Academic literature on the topic 'Orphic hymns'

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Journal articles on the topic "Orphic hymns"

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Bernabé, Alberto. "Un himno órfico fragmentario." Fortunatae. Revista Canaria de Filología, Cultura y Humanidades Clásicas, no. 32 (2020): 41–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.25145/j.fortunat.2020.32.03.

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Clement of Alexandria quotes in Stromateis 5.14.116.1 and 25.1 two hymnical passages attributed to Orpheus. One, more extensive, was part of a hymn to Zeus very similar in form and content to those of the late collection of Orphic Hymns. The other, a single verse, seems to be the beginning of a Hymn to Kronos, influenced by a myth of the Orphic theogonies. The purpose of the article is to translate and comment on both fragments, and to examine both their formal aspects, and the religious ideology they convey, as samples of a type of literary work characteristic of late Orphism. It also discusses the possibility that they belong to the same hymn.
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Janko, R. "An Unnoticed ms of Orphic Hymns 76–7." Classical Quarterly 35, no. 2 (December 1985): 518–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800040350.

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Because of an incomplete description of its contents, it has escaped notice that the fifteenth-century vellum MS Parisinus graecus 2833 contains Orphic Hymns 76 and 77 on folio 91 verso. The Hymns are copied, without indication of title or authorship, after Musaeus' Hero and Leander (lines 1–245), and before the collected (Proclan and other) Prolegomena to Hesiod A a, b, c, BEF a, b Pertusi, which are followed by Hesiod's Works and Days, Shield and Theogony. These are all in the same hand.
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Furley, William D. "Praise and persuasion in Greek hymns." Journal of Hellenic Studies 115 (November 1995): 29–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631642.

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Largely because the processes of transmission have been unkind, the religious hymns sung by the Greeks during worship of a god on a public or private occasion have received less than their due attention from modern scholars. Our sources frequently mention in passing that hymns were sung on the way to Eleusis, for example, or at the well Kallichoron on arrival at Eleusis, or by the deputations to Delos for the Delia, but they usually fail to record the texts or contents of these hymns. Until the fourth century BC temple authorities did not normally have the texts of cult songs inscribed; and the works themselves were by a diversity of authors, some well-known, some obscure, making the collection of their ‘hymns’ a difficult task for the Alexandrian compilers. Some such hymns were traditional—Olen's at Delos, for example — handed down orally from generation to generation; others were taught to a chorus for a specific occasion and then forgotten. Nor do the surviving corpora of ‘hymns’ — I refer to the Homeric Hymns, Callimachus' six hymns, and the Orphic Hymns—go very far to satisfy our curiosity as to the nature of this ubiquitous hieratic poetry. The Homeric Hymns would seem to have been preludes (προοίμια) to the recitation of epic poetry; they are in the same metre and style as epic, and the singer usually announces that he is about to commence another poem on finishing the hymn. Their content may give us authentic material about a god and his attendant myths, but the context of their performance seems distinct from worship proper. The Homeric Hymns provided the basic model for Callimachus' hymns although it is clear that he adapted the model to permit innovations such as the mimetic mode of hymns 2, 5 and 6, which present an eye-witness account of religious ritual. Some find Callimachus' hymns lacking in true religious feeling; few seriously maintain that they were intended, or could have been used, for performance in cult.
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Graf, Fritz. "Serious Singing: The Orphic Hymns as Religious Texts." Kernos, no. 22 (January 1, 2009): 169–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/kernos.1784.

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Rysiaieva, Maryna. "On Ancient Greek Thymiateria and Their Purpose." Text and Image: Essential Problems in Art History, no. 2 (2019): 5–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2519-4801.2019.2.01.

