, georganiseerde misdaadgroepe, en agente van plaaslike regering en bestuur. Ten einde die empiriese navorsing op te stel, is 'n kontekstualisering van die afhanklike en onafhanklike veranderlikes verskaf. Dit is gestel dat daar 'n gebrek is aan 'n universeel-aanvaarde definisie van georganiseerde misdaad, en as gevolg hiervan is 'n konseptualisering vir hierdie studie gevorm. Daar is verder geargumenteer dat die meerderheid literatuur georganiseerde misdaadgroepe en georganiseerde misdaadbendes as twee aparte konsepte hanteer, ten spyte daarvan dat hierdie groeperinge veel meer ooreenstem as verskil. Vervolgens is die gevolgtrekking gemaak dat die verskil nie betekenisvol is nie. Die ontwikkeling van georganiseerde misdaad in Suid-Afrika en 'n ontleding van die historiese ontwikkeling van bendes op die Kaapse Vlakte is beskryf. Rakende die afhanklike veranderlike, is die konteks verskaf vir 'n analise van plaaslike regering in Suid-Afrika. Die demografiese en operasionele kenmerke van die munisipale area van die Stad Kaapstad is uiteengesit, met spesifieke verwysing na veiligheid- en sekuriteitselemente. Die primêre ingesamelde data is ontleed aan die hand van die indikatore van sosiale beheer (nakoming, deelname en legitimiteit) soos deur Migdal (1988) gedefinieer. Verder is die raamwerk om die kriminalisering van die staat op plaaslike regeringsvlak te ontleed, op die gevallestudie toegepas. Op grond van die analise is daar bevind dat 'n ander stelsel as wat Migdal (1988) in sy narratief van ‟n driehoek van akkommodasie beskryf het, in Manenberg op die Kaapse Vlakte voorkom. Dit is bevestig dat daar 'n verswakte staat voorkom en, vervolgens, 'n webvormige samelewing, waar sosiale beheer gefragmenteer is tussen die plaaslike regering en die kriminele gemeenskap. In hierdie webvormige samelewing bestaan egter 'n stelsel van plaaslike magsdinamiek tussen die kriminele gemeenskap, die sosiale gemeenskap en plaaslike regeringsagente, waar diadiese medewerking tussen al drie die akteurs voorkom. Ten spyte van hierdie samewerking, kom die kriminalisering van die staat egter nie voor nie, maar eerder 'n verstaatliking van die georganiseerde misdaadgemeenskap, aangesien dit goedere en dienste aan die sosiale gemeenskap verskaf. Die hoofbevindinge kan soos volg saamgevat word: As 'n staat nie uitgebreide sosiale beheer het nie en 'n mededingende gesag het 'n vlak van sosiale beheer opgeëis, sal dit nie noodwendig lei tot die verdere verswakking van die staat nie, as gevolg van 'n stelsel van magsdinamiek wat in plek is waar medewerking tussen die sosiale gemeenskap, die kriminele gemeenskap en plaaslike agente van bestuur voorkom. Hierdie stelsel word in plek gehou deur aaneenlopende pogings deur die staat om nakoming, deelname en legitimiteit te verkry (of terug te kry), korrupte staatsagente (spesifiek in die sekuriteitsektor), 'n vlak van operasionele gemak wat vir die kriminele gemeenskap bestaan (en die vervlegting van kriminele gemeenskap en die sosiale gemeenskap), en 'n relatiewe sterk samelewing wat die voordele van kriminele aktiwiteit vir die sosiale gemeenskap erken, maar so ook die gesag en beheer van die staat.

Thesis (M.A.)--Stellenbosch University, 2001.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study deals with crime prevention within the criminal justice system in response to the current crime situation in the Western Cape. It describes the structure and function of the criminal justice system and assesses crime prevention processes with specific reference to the role of social work within the criminal justice system. It further examines the criminal justice system as practised in the Western Cape, paying specific attention to the role of the police, criminal courts and prisons in the prevention of crime. In line with the nature of the study an exploratory approach was used. The data was collected from both primary and secondary sources. Interviews and observations were the main research techniques used for gathering primary data. Secondary data + was gathered by means of a study of the literature. Structured and unstructured interviews were conducted with social workers, magistrates, police officers, prosecutors, victims, offenders, community workers and other officials of the criminal justice system. These interviews were mainly conducted at Wynberg magistrates' court, Drakenstein Prison (formerly known as Victor Verster Prison) and organisations based in the metro areas and on the Cape Flats. The study was conducted over a period of three years with the interview schedule administered between May and August 2000. A sample of 21 respondents was selected on the basis of a purposive approach and procedure. The comprehensive interview schedule consisted of mainly open-ended and a few closed questions, generating information on the profiles of respondents, crime dynamics in the Western Cape, the sentencing process and prevention strategies, matters related to the criminal justice system and corrections, and the role of community justice in the prevention of crime. The generated qualitative data was analysed and interpreted. The findings suggested the necessity for social work to make a contribution to the prevention of crime in a sensitive and proactive way. The analysis has shown that criminal justice approaches can significantly enhance the process of crime prevention, but that the criminal justice system requires combined strategies and approaches for crime prevention to be effective. It is in this context that the contribution of social work can be much more effective. The recommendations of the study have demonstrated a need for social workers to promote approaches that are premised on a broader understanding of the role of the criminal justice system in the prevention of crime. It is important to state that the study's recommendations for the prevention of .crirne can also be implemented by other role-players, particularly within the criminal justice system.