Journal articles on the topic 'Ottoman Coins'

Ottoman coins have been registered in the Czech Lands since the beginning of the 18th century and have been systematically documented since the mid-19th century. The latest actualization comes from 1996, but the following massive use of metal detectors showed a serious need for a new summarization. Up until 2018, some 151 hoards/ single finds with the Ottoman coins, forgeries, and jetons have been registered in the territory of the Czech Republic. These coins came to the mentioned territory via the Ottoman European expansion since the 16th century, and their flow reached its peak in the 17th century. The massive appearance of the Ottoman coins in Bohemia, partly in Moravia and Silesia, in the 17th century represents a phenomenon connected with the Thirty Years War. In south and central Moravia, it is explained by the direct military impact of the Ottoman armies. The later import of these coins is associated with the Napoleonic Wars and with the Austro-Hungarian period through its Balkan connection.

This article, briefly discusses on the coins in the Sarawak Museum collection: coins in general, the earliest coin produced, coin making, and some selected Islamic coins, representing the Dynasties of Umayyad, Abbasid, Fatimid, Anatolia Seljuk, Almoravid, Mamluk, Artuqid, Ilkhanid, Safavid, Qajar and Ottoman, that are on display at the Sarawak Islamic Heritage Museum. Each of these coins has certain characteristics that made them unique from coins of other Islamic periods. Among the common features found on Islamic coins are the use of the Hijri year (commencing with the migration of Prophet Muhammad PBUH from Mecca to Medina, which later marks the first year of the Muslim calendar) and Kufic inscriptions.

Abstract This article revisits the bureaucratic career of Abdüllatif Subhi Paşa (d. 1886), the prominent Ottoman statesman and pioneering numismatist of the nineteenth century, whose much-overlooked early migratory life between Morea and Egypt shaped his contributions to the principal Tanzimat institutions. By weaving together fragmentary biographical accounts, institutional histories, and Subhi’s understudied academic work, the article also offers new historiographical approaches to nineteenth-century Ottoman antiquarianism, archaeology, and museology. The varied trajectories of Subhi’s itinerant professional life allow us to trace intellectual networks between Istanbul and Cairo, academic initiatives of a diverse cast of Ottoman high officials, changes in the scope of the translation movement, and the growing centrality of history and its writing in cultural undertakings.

It is not for the first century already, that the composition of the monetary circulation of the Crimean Khanate in different periods of its history has been studied. As a result was developed an objective and largely consistent scheme of attribution and dating of its coins. But on the territory of the Khanate were not developed only local issues. Coins of the Ottomans, Moscow state, as well as of European rulers came in abundance on its lands, including and colonial coinage. Evidence of their active use has been preserved in the materials of Kadiasker books. Those books give information about the banknotes, their fluctuations and their rates against the Crimean and Ottoman currencies. However, there is hardly any reason to believe that we know everything about those means of payment. Indeed, the problem of circulation of both, imported and counterfeit coins made in the Crimean Khanate, has not still been properly studied. We believe that the issue of replicas was due to the high demand for large silver coins both on the territory of the Crimean Khanate and beyond, on the lands of the Moscow state. The problem was complicated by the fact that the Crimean khans, before Shahin Giray, could not mint money of great dignity because of the restrictions, imposed on their vassals by the Ottoman sultans. At the same time, the Crimea was an important element of the “Turkish path”, through which silver entered the Moscow state. Thus, the deficit of a large coin in it was very noticeable. In turn, the movement of large volumes of precious metal across the territory of the khanate facilitated the task of importing or producing on the spot fake coins that came to end consumers along with real money. And, indeed, we were able to identify cast imitations of the florins of Zwolle and the county of Oldenburg. They were discovered on the territory of medieval Kezlev. Judged by the primitiveness of technology and low quality of products, we believe that these replicas could not be delivered to the peninsula. Most likely, we should talk about local imitations. We give an affirmative answer to the question of the possibility of issuing replicas of a European coin on the territory of the Crimean Khanate.

The article focuses on the attribution of one gold and two copper coins discovered by the Russian Archaeological Mission of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS in the ancient Egyptian necropolis of Giza. Coins come from mixed fillings of the burial shafts of the Ancient Egyptian rock-cut tombs of the second half of the 3rd millennium B.C. According to the archaeological context, the coins belong to the stages of the destruction of ancient burials that took place during the Middle Ages and Modern times. One of the coins is a Mamluk fals dating back to the first half of the 14th century A.D., the other two belong to the 1830s — the Ottoman period in Egypt, and are attributed as gold a buchuk hayriye and its copper imitation. Coins are rare for the ancient necropolis and are mainly limited to specimens of the 19th–20th centuries. In general, taking into account the numerous finds of other objects — fragments of ceramic, porcelain and glass utensils, metal ware, glass and copper decorations, we can talk about the dynamic nature of human activity in the ancient Egyptian cemetery in the 2nd millennium A.D. Egyptians and European travelers used the ancient rock-cut tombs as permanent habitats or temporary sites, leaving material traces of their stay.

Abstract It is generally accepted that debasement greatly contributed to the economic and consequently also social problems of the Ottoman Empire in the late 16th/early 17th century. The numismatic data derived from the Beçin coin hoard, closing under sultan Ahmed (1603-1617) greatly challenges this view. Metal analysis has shown that only the overall weights of the coins were reduced; the fineness of silver remained unchanged at least until the 1610s.

The problem of the money counterfeiting in Russian Empire has long been out of sight of the scientists, in Ukraine doesn’t exist any single comprehensive work devoted to the study of this problem. In the period of the Russian Empire rule in Ukraine, the counterfeiting of gold coins acquires its own features and tendencies. This article introduces into the scientific circulation the materials of the state historical archives criminal cases, newspapers and museum collections related to the falsification of the gold coins in Ukraine. During the XVIII century the gold coins were little known to the public, that’s why the cases of falsification of them through the historical sources are unknown. Before the middle of the XIX century the counterfeiting of the foreign gold coins was widespread. The traditional crime was clipping of the gold and silver coins, which was also fixed in the studied period. In the late 18th and early 19th centuries, due to the small number of Russian gold coins in the circulation, the counterfeiters used foreign Holland ducats and Ottoman mahmudis as a model. Counterfeiting of the Russian gold coins has been known since the middle of the 19th century. False semi-imperials are known from Ukrainian finds, although analysis of the sources indicates their potential importation from the Baltic provinces, where they were probably manufactured. With the introduction of the gold standard in Russian Empire, the new coins are rapidly gaining a high popularity. Extensive use of the new gold coins leads to the falsification of almost the entire line of the denominations. Even the rarest gold coin of 7 rubles and 50 kopecks, minted only in 1897, was identified in Zhytomyr. Counterfeits of the gold coins also came to the Ukrainian provinces from the neighboring regions, as in 1911 the fact of importation of the counterfeit imperials was revealed from Nakhichevan. The First World War has radically changed the principles of the money circulation in Ukraine. The huge was expenses and the financial crisis led to a «coin hunger», the use of money substitutes and speculation with small coins. The gold coins were purposefully withdrawn from the population in exchange for paper banknotes. We suggest that the known today specimens of the counterfeit coins made for the loss of the money circulation could have been made during the financial crisis of the WWI.