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The paper looks at the ancient Greek thymiateria and aims at finding data in literary, epigraphic and visual sources that would cast light on the use of thymiateria in private and public rituals of the VIІ th century BC – IVth century AD. Systematic collection of data and its comparative historical analysis were in the core of the methodology. Among the main methods of analysing the collected sources, one should mention empirical, analytical, structural-typological and iconographical methods. A thymiaterion (an incense burner) is firstly mentioned in the Vth century BC in Herodotus’ Historia. In centuries to come, the panhellenic name of thymiaterion would dominate and enter to Roman and Germanic languages. This device was used solely with fire, charcoal or heated pebbles to burn aromatic compounds, incense and aromatic plants and flowers in particular. Thymiateria didn’t have any fixed shapes or sizes. In narrative sources, they were also named bomiskos, libanotis (libanotris), escharis, tripodiskos etc. In this paper, I examine the basic constructive elements of thymiateria. As visual sources and lyric poetry suggest, they were used in the archaic period. The earliest instance of the use of thymiateria in the ritual practice date late to the VIth century BC in the Phanagoria of the Bosporus. The thymiateria is depicted on mostly in mythological scenes on the Athenian red-figure pottery late of the Vth – IVth centuries BC found in Panticapaeum and in the surrounding area. The Greek iconography of mythological scenes on the vases was clear for the locals. The majority of visual, numismatics and epigraphic sources that reveal the use of thymiateria on the Bosporus are dating to the IVth–ІІth centuries BC, when they were spread in Hellenistic Greece and, especially in sanctuaries of Delos. Although aroma was an essential part of thymiateria culture, only Orphic Hymns cast light on the use of particular incenses (in pure form or in compound) for each gods or heroes. One important question persists: which aromas were burnt in thymiateria and from which countries were they brought to Greece? From literary sources, we know that plant-based aromas, namely incense and myrrh were brought from South Arabia and Syria. Thymiateria were used during rituals in sanctuaries and temples, during religious processions, funerals, symposiums and wedding that were accompanied by aromatic smoke. The present essay should be regarded as a starting point for the further in-depth study of thymiateria from the Northern Black sea region and Olbia in particular.
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Waterfield, Robin. "Ritual Texts for the Afterlife: Orpheus and the Bacchic Gold Tablets. By FritzGraf and Sarah IlesJohnston. Pp. xii, 284, Routledge, 2013, £22.99/$37.95. The Orphic Hymns: Translation, Introduction, and Notes. By Apostolos N.Athanassakis and Benjamin M. Wo." Heythrop Journal 57, no. 1 (December 14, 2015): 147–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/heyj.8_12307.

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Rodríguez Valdés, Pablo. "Revisión de la figura de la diosa Hécate a través de sus asimilaciones." Myrtia 35 (November 12, 2020): 161–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.6018/myrtia.454811.

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En el ámbito de la filosofía neoplatónica de Proclo el Diádoco, representante destacado de la escuela de Atenas, la figura de la diosa Hécate es de una importancia fundamental, ya que se configura como elemento central de la tríada noérica que separa el Intelecto paterno del demiúrgico, del que manan la Virtud y el orden material de las cosas. Este planteamiento bebe directamente de los oráculos caldeos, un compendio fragmentario de respuestas divinas recopilado en época de Marco Aurelio (segunda mitad del siglo II), en el que Hécate aparece como diosa profética y de sumo poder. Para llegar a comprender cómo una entidad que nunca formó parte del panteón olímpico más extendido en época clásica o helenística llegó a ser uno de los seres más poderosos en la Antigüedad tardía, hace falta estudiar el complejo y rico proceso de asimilación y convergencia que experimentó con otras divinidades, gracias, sobre todo, a los cultos orientales y mistéricos y a la expansión del helenismo por el territorio egipcio. Así pues, el objeto del presente artículo es revisar la evolución del papel de la diosa Hécate desde una perspectiva diacrónica, estableciendo como límites el siglo VIII a.C. y elIV d.C. Si bien analizaremos los diversos testimonios literarios y epigráficos en los que sea mencionada, el centro de atención serán los Himnos órficos y el Papiro Mágico IV 2785- 2890, que permiten conocer de primera mano el proceso de asimilación producido. In the context of the Neoplatonic philosophy of Proclus the Successor, a prominent representative of the school of Athens, the figure of the goddess Hecate is of fundamental importance, since it is configured as a central element of the noeric triad that separates the paternal Intellect from the demiurgic, from which the Virtue and the material order of things flow. This approach drinks directly from the Chaldaean oracles, a fragmentary compendium of divine responses compiled at the time of Marco Aurelio (second half of the second century), in which Hecate appears as a prophetic goddess of great power. In order to understand how an entity that was never part of the most widespread Olympic pantheon in Classical or Hellenistic times became one of the most powerful beings in Late Antiquity, it is necessary to study the complex and rich process of assimilation and convergence that it experienced with other divinities, thanks,above all, to the oriental and mystical cults and the expansion of Hellenism through the Egyptian territory.Thus, the purpose of this article is to review the evolution of the role of the goddess Hecate from a diachronic perspective, setting the eighth century B.C. as limits, and the fourth A.D. Although we will analyze the various literary and epigraphic testimoniesin which it is mentioned, but the focus will be the Orphic Hymns and the Magic PapyrusIV 2785-2890, which allow us to know first hand the assimilation process produced.
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Suárez de la Torre, Emilio. "Afrodita todopoderosa: entre el orfismo y la magia." Fortunatae. Revista Canaria de Filología, Cultura y Humanidades Clásicas, no. 32 (2020): 787–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.25145/j.fortunat.2020.32.49.