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie ondersoek handeloor misdaadvoorkoming deur die strafregstelsel in reaksie tot die huidige misdaadsituasie in-die Wes-Kaap. Dit beskryf die struktuur en funksie van die stafregstelsel en beoordeel misdaadvoorkomingsprosesse met besondere verwysing na die rol van maatskaplike werk binne die strafregstelsel. Dit ondersoek verder die strafregstelsel soos beoefen in die Wes-Kaap deur veral aandag te gee aan die rol van die polisie, die howe en gevangenisse in die voorkoming van misdaad. Die aard van die ondersoek vereis dat 'n eksplorerende benadering gevolg is. Data is versamel uit primêre sowel as sekondêre bronne. Onderhoude en waarnemings + was die hoof navorsingstegnieke wat gebruik is om primêre data te versamel. Sekondêre data is weer verkry deur 'n studie van die literatuur. Gestruktureerde en ongestruktureerde onderhoude is gevoer met maatskaplike werkers, landdroste, polisie beamptes, openbare vervolgers, slagoffers, gevonnisde misdadigers, gemeenkapswerkers en ander beamptes van die strafregstelsel. Hierdie onderhoude is hoofsaaklik gevoer by die Wynbergse landdroshof, Drakenstein Gevangenis (voorheen Victor Verster Gevangenis) en organisasies werksaam in die metropolitaanse gebiede en die Kaapse Vlakte. Die ondersoek is onderneem oor 'n periode van drie jaar met die onderhoude gevoer tussen Mei en Augustus 2000. 'n Steekproef van 21 respondente is geselekteer op die grondslag van 'n doelgerigte benadering en prosedure. Die omvangryke onderhoudskedule bestaan uit oorwegend oop en 'n beperkte aantal geslote vrae, en het inligting gegenereer oor die respondent-profiel, misdaad-dinamika in die Wes-Kaap, die vonnisopleggingsproses en voorkomingstrategieë, sake rakende die strafregstelsel en korrektiewe optrede, en die rol van gemeenskapsreg in die voorkoming van suggereer die noodsaaklikheid daarvan vir maatskaplike werk om 'n bydrae te lewer ,- tot die voorkoming van misdaad op 'n sensitiewe en proaktiewe wyse. Die ontledings het aangetoon dat strafregbenaderings die proses van misdaadvoorkoming beduidend kan verhoog maar om misdaadvoorkoming effektief te laat geskied, vereis die strafregstelsel gekombineerde strategieë en benaderings. Dit is binne hierdie verband dat die bydrae van maatskaplike werk baie meer effektief kan wees. Die aanbevelings van die ondersoek wys op 'n behoefte by maatskaplike werkers om benaderings te bevorder wat gebaseer is op 'n breër begrip van die rol van die strafregstelsel in die voorkoming van misdaad. Dit is van belang om te stel dat die ondersoek se aanbevelings vir die voorkoming van misdaad ook geïmplementeer kan word deur ander rolspelers, veral binne die strafregstelsel.

Thesis (MPA)--Stellenbosch University, 2000.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study was embarked upon to identify an alternative approach to policing. It was an attempt to investigate whether an integrated development approach will be more successful in preventing crime and violence than heterogeneous police task teams and operations. Operation Good - Hope in the Western Cape, a SAPS crime prevention strategy to police the urban terror and related crimes (PAGAD and gang violence), was the focus of the study. Plurality of research methodology was introduced to compile data. The data collected was analysed in relation to the topic and the objective of the study and to the research hypothesis. Based on the data analysis the following are the main research findings: • a working relationship existed between various SAPS components within Operation Good - Hope, but was not properly managed and coordinated; • Operation Good - Hope did not allowed for external collaboration with relevant stakeholders and showed no sense of partnership; • Operation Good - Hope did not police the social crime problems; and • Operation Good - Hope was not shaped by a clear analysis and cohesive strategy. The findings of the study gave rise to the following recommendations: • That a local - based strategy for crime prevention be develop and lead by local government to normalise crime and violence; • That a provincial framework be developed for an integrated development approach to police and stabalise serious violent crimes; • That crime prevention solutions must be based on factors that causes crime; and • A crime prevention strategy be designed and implemented. Finally, the study indicates that provincial crime prevention strategies should be supplementive to local - based crime prevention strategies, to simultaneously stabalise and normalise crime and violence.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die studie is onderneem om 'n alternatiewe benadering tot polisieëring te identifiseer. Dit is ook 'n poging om uit te vind of 'n geïntegreerde ontwikkelingsbenadring meer suksesvol is as hetrogene polisie taakspanne en operasies met die bekamping van misdaad en geweld. Operasie Goeie - Hoop in die Wes - Kaap, 'n SAPD misdaadvoorkoming strategie om stedelike terreur en verwante misdade (PAGAD en bende geweld) te polisieer, was die fokus van die studie. Data was ingesamel deur middel van 'n pluraliteit van navorsingsmetodologie. Die ingesamelde data was geanaliseer in verhouding tot die tema, doelwitte van die studie en met die navorsingshipotese. Gebaseer op die data analise, is die volgende die hoof bevindinge van die studie: • Daar was samewerking tussen verskillende SAPD komponente betrokke by Operasie Goeie - Hoop, maar dit was nie deeglik bestuur en gekoordineer nie; • Operasie Goeie - Hoop het nie voorsiening gemaak vir eksterne samewerking en vennootskap met relevante rolspelers nie; • Operasie Goeie - Hoop het nie die sosiale - misdaad probleme gepolisieër nie; en • Operasie Goeie - Hoop was nie bestuur deur 'n deeglike analise en deur 'n samehangende strategie nie. Die studie het tot die volgende aanbevelings gelei: • Die ontwikkeling van 'n plaaslike - gebaseerde strategie vir misdaadvoorkoming onder leiding van die plaaslike regering om misdaad en geweld te normaliseer; • Die ontwikkeling van 'n provinsiale raamwerk vir 'n geïntegreerde ontwikkelingsbenadering tot polisieëring en om ernstige geweldsmisdade te stabaliseer; • Dat oplossings tot misdaadvoorkoming gebaseer moet wees op faktore wat misdaad veroorsaak; en • Dat 'n misdaadvoorkomingstrategie ontwerp en geïmplimenteer moet word. Ten slotte toon die studie aan dat 'n provinsiale misdaadvoorkomingstrategie ondersteunend moet wees tot 'n plaaslike - gebaseerde misdaadvoorkomingstrategie, om te gelyke tyd misdaad en geweld te stabaliseer en te normaliseer.