From the Ottoman conquest in 1459 to the monetary reform launched in 1868 Serbia was under the full monetary suzerainty of the Ottoman Empire and did not have the right to mint her own coinage. The first half of the nineteenth century, however, saw the first signs of monetary autonomy. When in 1815 the Porte granted Serbian authorities the right to collect taxes, currency exchange rate lists began to be issued in Serbia determining the kind and price of foreign currencies acceptable for tax payment. When, in accordance with the hatti-sherifs of 1830 and 1833, Serbia's vassal taxes to the Ottoman Empire were united into a single monetary tribute to be paid annually in gold currencies, a dual accounting monetary unit was introduced as protection from Ottoman debased silver currency. A true monetary autonomy, however, was only achieved with the monetary reform carried out between 1868 and 1880, when a limping gold standard in accordance with the standards of the Latin Monetary Union was introduced de iure. After more than four centuries of using only foreign currencies in circulation, the minting of silver coins was reestablished in Serbia and a Serbian gold coin was minted for the first time. While adopting the minting standards of the Latin Monetary Union Serbia had never become a member.

Abstract This paper focuses on how early Qajars established their rule and legitimacy. At first, Āqā Mohammad Khān, the first shah, imitated other rulers since Nāder Shāh, such as Mohammad-Hasan Khān Qājār, Āzād Khān Afghān, and Karim Khān Zand, in his coins and documents. Like his predecessors, he also tried to install a Safavid prince at Tehran as a puppet ruler. However, following his official coronation and his conquest of Iran, he changed the format of his royal edicts and issued extraordinarily heavy gold coins. Nevertheless, neither Āqā Mohammad Khān nor his successors created an official genealogy to legitimize their rule, instead modifying a genealogical tree of Ottoman origin to juxtapose their names alongside those of other royal families without connecting themselves directly to Biblical or Qurʾanic ancestors. The early Qajar case reveals new methods of establishing dynastic legitimacy which differed from the approach of earlier dynasties in the Persianate world.

As the historical sources inform us, Mircea cel Batran had an extremely important influence in Dobrogea, being the ruler who managed to unite Dobrogea and Wallachia. While the Ottoman Empire was kept at a distance, the Romanian Voivode, as a good administrator and strategist, fortified Dobrogean fortresses and cities such as Isaccea, Enisala, Caliacra and Silistra. The discoveries of monetary treasures, consisting of coins dating from the time of Mircea cel Batran, spread throughout Dobrogea, prove the prosperity of the province during the time of the great Voivode, achieved through the intense trade of goods that took place and the important role the Romanian currency played in trade.

Found by chance in 1912, the hoard from Țifești (in the former Putna County) immediately came to the attention of numismatists. First published in 1915 by Constantin Moisil, it remained in oblivion for a long time, at most barely mentioned in various articles. The beginning of the First World War and the entry of Romania in the middle of these events had, as a consequence, the evacuation of the country’s treasure to Russia. After arriving in Moscow, it was returned to the Romanian state in 1956. The coins of the treasure came from both the Ottoman Empire and Hungary. The Turkish coins (the akçe) were issued during the reigns of Sultans Mehmed the Conqueror (1451 – 1481) and Bayezid II (1481 – 1512). The coins issued in Hungary are from the time of kings Matthias Corvinus (1459 – 1490) and Vladislaus II (1490 – 1516). So far, they have not yet been published in full. The buttons (seven) are manufactured of filigree silver wire wrapped in the shape of a ball. The other two items, manufactured of foil, are dress accessories rather common in the Middle Ages, widely circulated both chronologically and territorially. There are also parts of buttons which are not mentioned in the article published in 1916. The adornments consist of two pairs of silver earrings manufactured in the filigree and granulation techniques. In the case of the items from Țifești, they are dated to the second half of the 15th century.

“Hidden in dark forests, shifty characters with shady pasts were producing caps full of coins or Polish groschen from base metal in peasant cottages” (Komáromy 1893, 648). It is as if András Komáromy in his 1893 story for the journal Századok was describing the archaeological finds from Tolna County we will present below. The scene he portrays was of the difficult times following the Battle of Mohács, when even poor people tried their hand at the forbidden activity of counterfeiting. We can learn of the efforts of noblemen at counterfeiting from the work of Komáromy through the confession of a man (master Nicholas) accused of this activity. One of the most interesting parts of the science of numismatics is counterfeiting, because it is only a slight exaggeration that there have been fakes ever since the birth of money. Despite the distinctive nature of the topic, little is known of it even today. Knowledge is particularly scanty about so-called rural counterfeiting workshops, with few written sources – in contrast to those on counterfeiting by noblemen. In our paper we would like to provide some useful archaeological data primarily through surveys with metal detectors and field walks on a relatively small but intensively studied topic of the Ottoman Period.