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Remarks on Derveni Papyrus, col. XXI, Orphic Hymn 55 (1-14), and PGM IV (2898-2935 and 3207-3252), focused on the features of the goddess emphasized in each text, with a proposal concerning the coincidences.
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Janssen, Niek. "A Gemstone of Many Complexions." Mnemosyne 68, no. 6 (December 4, 2015): 956–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12341763.

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The Orphic Lithica is often considered an incoherent hodge-podge of teachings on magical stones. This paper, however, argues that the polyphony of voices (human, semi-divine, and divine), as well as the amalgam of various subtypes of the hexametric super-genre (didactic epic, narrative epic, bucolic, hymn, oracle), contribute to the ultimate goal of the Lithica: to overwhelm the reader with authorities for the hermetic truth that the poem preaches. The poem further accomplishes this by appealing to the poetic tradition, so as to make the subject matter more recognizable and enjoyable to the audience.
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Brown, Norman O. "Hymn to the Muses: To Greet the Return of the Gods, Part 1 (Lecture 2, Book of Ours)." boundary 2 49, no. 3 (August 1, 2022): 205–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01903659-9789878.

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Abstract This lecture, a tribute to the Muses, was delivered by Norman O. Brown for his class of 1971, “To Greet the Return of the Gods.” It is spoken with the preacher's rhythmic diction and charmed hieratic voice, and is transcribed here to include Brown's intentional pauses, halting rhythms, repetitions, asides, and idiosyncratic quotes. As in the Orphic tradition, the professor becomes what he's professing: Brown teaches us to sing a love song according to the Muses, finding the meaning in the singing and in the etymology of the names of the divine sisters. Brown's nearly liturgical list of names is propelled by devotion to the feminine and to language, above all to Kalliopê, chiefest of Muses. The gift of the Muses to mortals, Brown argues, is a poetical politics essential in the ongoing iron age described by Hesiod. Poetry as prayer—yet the Muses make it new, “so everything can shine again.”
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Orphic hymns"

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Antunes, Pedro Barbieri. "Hinos órficos: edição, estudo geral e comentários filológicos." Universidade de São Paulo, 2018. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8143/tde-31082018-103727/.

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Pretendo elaborar uma edição comentada dos Hinos órficos (HO), um compêndio de 88 hinos cléticos, compostos entre os sécs. 2-4 d.C., partindo do texto estabelecido por Quandt (1955) e confrontando-o com as propostas de Ricciardelli (2000), Morand (2001) e Fayant (2014). Este projeto é uma tentativa de instigar a formação de tradição filológica de estabelecimento de texto, aparato crítico e comentários pormenorizados nos estudos clássicos no Brasil. Planejo realizar críticas pontuais do texto grego e apresentar algumas soluções válidas, mas tendo sempre como apoio o texto já consolidado de Quandt. Proponho também um estudo aprofundado, no qual debato: i) a autoria e datação desses poemas; ii) a sua provável ocasião de performance, com base em uma abordagem empírica do texto e uma apreciação do status quaestionis sobre o tema; iii) os elementos órficos e sincréticos dos HO; iv) a estrutura e disposição dos hinos dentro da coletânea; v) tipologia hínica e eficácia epiclética; vi) a linguagem e estilo, assim como a prosódia e métrica dos HO (fraseologia, epítetos, figuras empregadas). Como de praxe nesse tipo de estudo, os comentários serão feitos após o texto original, verso a verso.
I intend to elaborate an annotated edition of the Orphic Hymns, a compendium of 88 cletic hymns composed between the second and fourth centuries AD, based on the text established by Quandt (1955) and comparing it with Ricciardelli\'s (2000), Morand\'s (2001) and Fayant\'s (2014) texts. This is an attempt to instigate a philological tradition of text establishment, critical apparatus and detailed comments in classical studies in Brazil. My intent is to present some valid solutions to a number of passages, but always based on Quandt\'s already consolidated text. I also propose an in-depth study, in which I debate: i) the authorship and dating of these poems; ii) the probable time of performance, based on an empirical approach of the text and an appreciation of its status quaestionis; iii) the Orphic and syncretic elements in these compositions; iv) the structure and arrangement of the hymns in the collection; v) hymnic tipology and epicletic effectiveness; vi) the language and style, as well as the prosody and metric of Hymns (phraseology, epithets, used figures). As usual in this type of study, comments will be made after the original text, verse by verse.
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Books on the topic "Orphic hymns"

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Tafuri, Matteo. Commento agli Inni orfici. Milano - Italia: Bompiani, 2021.

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G, Arrighetti, ed. Frammenti orfici. Milano: TEA, 1989.

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Marcos, Macedo José. Polyōnymoi: A lexicon of the divine epithets in the Orphic hymns. Würzburg: Würzburg University Press, 2021.

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Etudes sur les Hymnes orphiques. Leiden: Brill, 2001.