Thesis (MPA)--Stellenbosch University, 2000.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The researcher focuses on the contributions made by community involvement, including community policing and crime prevention strategies, on the prevention of attempted murder in Elsies River, a gang ridden area. A theoretical overview of community policing and crime prevention is provided. The combination of crime prevention strategies, community involvement and role players to prevent the contribution caused that give rise to crime, receive attention. Against this background the applicability of social crime prevention - internationally tested policing strategies included - is discussed in order to review the act of attempted murder. Furthemore, the application of the solutions presented at ground level receive attention and reasons are offered for the successful implementation of the Elsies River Community- Police Crime Prevention Action Plan in 1998. The reality is compared to the theory and conclusions are drawn concerning the handling of the problem. Gang activities in Elsies River and the impact thereof on the reporting of attempted murder is summarised. The Elsies River Community- Police Crime Prevention Action Plan which was implemented between April and June 1998, is discussed and the influence thereof on the reporting of attempted murder is analysed statistically. In conclusion the findings of the research are enunciated and recommendations are made to the successful prevention of crime.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In hierdie werkstuk word die voorkoming van poging tot moord in Elsiesrivier, 'n bendegeteisterde gebied, deur middel van gemeenskapsbetrokkenheid, gemeenskapspolisiëring ingesluit, en misdaadvoorkomingstrategieë ondersoek. 'n Teoretiese oorsig van gemeenskapspolisiëring en misdaadvoorkoming word gegee. Die kombinering van misdaadvoorkomingstrategieë, gemeenskapsbetrokkenheid en die betrokkenheid van rolspelers om die aanleidende faktore wat tot misdaad lei te voorkom, geniet aandag. Teen hierdie agtergrond word die toepaslikheid van sosiale misdaadvoorkoming, waarby ingesluit internasionaal getoetste polisiëringstrategieë, bespreek om die voorkoms van poging tot moord aan te spreek. Voorts geniet die toepassing van die voorgestelde oplossings op grondvlak aandag en redes word aangevoer waarom die implementering van die Elsiesrivier Gemeenskap- Polisie Misdaadvoorkomingsaksieplan in 1998 so suksesvol was. Die praktyk word met die teorie vergelyk en gevolgtrekkings word gemaak rakende die hantering van die probleem. Bendebedrywighede in Elsiesrivier en die impak daarvan op die aanmelding van poging tot moord word oorsigtelik behandel. Die Elsiesrivier Gemeenskap- Polisie Misdaadvoorkomingsaksieplan wat gedurende April tot Junie 1998 geïmplementeer was, word bespreek - die invloed wat dié strategie op die aanmelding van poging tot moord gehad het, word statisties ontleed. Ten slotte word die bevindings van die navorsing weergegee en aanbevelings word gemaak om misdaad suksesvol te voorkom.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2004.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study focuses on the implementation of, as well as identifying problem areas associated with the YES-programme offered by NICRO. This specific programme was chosen because most of the young offenders referred to NICRO complete this programme. Young offenders are referred to the programme by the magistrates' court. These are youth that have been arrested for petty crimes such as shoplifting, damage to property and possession of drugs. This programme is also aimed at first time offenders but it became evident throughout the study that these youths might have been arrested once but seems to have been involved in crime at some level prior to being arrested. Youth between the ages of thirteen and eighteen years are accepted into the programme, with exceptions sometimes made for nineteen year olds who are still attending school. Participation in the programme is strictly voluntary, but there must be an admission of guilt on the part of the youth before he/she will be considered for this kind of diversionary alternative. The programme attempts to involve both parent and child in the process of learning and therefore parents are required to attend the first and last sessions with their children. Sessions attended by parents. focus on the improving relationships and communication between parent and child. The programme is viewed as an alternative sanction, and will enable youth to be punished for their crimes whilst at the same time learning new skills, and most importantly, not gaining a criminal record. The programme stretches over eight weeks with weekly sessions that focus on self-concept, decision-making, children's rights and respecting both themselves and those around them. The researcher formed part of the process through both facilitating sessions as well as observing sessions. For these reasons the research methodology focussed primarily on participant observation and interviews.