Suleiman I died during the Ottoman siege of Szigetvár on 6th September 1566 in the vineyard hill of Szigetvár–Turbék, Hungary. At the location of his death and temporary burial site, a memorial place (türbe) was established in the 16th century. According to written sources it was built in the 1570s, and the tomb complex was protected by a fortification (palisade) and a moat system from the north in the 17th century. The 250 cm deep moat was revealed by geological boreholes, and excavated by archaeologists for, among others, archaeobotanical, anthracological, malacological, pollen analytical and archaeozoological analysis. During the formation of the archaeological profile, Ottoman and Habsburg coins having dating importance and archaeological findings were found from the filling of the moat. 30 litres of sediment samples were taken at 5 cm intervals for archaeobotanical analysis, and four radiocarbon (AMS) dating were carried out on Hordeum seeds. The cleaned surface of the profile was sampled at 10 cm intervals for sedimentological, geochemical and archaeozoological analysis. Based on some tens of thousands plant and some hundreds of animal, mainly domestic animal, remains we were able to reconstruct ploughed lands, orchards, kitchen gardens and vineyards, pasture lands, forest patches, gallery forest, as well as settlements. We were able to detect the land-economic zones (horticulture, forestry, cropfield, grazing zones) that closely followed the Thünen circles. Based on the malacological remains, the climate deterioration of the Little Ice Age (LIA) could also be demonstrated in the first two thirds of the 17th century. At the same time, it was clearly established that the extreme effects of climate change on agriculture was not so drastic in the vineyards hill site due to its exposure situation, exogenous geological and geological conditions. Thus, the negative effects of the Little Ice Age were modified on the dry south facing, lower altitude slopes, covered with loess and human-influenced soil (anthrasol). At least, extremes like those detected in the North Atlantic did not occur here. So, we can conclude that the mosaic nature of the Carpathian Basin could buffer the negative effects of the Little Ice Age through the microregions characterized by a milder and drier microclimate. The memorial place and the destroyed town (Ottoman name: Türbe kasabası) may have become depopulated between 1692 and 1693, when the area was divided into agricultural zones and new gardens, arable and pasturelands were established. The memorial place and the town were covered by the demolished material and soil. The site was re-identified and excavated as a part of an archaeological, historical and geoarcheological research work that started in 2015.

The Tovste urban-type settlement is currently located in Chortkiv district of Ternopil region. This publication discusses the content of the relevant documents of 1427 and 1444 on donations of 100 marks in coins of that time each from Grand Duke of Lithuania Vytautas the Great and King of Poland Wladislaus III of Varna to members of the family of Hinkovyches. Both documents are stored in the Archive of the Radziwiłły family at the Main Archive of Ancient Acts in Warsaw. The grant of Duke Vytautas the Great was first published, obviously, by the medievalist, Prof Władysław Semkowicz. The latest generalizations about these donations belong to Dr. Janusz Kurtyka and Prof. Vitaliy Mykhaylovskiy. The document of 1427, given to Ivanko Hinkovych in Horodło, was apparently issued on October 2. The Grand Ducal seal is preserved. The provision was made in “grosses of Podolia”. But in fact, due to the fact that this is the common name of coins in circulation in Podolia at that time, it is difficult to determine the specific coin. The Lithuanian Duke did not directly indicate the merits for which the grant was awarded, so definition of the purpose of the donation is also based on assumptions. Apparently, in this way Duke Vytautas the Great sought to strengthen himself throughout Podolia, and perhaps this was part of his policy of establishing control even over all of Rus' and the Golden Horde. Simultaneously, the Lithuanian ruler had an obligation to establish the Church Union with Rome. The document of 1444, given to Bohdan Hinkovych in Orșova, was apparently issued on September 24. The royal seal is also preserved. The grant was probably made in the amount of 100 marks of Cracow, which was divided into 48 grosses. It was at that time that the anti-Ottoman Crusade was already underway under the general supervision of the Holy See in the person of the legate Julian Cesarini. Therefore, it makes sense to assume that the grant to Bohdan was made in the context of its organization. He could even be the direct participant of the campaign. The сrusaders felt an urgent need for recruits. In this case, the royal grants of this kind in Western Podolia and the royal domain of the Jagiellonians were important not only for Central and Eastern Europe, but for all Christians in general in the context of the rescue of Constantinople on the eve of 1453.

Amasya, Harşena Fortress which rises from the banks of Yeşilırmak is comprised of three parts. From top to bottom, Harşena Fortress which is also called the upper fortress, the area in front of the rock-cut King Tombs which was called the Maidens’ Palace at the middle and the area called the Lower Palace, today’s Hatuniye District, at the bottom. The 2009-2010 excavations were done in an area north of Harşena Fortress’ cannon tower; excavation seasons of 2011-2013 were done in the area, front of the Royal Tombs in Maidens’ Palace area; excavations of 2017-2019 in Harşena Fortress were done in the area named as the Mosque Area, located at the entrance of the castle, South of the Watchtower. Coin-like tokens which were known from the ancient-time have been utilized for many different reasons. Coins are metallic money which were minted by the political authority, that were used in the trade and had economic value. When the Roman numerical system has been abandoned for the Arabic numerals the usage of tokens for calculation in Europe has also been abandoned. After 16th century tokens were utilized as some type of medal. City of Nuremberg in Germany had been the main producer of tokens. After 17th century tokens got smaller and turned into the game chips. To this day 8 German tokens were uncovered in the excavations in Amasya, Harşena Fortress and Maidens’ Palace. Amasya had always been a trade hub in the Ottoman period. The silk produced in the city had also been a developing trade endeavor in XIX century Amasya. The Germans who settled in the Amasya in this period made contributions to the silk production in the city. Especially this trade with the Germans can explain the German tokens found in the Amasya Fortress.

Abstract In 2016, an Ottoman copper coin was studied by the authors in a private collection. It was reportedly found in Bohdanovce nad Trnavou (Trnava district, Slovakia). The coin was identified as the manghir struck under the Ottoman Sultan Murad III (AH 982–1003/AD 1574–1595) in Miṣr (Cairo) in AH 982/AD 1574 (in AD 1574–1595 respectively, because of the enthronement date). It is the earliest Ottoman copper issue discovered in Slovakia which was accidentally lost very likely in connection with the Ottoman raids against Hungary at the end of the 16th century. The remaining five Ottoman copper pieces found in Slovakia date back much later, to the end of the 17th century (Sulayman II, Ahmad II).

The decline of the Ottoman Empire at the end of the 19th century caused numerous consequences for the region of South-eastern Europe, most notably the mass migrations of Muslims from the European regions of the Ottoman Empire to Anatolia. In Bosnia, thousands of local Muslims feeling intra-state, but also external pressure by the non-Muslim population, left their homeland to find a safer refuge. Recognizing limited scholarly attention which was given to the sphere of the lived experiences of the migrant trajectories, this paper aims to give a portrayal of the reality regarding the nostalgia and financial everyday life of Muslims from Bosnia at the turn of the century in the Ottoman Empire. To this end, it predominantly through a narrative analysis of two letters sent by Bosnian Muslims who migrated to the Anatolian town of Durgut. The oddity of these letters is in two heavily conflicting views on the lived experience of migration. The first one embarked on a highly nostalgic, sceptical, and pro-return perception reflecting on a specific “othering” of Bosnian Muslims in Turkey.