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Poème judéo-hellénistique attribué à Orphée: Production juive et réception chrétienne. Paris: Belles lettres, 2010.

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Les astres dans les textes religieux en Égypte antique et dans les hymnes orphiques. Oxford: Archaeopress, 2006.

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Pajares, Alberto Bernabé. Orphei Hymnorum concordantia. Hildesheim: Olms-Weidmann, 1988.

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Gli inni di sinesio di cirene: Vicende testuali di un corpus tardoantico. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2011.

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Orpheus, Psuedo. Orphic Hymns. Independently Published, 2021.

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Taylor, Thomas, and Orpheus. Orphic Hymns. Independently Published, 2017.

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Book chapters on the topic "Orphic hymns"

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Meisner, Dwayne A. "Introducing Orphic Theogonies." In Orphic Traditions and the Birth of the Gods, 1–50. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190663520.003.0001.

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The first chapter begins with a general introduction to the topic of Orphic legend, ritual, and literature, along with the history of scholarship on Orphism, and the methods to be employed in this book for the study of four Orphic theogonies: Derveni, Eudemian, Hieronyman, and Rhapsodic. In the second section, the Orphic theogonies are placed in the wider context of ancient Near Eastern and Greek theogonic narratives. The third section analyzes the generic distinctions between theogonies and hymns and argues that Orphic theogonies have features of both, suggesting that the term “theogonic hymn” is the best way of describing their generic function. The fourth section argues that Orphic theogonies were a meeting point between the discourses of myth and philosophy. Some fragments of Orphic poetry appear to contain philosophical ideas, while prose philosophers, from the Presocratics to the Neoplatonists, regularly referred to Orphic poems.
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"Orpheus and Orphic Hymns in the Dionysiaca." In Nonnus of Panopolis in Context, 77–96. De Gruyter, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110339420.77.

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"The Narrative Techniques of the Orphic Hymns." In Hymnic Narrative and the Narratology of Greek Hymns, 209–23. BRILL, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004289512_012.

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"The Poet and His Addressees in Orphic Hymns." In Hymnic Narrative and the Narratology of Greek Hymns, 224–43. BRILL, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004289512_013.

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Arft, Justin. "The Stranger’s Interrogation." In Arete and the Odyssey's Poetics of Interrogation, 21—C1.P126. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192847805.003.0002.

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Abstract Chapter 1 offers a diachronic examination of the formulaic “stranger’s interrogation” and its form and use across archaic Indo-European sources, including the Mahābhārata, Gāthās, Greek funerary inscriptions, the “Orphic” lamellae (or “gold leaves”), the Iliad, and the Homeric Hymns. Conceived as an Indo-European formula, the stranger’s interrogation demands a performance of one’s fundamental status on the eve of a potentially dangerous transformation. In ritual and narrative it affects power dynamics between parties and requires a declaration of one’s worth, which in Greek context is expressed as kleos. This analysis brings together disparate scholarly conversations on Homer, Indo-European linguistics, Orphic traditions, and Greek epigrams and then challenges several assumptions about what the stranger’s interrogation means in these contexts.
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"23 The Numinous Landscape (Homeric Hymns No. 30; Orphic Hymns No. 10; Cato, De Agricultura 134, 139–141)." In How to Be a Farmer, 205–24. Princeton University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780691224732-024.

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Faraone, Christopher A. "64. Orphic Hymn 37." In Tracing Orpheus, edited by Miguel Herrero de Jáuregui, Ana Isabel Jiménez San Cristóbal, Eugenio R. Luján Martínez, Raquel Martín Hernández, Marco Antonio Santamaría Álvarez, and Sofía Torallas Tovar. Berlin, Boston: DE GRUYTER, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110260533.399.

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"ORPHEI HYMNI." In Études sur les Hymnes Orphiques, 1–32. BRILL, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004301504_002.

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"Orphic Hymn 13: to Kronos." In Prayer From Alexander To Constantine, 210–14. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315812564-44.

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Meisner, Dwayne A. "The Eudemian Theogony and Early Orphic Poetry." In Orphic Traditions and the Birth of the Gods, 87–118. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190663520.003.0003.

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The third chapter is about a theogony that had been known to the philosopher Eudemus (fourth century BC), and all of the other fragments that modern scholars have associated with this theogony. The Neoplatonist Damascius (fifth century AD) says that the theogony started with Night, but modern scholars have tried to link this to other early fragments of Orphic poetry. This chapter discusses Aristophanes in the first section, and Plato and Aristotle in the second section, arguing that their scattered references to Orphic poems might not have been from the same theogony. The third section introduces the Orphic Hymn(s) to Zeus that appear in different variations, the earliest of which are from around the same time as these other fragments. The fourth section suggests that early Orphic fragments about Demeter and Dionysus are not from the Eudemian theogony.
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