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die studie fokus op die proses van implementering en die identifisering van probleemareas binne die YES-program wat deur NICRO aangebied word. Die YES-program was spesifiek gekies omdat meeste van die jeugdiges wat na NICRO verwys word hierdie program voltooi. Jeugdiges word deur die hof verwys na die program wat dien as 'n afwentelingsprogram. Hierdie jeugdiges word meestal gearresteer vir geringe misdade soos winkeldiefstal, beskadiging van eiendom, en die besit van dwelms. Die jeugdiges word ook aanbeveel vir die program omdat dit hulle eerste arrestasie is, maar tydens die studie word dit duidelik dat alhoewel dit die eerste keer is dat die jeugdiges gearresteer word, dit nie hul eerste oortreding is me. Die program word beskou as 'n alternatiewe sanksie, en dit poog om die jeugdige te straf vir sy/haar daad maar ook terselfdetyd nuwe vaardighede aan te leer, en meer belangrik te voorkom dat die jeugdige 'n kriminele rekord kry. Die program strek oor agt weeklike sessies wat fokus op self-konsep, besluitneming, kinderregte en respek. Jeugdiges tussen die ouderdom van dertien en agtienjaar word verwys na die program, maar uitsonderings word ook soms gemaak vir jeugdiges van neëntienjarige ouderdom mits hulle nog skool bywoon. Die program poog om beide ouer en kind te betrek in die proses, en dus word ouers verplig om die eerste en laaste sessies saam met die jeugdiges by te woon. Die sessies wat deur die ouers bygewoon word fokus veralop die verbetering van verhoudings en kommunikasie tussen ouer en kind. Deelname aan die program is vrywillig maar die jeugdige moet skuldig pleit voordat hy/sy inaggeneem kan word vir die afwentelingsprogram. Die navorser het deel van die proses uitgemaak deur beide programme waar te neem sowel as programme te fasiliteer. Die navorsingsmetode wat dus benut was, was deelnemende waarneming sowel as onderhoudvoering.

Summary in English, Tswana and Zulu<br>The researcher aimed to examine female perpetrator motives for becoming drug mules. The aim was accomplished through the use of a qualitative study, case research. Collection of data occurred via semi-structured interviews with seven participants. Purposive sampling was employed to aid with the selection of participants, and thematic analysis used as a means to analyse the data collected. The study found that motivations differed amongst all participants; nonetheless, the primary findings indicate that participants chose to become drug mules mainly due to financial strain. The other themes identified included monetary rewards and the influence of social networking relationships. The most common finding was the involvement of Nigerians in all participants becoming drug mules. Further research, and the need for intensive educational drives in communities and schools regarding drug mules, formed the recommendations derived from the study.<br>Boikaelelo jwa patlisiso eno ke go tlhatlhoba mabaka a a dirang gore basadi ba ikamaganye le go tsamaisa diokobatsi tse di seng kafa molaong. Boikaelelo jono bo fitlheletswe ka go dirisa patlisiso e e leng kaga boleng,, go dirisiwa boemo jo go ithutiwang ka jone ka ntlha ya gore ke jone bonang le dintlha tse di tlhokegang, tse di maleba mme di re naya dintlha tse di feletseng kaga se go batlisisiwang ka sone. Patlisiso eno e kaga basadi ba le supa bao re kgonneng go batlisisa ka bone. Patlisiso eno e sekaseka kafa batsayakarolo ba tshelang ka gone go ya kafa ba tlhalositseng ka gone,, go akareletsa le tsela eo ba neng ba tshela ka yone fa ba sale bannye le ka moo ba godileng ka gone, ga mmogo le botshelo jwa bone jwa jaanong le ka moo ba tshelang ka gone jaaka batsamaisi ba diokobatsi tse di seng kafa molaong. Patlisiso eno gape e sekaseka le kwa ba tswang teng, seemo sa bone sa loago le ikonomi, ba lelapa ga mmogo le ditsala tse ba ikopanyang le tsone, patlisiso eno e batlisisitse le gore a go na le dilo dipe tse dingwe tse di bakang gore ba tsamaise diokobatsi tse di seng kafa molaong. Go kgobokanya tshedimosetso go dirilwe ka go dira dipotsolotso le batsayakarolo ba supa. Setlhopha se se tlhophiwang se dirisiwa go tlhopha batsayakarolo. Ka ntlha ya gore setlhogo seno ke kaga batsamaisi ba diokobatsi, mokgwa ono o ne o le maleba go tlhatlhoba batsayakarolo ba ba oketsegileng. Mmatlisisi o akanyeditse gore a botsolotse batho ba ka nna lesome, kwa bofelong go ile ga nna le basadi ba ka nna sometlhano ba ba ileng ba kopiwa go tsenela patlisiso eno mme ba le supa ke bone fela ba dumetseng go