Abstract Around 1950, during the forestry works near Natternberg (local part of Deggendorf, Lower Bavaria), some 26 bracteates were found. Only in 2012, the grandson of the finder reported the hoard and passed it for documentation to the Staatliche Münzsammlung München. Later on, the coins were returned to the owner and then sold in the numismatic auction. The Bohemian part is represented by three large bracteates struck under King Ottokar I of Bohemia (1192–1193, 1197–1230) during the last decade of his rule (cat. nos. 1–3). The Meissen coins are represented by 23 large bracteates struck (cat. nos. 4–26) under Margrave Henry III the Illustrious (1221/1230–1288) during the first decade of his rule. The hoard was buried in Natternberg very likely sometimes around 1230. Appearance of the Bohemian and Meissen bracteates is quite rare in Lower Bavaria, the twosided pfennigs from Regensburg and Passau circulated there predominantly. But it is still possible to think about their transfer from Bohemia, most likely from the Sušice surroundings, which was, as a possession of the Bavarian Counts of Bogen at that time (from the 12th century until 1242), connected through Gunther’s path with Deggendorf surroundings. The hoard could represent a separated part of a larger cash of a tradesman, which was possibly intended for hiding because of the forced exchange in the local markets.

In 2016, one half of a copper gilded coin was found single near the train station Louny předměstí (Louny district). Its prototype corresponds with an Ottoman gold denomination sultani struck under the Sultan Suleyman I (AH 926–974/AD 1520–1566). The name of the ruler and his father were identified, but the enthronization date and the mint-name are located out of the preserved area. The ED XRF analysis confirmed solid copper basis and process of gilding in fire. With high probability, the fake is connected with serious need of gold during the Thirty Years War (and the period closely after that), and it is very likely of the local (Central European) provenance. Bohemian, Moravian and Hungarian contexts of forging activities during the Thirty Years War are analyzed, relevant archaeological and numismatic evidence is summarized.