tsenela patlisiso eno. Go ile ga dirisiwa tlhatlhobo ya thematic e le go tlhatlhoba tshedimosetso e e kgobokantsweng. Le fa gone patlisiso e ne e le ka ga boemo jo go ithutiwang ka jone, tlhatlhobo ya thematic e nnile yone e e thusang thata ka gonne e ne e le bonolo go ka dirisiwa ka ntlha ya gore ke yone eo e nang le dintlha tse dintsi tseo di batlegang. Mabaka a a dirang gore ba tlhophe tiro ya go tsamaisa diokobatsi a ne a sa tshwane go batsayakarolo botlhe le fa go ntse jalo go bonagetse gore lebaka la konokono leo le ba dirang ba tlhophe tiro eno ke ka ntlha ya mathata a madi/maemo a ikonomi a a sa tlhomamang. E re ka mathata a madi le maemo a ikonomi a a sa tlhomama di aname seo se ama motho yo o mo maemo ao fela thata, ke ka moo patlisiso e bontshitsheng gore maemo ao e ka nna a nako e telele kana a nako e e khutshwane. Mathata a tsa madi a nako e e telele a bakwa ke go tlhoka tiro nako e e telele le ditshono tse di tlhaelang tsa go bona tiro ka ntlha ya go sa nne le bokgoni jwa tiro, mme mathata a tsa madi a nako e khutshwane a bakwa ke ditiragalo tse di sa bonelwang pele tseo maemo a tsone a ka baakangwang ka bonako. Patlisiso e ne e bontsha lebaka le lengwe la go bo basadi bano ba dira tiro eno e ne e le ka gonne tiro eno e dira madi ka bonako ga e tshwane le tiro ya nako e e tletseng. Ba bontshitse gore ba tlhotlhelediwa le ke balosika, batho ba ba ratanang le bone ga mmogo le ditsala. Lebaka le lengwe le le kgatlhang le le fitlheletsweng go batsayakarolo botlhe ke go nna le seabe ga Ma-Nigeria mo go direng gore ba tsamaise diokobatsing tse di seng kafa molaong. Patlisiso eno e tlhomamisitse gore Ma-Nigeria ke one a a tshamekang karolo e kgolo mo tirong eno e re ka e le bone badiri ba diokobatsi tseno le gore ke bone ba ba nayang tiro eno ya go tsamaisa diokobatsi. Basadi botlhe ba ba dumetseng go tsenela patlisiso eno ba bontshitse bosupi jwa seno. Go tlile go dirwa patlisiso e e tseneletseng ka ga batsamaisi ba diokobatsi. Go na le tshedimosetso e ntsi malebana le batsamaisi ba diokobatsi, segolobogolo jang mo basading. Ntle le seo, go tshwanetswe ga rutiwa batho mo go tseneletseng kaga batsamaisi ba diokobatsi mo baaging ga mmogo le kwa dikolong, thuto eno e tla lebisediwa thata kwa malapeng, ba ba tlhokomelang malapa ka tsa madi ga mmogo le go ba thusa gore ba kgone go dira ditshwetso tse di siameng.<br>Injongo yalolu cwaningo ukuhlola izimbangela ezenza abantu besifazane bashushumbise izidakamizwa. Le njongo iye yafezwa ngokusebenzisa uhlobo lokucwaninga lokuhlola ngokucophelela, kanye nocwaningo olumba lujule ngoba lushaya ngqo kulokho okucwaningwayo, lunembile futhi lunikeza isithombe esicacile sendaba ecwaningwayo. Leli phepha locwaningo lusekelwe ocwaningweni olwenziwe kwabesifazane abayisikhombisa. Lolu cwaningo luye lwahlola izindaba zokuphila zababambiqhaza njengoba babezilandisela bona ngokwabo, kuhlanganise isikhathi beseyizingane nendlela abakhuliswe ngayo, impilo yabo bengabantu abadala nokuphila kwabo njengabashushumbisi bezidakamizwa. Ucwaningo lugxile nasekuphileni kwabo kwangaphambili, izimo zomnotho nezenhlalo, umndeni nabangane, ucwaningo luye lwahlola ukuthi zikhona yini ezinye izinto okungenzeka ziyingxenye yezimbangela ezenza bashushumbise izidakamizwa. Ukuqoqwa kwedatha kwenziwa ngezingxoxo ezihleliwe nababambiqhaza abayisikhombisa. Abacwaningi baye bazikhethela ngokwabo abantu abazobamba iqhaza. Ngenxa yokuthi isihloko sigxile kulabo abashushumbisa izidakamizwa, le ndlela ibifaneleka ukuze kuxoxwe nababambiqhaza abengeziwe. Umcwaningi obehlose ukuxoxa okungenani nababambiqhaza abayishumi, ekugcineni kuyiwe kwabayishumi nanhlanu okuthe kubo kwaba nabayisikhombisa abavume ukubamba iqhaza. Indlela ehlakaniphile yokuhlaziya isetshenzisiwe ukuhlaziya idatha eqoqiwe. Nakuba ucwaningo belugxile ocwaningweni olumba lujule, ukuhlaziya okuhlakaniphile kube usizo ngoba bekuvumelana nezimo okusizile ekunikezeni idatha enemininingwane eminingi. Izimbangela bezihlukile kubo bonke ababambiqhaza, noma kunjalo okuyinhloko okutholakele kulolu cwaningo kubonisile ukuthi ababambiqhaza bakhetha ukushushumbisa izidakamizwa ngenxa yokuthwala kanzima ngokwezomnotho nangokwezimali. Ngenxa yokuthi ukuthwala kanzima ngokwezimali nangokwezomnotho kuyinto ebanzi futhi kuhlobana nomuntu othwele kanzima, kuye kwatholakala ukuthi ukuthwala kanzima ngokwezimali/ngokwezomnotho kungachazwa ngokuthi ukuthwala kanzima ngokwezezimali okuthatha isikhathi eside nokuthwala kanzima ngokwezimali kwesikhashana. Ukuthwala kanzima ngokwezimali okuthatha isikhathi eside kwenziwa ukuhlala isikhathi eside ungasebenzi kanye nokuntuleka kwamathuba emisebenzi ngenxa yokungabi namakhono, kuyilapho ukuthwala kanzima ngokwezemali kwesikhashana kudalwa izimo ezingalindelekile ezenza kudingeke isisombululo esisheshayo. Okunye futhi okutholakele ukuthi ababambiqhaza babekhuthazwa izinzuzo ezingokwezimali ukuthi bangaceba ngokushesha ngokungafani nokusebenza isikhathi esigcwele. Abantu abaphila nabo nsuku zonke bayingxenye yembangela ebagqugquzele ukuba bashushumbise izidakamizwa, kulaba kungabalwa umndeni, ophathina babo nabangane abadlale indima ebalulekile ekuthonyeni abanye ababambiqhaza ukuba bashushumbise izidakamizwa. Okuthakazelisayo okutholakale kubo bonke ababambiqhaza ukuthi abantu abadabuka eNigeria babe nesandla ekubeni kwabo abashushumbisi bezidakamizwa. Ucwaningo luqinisekisile ukuthi abase-Nigeria badlale indima enkulu ekubeni abaxhasi noma abagcini bezidakamizwa ezithuthwa ababambiqhaza. Lokhu bekufakazelwa yibo bonke ababambiqhaza okuxoxwe nabo. Izincomo zalolu cwaningo zihlanganise ucwaningo olwengeziwe oluzokwenziwa kulabo abashushumbisa izidakamizwa. Alwanele ulwazi olukhona mayelana nabashushumbisi bezidakamizwa, ikakhulukazi kubantu besifazane. Ngaphandle kwalokho, kufanele kube nemikhankaso yokufundisa emiphakathini nasezikoleni ngokuphathelene nokushushumbisa izidakamizwa, le mikhankaso yokufundisa izogxila kakhulu emndenini, ezikhungweni ezinikeza kanye nasekwenzeni ukukhetha okufanele.<br>Criminology and Security Science<br>M.A. (Criminology)

This study focuses on examining the security implications of money laundering and countermeasures, with reference to South Africa. The purpose of this study was to establish the following: <ul> <li> What is the extent, and what are the security implications of money laundering in South Africa;</li> <li> whether the current money laundering countermeasures in South Africa were effectively implemented from 1994 up to the end of 2006;</li> <li> if South Africa could implement better money laundering controls when compared to the G7/8 countries; and</li> <li> what the factors were that influenced money laundering in South Africa, compared to the G7/8 countries</li> </ul> This study also examined the validity of the following assumptions: <ul> <li>That there are still shortcomings in the practical application of money laundering countermeasures in South Africa, despite these countermeasures being based on the legislative measures adopted by the G7/8 countries; and</li> <li> money laundering promotes crime and corruption in South Africa.</li> </ul> An analysis of the South African anti-money laundering legislation indicated that South Africa had legislatively adopted all of the Financial Action Task Force money laundering recommendations. It was found that despite the strong legislative framework to combat money laundering in South Africa, these efforts were undermined by a lack of capacity; poor coordination that led to a large volume of reports being filed without a corresponding track record of successful prosecutions; and the failure to adopt advances in information technology. This led to a lack of effectively and efficiently translating the anti-money laundering legislation into practice in South Africa.<br>Dissertation (M(Security Studies))--University of Pretoria, 2008.<br>Political Sciences<br>unrestricted

Text in English<br>This research attempts to analyse the modus operandi (MO) of perpetrators used in cases of trafficking in persons for sexual purposes, and trafficking in children. The Trafficking in Persons Bill was passed in South Africa, but not gazetted; therefore, alternate charges are used to prosecute perpetrators. The purpose, value and elements of MO allow an investigator to link a perpetrator to a specific crime scene. The research provides an examination of case dockets and the MO of perpetrators in human trafficking – inter alia, looking at such issues as time, location, transport routes used, criminal motive, recruitment styles, and the number of offenders. The MO of perpetrators identified during docket analysis indicates many similarities, when compared to the international MO of traffickers. The gathering of MO information forms a critical part of any investigation to link a perpetrator to a crime. This research therefore presents a comprehensive examination of the MO of perpetrators, and delivers practical recommendations to monitor and combat trafficking.<br>Police Practice<br>M. Tech. (Forensic Investigation)