TamdrupRoyal residence and memorial church in a new light Tamdrup has been shrouded in a degree of mystery in recent times. The solitary church located on a moraine hill west of Horsens is visible from afar and has attracted attention for centuries. On the face of it, it resembles an ordinary parish church, but on closer examination it is found to be unusually large, and on entering one discovers that hidden beneath one roof is a three-aisled construction, which originally was a Romanesque basilica. Why was such a large church built in this particular place? What were the prevailing circumstances in the Early Middle Ages when the foundation stone was laid? The mystery of Tamdrup has been addressed and discussed before. In the 1980s and 1990s, archaeological excavations were carried out which revealed traces of a magnate’s farm or a royal residence from the Late Viking Age or Early Middle Ages located on the field to the west of the church (fig. 4), and in 1991, the book Tamdrup – Kirke og gård was published. Now, by way of metal-detector finds, new information has been added. These new finds provide several answers, but also give rise to several new questions and problems. In recent years, a considerable number of metal finds recovered by metal detector at Tamdrup have been submitted to Horsens Museum. Since 2012, 207 artefacts have been recorded, primarily coins, brooches, weights and fittings from such as harness, dating from the Late Viking Age and Early Middle Ages. Further to these, a coin hoard dating from the time of Svein Estridson was excavated in 2013. The museum has processed the submitted finds, which have been recorded and passed on for treasure trove evaluation. As resources were not available for a more detailed assessment of the artefacts, in 2014 the museum formulated a research project that received funding from the Danish Agency for Culture, enabling the finds to be examined in greater depth. The aim of the research project was to study the metal-detector finds and the excavation findings, partly through an analysis of the total finds assemblage, partly by digitalisation of the earlier excavation plans so these could be compared with each other and with the new excavation data. This was intended to lead on to a new analysis, new interpretations and a new, overall evaluation of Tamdrup’s function, role and significance in the Late Viking Age and Early Middle Ages.Old excavations – new interpretationsIn 1983, on the eastern part of the field, a trial excavation trench was laid out running north-south (d). This resulted in two trenches (a, b) and a further three trial trenches being opened up in 1984 (fig. 6). In the northern trench, a longhouse, a fence and a pit-house were discovered (fig. 8). The interpretation of the longhouse (fig. 4) still stands, in so far as we are dealing with a longhouse with curved walls. The western end of the house appears unequivocal, but there could be some doubt about its eastern end. An alternative interpretation is a 17.5 m long building (fig. 8), from which the easternmost set of roof-bearing posts are excluded. Instead, another posthole is included as the northernmost post in the gable to the east. This gives a house with regularly curved walls, though with the eastern gable (4.3 m) narrower than the western (5.3 m). North of the trench (a) containing the longhouse, a trial trench (c) was also laid out, revealing a number of features. Similarly, there were also several features in the northern part of the middle trial trench (e). A pit in trial trench c was found to contain both a fragment of a bit branch and a bronze key. There was neither time nor resources to permit the excavation of these areas in 1984, but it seems very likely that there are traces of one or more houses here (fig. 9). Here we have a potential site for a possible main dwelling house or hall. In August 1990, on the basis of an evaluation, an excavation trench (h) was opened up to the west of the 1984 excavation (fig. 7). Here, traces were found of two buildings, which lay parallel to each other, oriented east-west. These were interpreted as small auxiliary buildings associated with the same magnate’s farm as the longhouse found in the 1984 excavation. The northern building was 4 m wide and the southern building was 5.5 m. Both buildings were considered to be c. 7 m long and with an open eastern gable. The southern building had one set of internal roof-bearing posts. The excavation of the two buildings in 1990 represented the art of the possible, as no great resources were available. Aerial photos from the time show that the trial trench from the evaluation was back-filled when the excavation was completed. Today, we have a comprehensive understanding of the trial trenches and excavation trenches thanks to the digitalised plans. Here, it becomes apparent that some postholes recorded during the evaluation belong to the southernmost of the two buildings, but these were unfortunately not relocated during the actual excavation. As these postholes, accordingly, did not form part of the interpretation, it was assumed that the building was 7 m in length (fig. 10). When these postholes from the evaluation are included, a ground plan emerges that can be interpreted as the remains of a Trelleborg house (fig. 11). The original 7 m long building constitutes the western end of this characteristic house, while the remainder of the south wall was found in the trial trench. Part of the north wall is apparently missing, but the rest of the building appears so convincing that the missing postholes must be attributed to poor conditions for preservation and observation. The northeastern part of the house has not been uncovered, which means that it is not possible to say with certainty whether the house was 19 or 25 m in length, minus its buttress posts. On the basis of the excavations undertaken in 1984 and 1990, it was assumed that the site represented a magnate’s farm from the Late Viking Age. It was presumed that the excavated buildings stood furthest to the north on the toft and that the farm’s main dwelling – in the best-case scenario the royal residence – should be sought in the area to the south between the excavated buildings. Six north-south-oriented trial trenches were therefore laid out in this area (figs. 6, 7 and 13 – trial trenches o, p, q, r, s and t). The results were, according to the excavation report, disappointing: No trace was found of Harold Bluetooth’s hall. It was concluded that there were no structures and features that could be linked together to give a larger entity such as the presumed magnate’s farm. After digitalisation of the excavation plans from 1991, we now have an overview of the trial trenches to a degree that was not possible previously (fig. 13). It is clear that there is a remarkable concentration of structures in the central and northern parts of the two middle trial trenches (q, r) and in part also in the second (p) and fourth (s) trial trenches from the west, as well as in the northern parts of the two easternmost trial trenches (s, t). An actual archaeological excavation would definitely be recommended here if a corresponding intensity of structures were to be encountered in an evaluation today (anno 2016). Now that all the plans have been digitalised, it is obvious to look at the trial trenches from 1990 and 1991 together. Although some account has to be taken of uncertainties in the digitalisation, this nevertheless confirms the picture of a high density of structures, especially in the middle of the 1991 trial trenches. The collective interpretation from the 1990 and 1991 investigations is that there are strong indications of settlement in the area of the middle 1991 trial trenches. It is also definitely a possibility that these represent the remains of a longhouse, which could constitute the main dwelling house. It can therefore be concluded that it is apparently possible to confirm the interpretation of the site as a potential royal residence, even though this is still subject to some uncertainty in the absence of new excavations. The archaeologists were disappointed following the evaluation undertaken in 1991, but the overview which modern technology is able to provide means that the interpretation is now rather more encouraging. There are strong indications of the presence of a royal residence. FindsThe perception of the area by Tamdrup church gained a completely new dimension when the first metal finds recovered by metal detector arrived at Horsens Museum in the autumn of 2011. With time, as the finds were submitted, considerations of the significance and function of the locality in the Late Viking Age and Early Middle Ages were subjected to revision. The interpretation as a magnate’s farm was, of course, common knowledge, but at Horsens Museum there was an awareness that this interpretation was in some doubt following the results of the 1991 investigations. The many new finds removed any trace of this doubt while, at the same time, giving cause to attribute yet further functions to the site. Was it also a trading place or a central place in conjunction with the farm? And was it active earlier than previously assumed? The 207 metal finds comprise 52 coins (whole, hack and fragments), 34 fittings (harness, belt fittings etc.), 28 brooches (enamelled disc brooches, Urnes fibulas and bird brooches), 21 weights, 15 pieces of silver (bars, hack and casting dead heads), 12 figures (pendants, small horses), nine distaff whorls, eight bronze keys, four lead amulets, three bronze bars, two fragments of folding scales and a number of other artefacts, the most spectacular of which included a gold ring and a bronze seal ring. In dating terms, most of the finds can be assigned to the Late Viking Age and Early Middle Ages. The largest artefact group consists of the coins, of which 52 have been found – either whole or as fragments. To these can be added the coin hoard, which was excavated in 2013 (fig. 12) and which primarily consists of coins minted under Svein Estridson. The other, non-hoard coins comprise: 13 Svein Estridson (figs. 15, 16), five Otto-Adelheid, five Arabic dirhams, three Sancta Colonia, one Canute the Great, one Edward the Confessor, one Theodorich II, one Heinrich II, one Rand pfennig, one Roman denarius (with drilled hole) and nine unidentified silver coins, of which some appear however to be German and others Danish/Anglo-Saxon. Most of the single coins date from the late 10th and early 11th centuries. The next-largest