Abstract in English, Xhosa and Tswana<br>The recognition of the role of females in drug trafficking was established more than 30 years ago and there are notable cases of women undertaking leading roles in this crime for almost 100 years. This phenomenon has gained popularity in South Africa as is evidenced by the number of women who are found and incarcerated for smuggling drugs into or out of South Africa. The purpose of this study was to gain an in-depth understanding of the female drug mule phenomenon and explain the reasons why female drug mules are involved in drug smuggling. The objectives of the study were to develop a profile for female drug mules incarcerated in South African correctional centres, specifically Kgoši Mampuru II and Johannesburg Female Correctional Centre; to establish risk factors for being recruited and used as drug mules; to explain the mules’ motivations for being involved in drug smuggling; to determine the physical and emotional impact drug smuggling has on the drug mules; and to determine the methods used by drug mules to smuggle drugs. A qualitative research approach, with the use of one-on-one semi-structured interviews, was used to obtain information from participants. The sample comprised 20 diverse female offenders incarcerated at Kgoši Mampuru II and Johannesburg Correctional Centres. The data from the schedule of interview questions were analysed using thematic analysis, coding and categorising. It is envisaged that this research will be of significance to the criminal justice system, as recommendations on deterrence and preventative measures regarding the use of females as drug mules may be made from the findings. The general findings of this research demonstrate that a female drug mule, in the context of this study, is an African or Spanish woman that is open to methods that can produce various streams of income to support her children and family. Secondly, the findings in this dissertation revealed that women are recruited as drug mules because of their vulnerable economic state. Lastly, the most common method used to smuggle drugs revealed by participants in this research is through luggage concealment. Through this study, an in-depth insight into the history and life circumstances of female drug mules is provided. This will also help society to understand why some individuals are at risk of being recruited as mules or are motivated to engage in drug smuggling. Consequently, this research study may assist in the creation of early detection, education and awareness programmes surrounding the risks associated with drug smuggling.<br>Ukuthatha inxaxheba kwabasetyhini ekuhambiseni iziyobisi kwaqala ukubhalwa ngako ngaphaya kweminyaka engama-30 adlulayo, kanti phantse kwiminyaka eli-100 eyadlulayo zazikho iingxelo ngamakhosikazi adlala iindima eziphambili ekuhambiseni iziyobisi. Apha eMzantsi Afrika lo mbandela uye wafumana ukwaziwa kakhulu ngenxa yeqela labasetyhini abafunyaniswe baza bavalelwa entolongweni ngenxa yokuthubelezisa iziyobisi ezingenisa okanye ezikhupha kweli loMzantsi Afrika. Injongo yesi sifundo yayikukuqonda nzulu lo mkhwa wemeyile (isilwanyana sokuthwala) yeziyobisi nokuchaza izizathu zokuba ababhinqileyo babe ziimeyile zeziyobisi. Esi sifundo sijonge ukuqulunqa ubume bomntu obhinqileyo oyimeyile yeziyobisi okhe wavalelwa kwiintolongo zaseMzantsi Afrika, ngakumbi iKgoši Mampuru II kunye neJohannesburg Correctional Centre. Okunye okujongwe sesi sifundo kukufumanisa umngcipheko abakuwo abafazi abarhwebeshwayo basetyenziswe njengeemeyile zeziyobisi; kuchazwe izinto ezikhuthaza ukuba ubani abe yimeyile yeziyobisi; kufunyaniswe ukuba ukuthubelezisa iziyobisi kumchaphazela njani umthubelezisi/imeyile emphefumlweni nasemzimbeni; kubuye kufunyaniswe iindlela ezisetyenziswa zezi meyile zingabafazi ekuthubeleziseni iziyobisi. Kusetyenizswe indlela yophando eqwalasela amanani ukuze kufunyanwe ulwazi kwabo bathathe inxaxheba, kwenziwa nodliwano ndlebe lobuso ngobuso olungaqingqwanga ngqongqo. Isampulu yophando ibe ngamabanjwa abhinqileyo angama-20 ahlukeneyo navalelwe eKgoši Mampuru II naseJohannesburg Correctional Centre. Iinkcukacha zolwazi/idata ehlalutyiweyo iquka ezo nkcukacha zithathwe kwiimpendulo zemibuzo yodliwano ndlebe apho kuhlalutywe imixholo, kwafakwa iimpawu/iikhowudi zabuya zahlulahlulwa zaba ngamahlelo iinkcukacha zolwazi. Kucingwa ukuba olu phando luya kuba luncedo kwinkonzo yezobulungisa kuba okufunyanisiweyo nokucetyiswayo kunganceda ekuqulunqeni amanyathelo okuthintela nokuthibaza abaphuli mthetho ekusebenziseni abantu ababhinqileyo njengeemeyile zeziyobisi, kubabonise nabo abafazi ububi bokuba ziimeyile zeziyobisi. Uluntu ngokubanzi nalo luya kuncedakala kokufunyaniswe lolu phando. Esi sifundo siveze ukuqonda nzulu ngembali neemeko zobomi beemeyile zeziyobisi ezibhinqileyo. Olu lwazi lunganceda ukuba abantu baqonde ukuba kwenzeka kanjani ukuba abanye abantu babe semngciphekweni wokurhwebeshelwa ukusebenza njengeemeyile zeziyobisi, baqonde nokuba zintoni ezikhuthaza ubani ukuba azibandakanye nokuthubelezisa iziyobisi. Ngoko ke olu phando lunganceda ekwenzeni iinkqubo zokuqaphela kwangoko ubani oyimeyile, ezokufundisa nezokwazisa uluntu ukuze kuthintelwe imingcipheko enxulumene nothubeleziso lweziyobisi.