category of finds from Tamdrup are the fittings, which comprise 34 items. This category does, however, cover a broad diversity of finds, of which the dominant types are belt/strap fittings of various kinds and fittings associated with horse harness (figs. 17-24). In total, ten fittings have been found by metal detector that are thought to belong to harness. In addition to these is a single example from the excavation in 1984. The majority of these fittings are interpreted as parts of curb bits, headgear and stirrups. One particularly expressive figure was found at Tamdrup: a strap fitting from a stirrup, formed in a very characteristic way and depicting the face of a Viking (fig. 20). The fitting has been fixed on the stirrup strap at the point where the sides meet. Individual stirrup strap fittings are known by the hundred from England and are considered stylistically to be Anglo-Scandinavian. The fitting from Tamdrup is dated to the 11th century and is an example of a Williams’ Class B, Type 4, East Anglian type face mount. A special category of artefacts is represented by the brooches/fibulas, and enamel brooches are most conspicuous among the finds from Tamdrup. Of the total of 28 examples, 11 are enamel brooches. The most unusual is a large enamel disc brooch of a type that probably has not been found in Denmark previously (fig. 24). Its size alone (5.1 cm in diameter) is unusual. The centre of the brooch is raised relative to the rim and furnished with a pattern of apparently detached figures. On the rim are some alternating sail-shaped triangles on a base line which forms four crown-like motifs and defines a cruciform shape. Between the crowns are suggestions of small pits that probably were filled with enamel. Parallels to this type are found in central Europe, and the one that approaches closest stylistically is a brooch from Komjatice in western Slovakia, found in a grave (fig. 25). This brooch has a more or less identical crown motif, and even though the other elements are not quite the same, the similarity is striking. It is dated to the second half of the 10th century and the first half of the 11th century. The other enamel brooches are well-known types of small Carolingian and Ottonian brooches. There are four circular enamel cross-motif brooches (fig. 26a), two stellate disc brooches with central casing (fig. 26b), one stepped brooch with a cruciform motif, one cruciform fibula with five square casings and two disc-shaped brooches. In addition to the enamel brooches there are ten examples that can definitely be identified as animal brooches. Nine of these are of bronze, while one is of silver. The motifs are birds or dragons in Nordic animal styles from the Late Viking Age, Urnes and Ringerike styles, and simpler, more naturalistic forms of bird fibulas from the Late Viking Age and Early Middle Ages. Accordingly, the date for all the animal brooches is the 11th and 12th centuries. A total of 21 weights of various shapes and forms have been found at Tamdrup: spherical, bipolar spherical, disc-shaped, conical, square and facetted in various ways. Rather more than half are of lead, with the remainder being of bronze, including a couple of examples with an iron core and a mantle of bronze (so-called ørtug weights), where the iron has exploded out through the bronze mantle. One of the bipolar spheres (fig. 28) has ornamentation in the form of small pits on its base. Weights are primarily associated with trade, where it was important to be able to weigh an agreed amount of silver. Weights were, however, also used in the metal workshops, where it was crucial to be able to weigh a particular amount of metal for a specific cast in order to achieve the correct proportions between the different metals in an alloy. Eight bronze keys have been found, all dated broadly to the Viking Age (fig. 29). Most are fragmentarily preserved pieces of relatively small keys of a very simple type that must be seen as being for caskets or small chests. Keys became relatively widespread during the course of the Viking Age. Many were of iron and a good number of bronze. Nevertheless, the number of keys found at Tamdrup is impressive. A further group of artefacts that will be briefly mentioned are the distaff whorls. This is an artefact group which appears in many places and which was exceptionally common in the Viking Age. In archaeological excavations, examples are often found in fired clay, while metal distaff whorls – most commonly of lead – are found in particular by metal detector. Nine distaff whorls have been found at Tamdrup, all of lead. The finest and absolutely most prestigious artefact is a gold ring, which was found c. 60 m southwest of house 1. The ring consists of a 2 mm wide, very thin gold band, while the fittings comprise a central casing surrounded by originally eight small circular casings. In the middle sits a red stone, presumably a garnet, mounted in five rings. In a circle around the stone are the original eight small, circular mounts, of which six are preserved. The mounts, from which the stones are missing, alternate with three small gold spheres. The edges of the mounts have fine cable ornamentation. The dating is rather uncertain and is therefore not ascribed great diagnostic value. In the treasure trove description, the ring is dated to the Late Middle Ages/Renaissance, but it could presumably also date from the Early Middle Ages as it has features reminiscent of the magnificent brooch found at Østergård, which is dated to 1050. Two other spectacular artefacts were found in the form of some small four-legged animals, probably horses, cast in bronze. These figures are known from the Slav area and have presumably had a pre-Christian, symbolic function. Common to both of them are an elongated body, long neck and very short legs. Finally, mention should be made of four lead amulets. These are of a type where, on a long strip of lead, a text has been written in runes or Latin characters. Typically, these are Christian invocations intended to protect the wearer. The lead amulets are folded together and therefore do not take up much space. They are dated to the Middle Ages (1100-1400) and will therefore not be dealt with in further detail here. What the artefacts tell usWhat do the artefacts tell us? They help to provide a dating frame for the site, they tell us something about what has taken place there, they give an indication of which social classes/strata were represented, and, finally, they give us an insight into which foreign contacts could have existed, which influences people were under and which networks they were part of. Most of the artefacts date from the period 900-1000, and this is also the dating frame for the site as a whole. There is a slight tendency for the 10th century finds to be more evenly distributed across the site than those from the 11th century, which tend to be concentrated in the eastern part. A number of the finds are associated with tangible activities, for example the weights and, especially, the distaff whorls. Others also had practical functions but are, at the same time, associated with the upper echelons of society. Of the material from Tamdrup, the latter include the harness fittings and the keys, while the many brooches/fibulas and pendants also belong to artefact groups to which people from the higher strata of society had access. Some of the harness fittings and brooches suggest links with England. The stirrup-strap fitting and the cruciform strap fitting in Anglo-Scandinavian style have clear parallels in the English archaeological record. The coins, on the other hand, point towards Germany. There are a number of German coins from the end of the 10th century and the beginning of the 11th century, but the occurrence of Otto-Adelheid pennies and other German coins is not necessarily an indication of a direct German connection. From the second half of the 11th century, Svein Estridson coins dominate, but they are primarily Danish. Other artefacts that indicate contacts with western Europe are the enamelled brooches in Carolingian-Ottonian style. A number of objects suggest some degree of trade. Here again, it is the coins and the hack silver, and also the relatively large number of lead weights, that must be considered as relatively reliable indicators of trade, at least when their number is taken into consideration. In the light of the metal-detector finds it can, in conclusion, be stated that this was a locality inhabited by people of middle to high status. Many objects are foreign or show foreign inspiration and suggest therefore that Tamdrup was part of an international network. The artefacts support the interpretation of Tamdrup as a magnate’s farm and a royal residence. ConclusionTamdrup was located high up in the landscape, withdrawn from the coast, but nevertheless with quick and easy access to Horsens Fjord. Tamdrup could be approached from the fjord via Nørrestrand and the river Hansted Å on a northern route, or by the river Bygholm Å on a southern route (fig. 33). A withdrawn loca­tion was not atypical in the Viking Age and the Early Middle Ages. At that time there were also sites directly on the coast and at the heads of fjords, where early urbanisation materialised through the establishment of the first market towns, while the king’s residences had apparently to be located in places rather less accessible by boat and ship. As withdrawn but central, regional hubs and markers between land and sea. One must imagine that Tamdrup had a high status in the 10th and 11th centuries, when the king had a residence and a wooden church there. A place of great importance, culminating in the construction of a Romanesque basilica to commemorate the Christianisation of Denmark. Tamdrup appears to have lost its significance for the monarchy shortly after the stone church was completed, which could fit with King Niels, as the last of Svein Estridson’s sons, being killed in 1134, and another branch of the royal family taking over power. At the same time as Tamdrup lost its importance, Horsens flourished as a town and became of such great importance for the Crown that both Svein Grathe and Valdemar the Great had coins minted there. Tamdrup must have been a central element of the local topography in the Viking Age, when Horsens functioned as a landing place, perhaps with seasonal trading. In the long term, Horsens came out strongest, but it must be assumed that Tamdrup had the highest status between AD 900 and 1100.Lars PaghHorsens Museum