<br>Seabe sa batho ba bomme mo kgwebong e e seng mo molaong ya diritibatsi se kwadilwe la ntlha dingwaga di feta 30 tse di fetileng, mme mo sebakeng se se ka nnang dingwaga di le 100, go nnile le dikgetse tse di lemogilweng tsa basadi ba ba eteletseng pele kgwebo e e seng mo molaong ya diritibatsi. Mo Aforikaborwa, ntlha eno e tlhageletse thata ka ntlha ya palo ya basadi ba ba tshwerweng le go golegwa ka ntlha ya go tsena gongwe go tswa ka diritibatsi ka tsela e e seng mo molaong mo Aforikaborwa. Maitlhomo a thutopatlisiso eno e ne e le go tlhaloganya thata ntlha ya basadi ba ba tsamaisang diritibatsi e seng ka fa molaong le go tlhalosa lebaka la gore goreng basadi ba ba tsamaisang diritibatsi e seng ka fa molaong ba nna le seabe mo go tsamaiseng diritibatsi jalo. Maikaelelo a thutopatlisiso ke go dira porofaele ya basadi ba ba tsamaisang diritibatsi ka tsela e e seng mo molaong, ba ba golegilweng kwa ditikwatikweng tsa kgopololo tsa Aforikaborwa, go totilwe Ditikwatikwe tsa Kgopololo tsa Kgosi Mampuru II le Johannesburg, go bona dintlha tsa matshosetsi a gore basadi ba ngokelwe go dirisiwa jaaka batsamaisi ba ba seng mo molaong ba diritibatsi; go tlhalosa gore batsamaisi ba ba seng mo molaong ba diritibatsi ba susumediwa ke eng gore ba nne le seabe mo go tsamaiseng diritibatsi ka tsela eo; go lebelela gore go tsamaisa diritibatsi go go seng mo molaong go amile jang motho yo o tsamaisang diritibatsi mo mmeleng le mo maikutlong; le go lebelela mekgwa e e dirisiwang ke batsamaisi ba diritibatsi ba basadi go tsamaisa diritibatsi ka tsela e e seng mo molaong. Go dirisitswe molebo wa patlisiso e e lebelelang mabaka go bona tshedimosetso go tswa go bannileseabe, ka tiriso ya dipotsolotso tse di batlileng di rulagana tsa batho bongwe ka bongwe. Sampole e dirilwe ka bagolegwa ba basadi ba ba farologaneng ba le 20 ba ba golegilweng kwa Ditikwatikweng tsa Kgopololo tsa Kgosi Mampuru II le Johannesburg. Data e e lokolotsweng e na le data e e gogilweng go tswa mo sejuleng ya dipotso tsa dipotsolotso mme e lokolotswe go ya ka morero, go khouta le go aroganya data ka dikarolo. Go solofelwa gore patlisiso eno e ka nna mosola mo tsamaisong ya bosiamisi jwa bosenyi ka ntlha ya fa diphitlhelelo le dikatlenegiso di ka thusa mo go tlhamiweng ga dikgato tsa thibelo go dira gore batlolamolao ba tshabe go dirisa basadi jaaka batho ba ba tsamaisang diritibatsi e seng mo molaong le go thibela basadi go nna batsamaisi ba diritibatsi ba ba seng mo molaong. Baagi le bona ba ka ungwelwa go tswa mo diphitlhelelong tsa patlisiso eno. Ka thutopatlisiso eno, go tlamelwa ka tshedimosetso e e boteng ya lemorago le seemo sa botshelo sa basadi ba ba tsamaisang diritibatsi e seng ka fa molaong. Seno se ka thusa baagi go tlhaloganya gore goreng batho bangwe ba le mo matshosetsing a go ka ngokelwa go tsamaisa diritibatsi ka tsela e e seng mo molaong gongwe ba rotloetsega go nna karolo ya go tsamaisa diritibatsi ka tsela eo. Ka ntlha ya seo, thutopatlisiso eno e ka thusa gore go tlhamiwe mananeo a temogo ya go sa le gale, thuto le temoso go fokotsa matshosetsi a a amanang le go tsamaisa diritibatsi e seng ka fa molaong.<br>Criminology and Security Science<br>M.A. (Criminal Justice)

This book presents a new stage in the contributions of the BRICS countries (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) to the development of Competition Law and policy. These countries have significant influence in their respective regions and in the world. The changing global environment means greater political and economic role for the BRICS and other emerging countries. BRICS countries are expected to contribute nearly half of all global gross domestic product growth by 2020. For more than a century, the path of Competition Law has been defined by the developed and industrialized countries of the world. Much later, developing countries and emerging economies came on the scene. They experience many of the old competition problems, but they also experience new problems, and experience even the old problems differently. Where are the fora to talk about Competition Law and policy fit for developing and emerging economies? The contributors in this book are well-known academic and practising economists and lawyers from both developed and developing countries. The chapters begin with a brief introduction of the topic, followed by a critical discussion and a conclusion. Accordingly, each chapter is organized around a central argument made by its author(s) in relation to the issue or case study discussed. These arguments are thoughtful, precise, and very different from each another. Each chapter is written to be a valuable freestanding contribution to our collective wisdom. The set of case studies as a whole helps to build a collection of different perspectives on competition policy.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A &amp; M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&amp;M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.