While the first two chapters of Doucas's historical work present a meagre outline of world history - a sketch which becomes a little more detailed from 1261 on, when the narration reaches the history of the Turks and their conquests in Asia Minor - the third chapter deals with the well-known battle of Kosovo, which took place in 1389. From that point on, the Byzantine historian gives much important information on Serbia, as well as on the Ottoman advances in the Balkans, and thus embarks upon his central theme - the rise of the Turks and the decline of Byzantium. Doucas considers the battle of Kosovo a key event in the subjugation of the Balkan peoples by the Turks, and he shows that after the battle of Kosovo the Serbs were the first to suffer that fate. At the beginning, Doucas says that after the death of Orhan, the ruler (o archgos) of the Turks, his son and successor Murad conquered the Thracian towns, Adrianople and the whole Thessaly, so that he mastered almost all the lands of the Byzantines, and finally reached the Triballi (Triballous). He devastated many of their towns and villages sending the enslaved population beyond Chersonesus, until Lazar, son of King Stefan of Serbia (Serbias), who ruled (kraley?n) in Serbia at that time decided to oppose him with all the might he could muster. The Serbs were often called Triballi by Byzantine authors. For the fourteenth century writers Pachymeres, Gregoras, Metochites and Kantakouzenos the Serbs were Triballi. However, Pachymeres and Gregoras refer to the rulers of the Triballi as the rulers of Serbia. Fifteenth century writers, primarily Chalcondyles and Critobulos, use only that name. It seems, nevertheless, that Doucas makes a distinction between the Triballi and the Serbs. As it is known, the conquest of the Serbian lands by the Turks began after the battle on the river Marica in 1371. By 1387. the Turks had mastered Serres(1388) Bitola and Stip (1385), Sofia (1385), Nis (1386) and several other towns. Thus parts of Macedonia, Bulgaria and even of Serbia proper were reduced by the Turks by 1387. For Doucas, however, this is the territory inhabited by the Triballi. After the exposition of the events on Kosovo, Doucas inserts an account of the dispute of John Kantakouzenos and the regency on behalf of John V, which had taken place, as it is known, long before 1389. At the beginning of his description of the civil war, Doucas says that by dividing the empire Kantakouzenos made it possible for the Turks to devastate not only all the lands under Roman rule, but also the territories of the Triballi Moesians and Albanians and other western peoples. The author goes on to narrate that Kantakouzenos established friendly relations with the king Stefan Du{an, and reached an agreement with him concerning the fortresses towns and provinces of the unlucky Empire of the Romaioi, so that, instead of giving them over to the Roman lords, he surrendered them to barbarians, the Triballi and the Serbs (Triballoys te kai Serbous). When he speaks later how the Tatars treated the captives after the battle of Angora in 1402, Doucas points out that the Divine Law, honored from times immemorial not only among the Romaioi, but also among the Persians, the Triballi and the Scythians (as he calls Timur's Tatars), permitted only plunder, not the taking of captives or any executions outside the battlefield when the enemy belonged to the same faith. Finally, when he speaks of the conflict between Murad II and Juneid in Asia Minor, Doucas mentions a certain Kelpaxis, a man belonging to the people of the Triballi, who took over from Juneid the rule over Ephesus and Ionia. It seems, therefore, that Doucas, when he speaks of the land of the Triballi he has in mind a broad ethnical territory in the Balkans, which was obviously not settled by the Serbs only or even by the Slavs only. According to him Kelpaxis (Kelpaz?sis) also belonged to the Triballi, although the name can hardly be of Slavonic, i.e. Serbian origin. On the other hand, he is definitely aware of Serbia, a state which had left substantial traces in the works of Byzantine authors, particularly from the time when it usurped (according to the Byzantine view) the Empire. Writing a whole century after Dusan's coronation as emperor, Doucas is not willing, as we shall see later to recognize this usurpation. Although he ascribes to Serbia, in conformity with the Byzantine conception of tazis, a different rank, he considers Serbia and the Serbs, as they are generally called in his work (particularly when he describes the events after the Battle of Kosovo) an important factor in the struggle against the Turks. Therefore he makes a fairly accurate distinction between the Serbs and the other Triballi. In his case, the term may in fact serve as a geographical designation for the territory settled by many peoples, including the Serbs. When he uses specific titles and when he speaks of the degrees of authority conveyed by them in individual territories Doucas is anxious to prove himself a worthy scion of the Romaioi, who considered that they had the exclusive right to the primacy in the Christian hierarchy with the Roman emperor at its top. He makes distinctions of rank between individual rulers. The Emperor in Constantinople is for him the only emperor of the Romans (basileys t?n R?mai?n). King Sigismund of Hungary is also styled emperor, but as basileys t?n R?man?n, meaning Latin Christians. The last Byzantine emperor Constantine XI Dragas Palaleologus is not recognized as an emperor, and the author calls his rule a despotic rule (despoteia). He has a similar view of the Serbs. Thus he says, erroneously that Lazar was the son of King Stefan of Serbia (yios Stefanoy toy kral? Serbias) and that he ruled Serbia at that time (o tote t?n Serbian kraley?n). Elsewhere, Doucas explains his attitude and says that o t?n Serb?n archgos etolm?sen anadusasthai kratos kai kral?s onomazesthai. Toyto gar to barbaron onoma exell?nizomenon basileys erm?neyetai. Lazar exercises royal power (kraley?n) in Serbia, which is appropriate, for the author thinks erroneously that Lazar was the son and successor of King Stefan Du{an. It is significant that he derives the werb kraley? from the Serbian title 'kralj', i.e. from the title which never existed in the Byzantine Empire. Moreover, there is no mention of this werb in any other Byzantine text. When he narrates how Serbia fell under the Turkish rule in 1439, Doucas says that Despot Djuradj Brankovic seeing his ravaged despotate (despoteian), went to the King of Hungary hoping to get aid from him. There can be no doubt that the term despoteia here refers to the territory ruled by Despot Djuradj Brankovic. Doucas correctly styles the Serbian rulers after 1402 as despots. The space he devotes to Serbia in his work, as well as the manner in which he speaks of it, seems to indicate, however, that he regarded it, together with Hungary as a obstacle of the further Turkish conquests in the Balkans. Doucas's text indicates that Serbia, though incomparably weaker than in the time of Dusan's mighty empire, was in fact the only remaining more or less integral state in the Peninsula. The riches of Serbia and, consequently, of its despots, is stressed in a number of passages. Almost at the very beginning Doucas says that Bayezid seized 'a sufficient quantity of silver talents from the mines of Serbia' after the Battle of Kosovo. When Murad II conducted negotiations with Despot Djuradj for his marriage with the Despot's daughter Mara, Doucas writes, no one could guess how many 'gold and silver talents' he took. Doucas also says that the Despot began to build the Smederevo fortress with Murad's permission. The building of a fortress has never been an easy undertaking and if we bear in mind that Despot Djuradj built the part of the Smederevo fortress called 'Mali Grad' (Small fortress) in two years only, we realize that his economic power was really considerable. When Fadulah, the counselor of Murad II, sought to persuade his lord to occupy Serbia, he stressed the good position of the country, particularly of Smederevo, and the country's abundant sources of silver and gold, which would enable Murad not only to conquer Hungary, but also to advance as far as Italy. After Mehmed II captured Constantinople, the Serbs undertook to pay an annual tribute of 12.000 gold coins, more than the despots of Mistra, the lords of Chios Mitylene or the Emperor of Trebizond. Already in 1454 the Despot's men brought the tribute to Mehmed II and also ransomed their captives. Critobulos's superb description of Serbia is the best testimony that this was not only Doucas's impression: 'Its greatest advantage, in which it surpasses the other countries, is that it produces gold and silver? They are mined everywhere in that region, which has rich veins of both gold and silver, more abundant than those of India. The country of the Triballi was indeed fortunate in this respect from the very beginning and it was proud of its riches and its might. It was a kingdom with numerous flourishing towns and strong and impregnable fortresses. It was also rich in soldiers and armies as well as in good equipment. It had citizens of the noblest rank and it brought up many youths who had the strength of adult men. It was admired and famous, but it was also envied, so that is was not only loved of many, but also disliked by many people who sought to harm It'. It is no wonder that George Sphrantzes once complains that Christians failed to send aid to Constantinople and that he singles out for particular blame that 'miserable despot, who did not realize that once the head is removed, the limbs, too disappear'. It may be said, therefore, that Doucas regarded Serbia as one of the few remaining allies of at least some ability to stem the Turkish advances, and that this opinion was primarily based on its economic resources. Serbia was clearly distinguished as a state structure, as opposed to most of the remaining parts of the Peninsula, inhabited by peoples which Doucas does not seem to differentiate precisely. According to him, the authority over a particular territory issued from the ruler's title, the title of despot, which was first in importance after the imperial title, also determined the rank of Serbia in the Byzantine theory of hierarchy of states. Doucas's testimony also shows that this theory not only endured until the collapse of the Empire, but that it also persisted even in the consciousness of the people who survived its fall.

The paper deals with the Ottoman coins that were traded in Jerusalem Brigade in the 11th century AH / AD 16th century. This money was based on three types: the gold coin, which is called the Sultany and the silver coins which containes the Uqja, Barra, the silver Sulaimany coins, Dirham, Qurush which containes Al-Qurush Al-`Adaidiyay w Al-Qurush Al-Asadiyah. Keywords. Al-Sultand, Al-Uqja, Al-Barra, Al-Dirahm, Al-Qirsh.

In this article, a group of coins were catalogd at the Bursa Archeology Museum of Byzantine emperor Herakleios. The article mentioned the history of the Byzantine Empire before the cataloging part. In the Byzantine period, the issues of coin, Herakleios’s life and the Byzantine economy were discussed during the Herakleios period. The article is handled from a meticulous and objective point of view and is used from local and foreign sources. The Byzantine empire was the first in 330 AD Founded by Konstantinos in the city of Constantinople. The Byzantine empire, which continues in the Middle Ages, is governed by various sules and names. The Empire has spread to a large geography. It was destroyed by the Ottoman Empire in 1453. The use of coins in the Byzantine Empire I.. From the time of Anastasius (491), the final emperor XI. It continued until Constantinos (1453). These coins are printed in copper, silver and gold. Herakleios, son of the Carthage governor Herakleios, was born in 575. He is one of the most important rulers of the Byzantine empire. Herakleios has taken over a financially exhausted administration. The spreading policies of the Sasanis have caused the Byzantine empire to be difficult both economically and politically. With the support of Patrik Sergios, the leader of the Orthodox churches, he has won his battles with the Sasanis, bringing the empire to political and economic prosperity.

Due to its historical, political and geographical position, Syunik has been one of the important junctions of trade routes for centuries. Among the evidence of all this are the numerous found treasures of money and individual coins, covering a long historical period - from antiquity to the late Middle Ages - without a break. In this work, hoards found in different places of Syunik, stored in the History Museum of Armenia, were highlighted. As a result of the study, they were classified by issuing countries, by period, the typology of coins was given, the iconography and the circumstances of their discovery were classified and considered. The hoards include Seleucid, Parthian, Sassanian, Mongolian, Arabic, Persian, Ottoman, Western European and other coins, the study of which may be of great source and significance for solving historical issues. In this context, the study of coins can be of great importance in solving existing geopolitical problems. Money, as an important political, social, economic, historical and cultural object of the country, reveals trade and economic relations between countries in different periods. In this sense, hoards are important. The discovery of numerous hoards confirms the importance of the region in the global process of transit trade, as well as the existing interactions between peoples. The region played an important role in the global trade process, being located on transit routes connecting countries that played a large role in trade relations. It was a connecting link from the trading cities of Persia to Armenia and from here to the important trading centers of the Black Sea. Thus, for centuries, Armenia has been considered an economic buffer country and a neutral area for international trade activities. In this process, the role of the Armenian merchant class in the development of the history, culture and economy of the Armenian people is invaluable. The Armenian merchant class acts as a connecting link between European and Asian countries, promoting the development of cultural exchanges between peoples.

The purpose of this study is to examine the tuğra form, an important element of Ottoman calligraphy, in terms of its place in Turkish calligraphy, historical development, usage areas, and design features. In this context, it is emphasized that the significance of the tuğra goes beyond its function in official documents, serving as an art piece reflecting the artistic sensibilities of its era. Tughras are typically designed in a curved form consisting of the sere, beyze, tuğ, and hançer parts, including the name of the sultan, his father's name, and the phrase "el muzaffer daima." The composition and ornamentation of this text depend on the skills of the artisans of the era and the opulence of the reign. The earliest curved tughra examples that can be found are seen in documents of the Great Seljuk Empire. Later, the use of tughras continued in the Anatolian Seljuks and the Ottoman Empire. Officially, the use of tughras ended on November 1, 1922, with the abolition of the monarchy. The tughra served as a title in official correspondence in the Ottoman state and represented the sultan's signature and the seal of the state. As such, tughras appeared on official documents such as orders, decrees, land deeds, diplomas, as well as on coins, stamps, registration books, dynastic emblems, flags, and official architectural monuments. Additionally, calligraphy works in the form of tughras were created with verses from the Quran, prayers, the Basmala, hadiths, aphorisms, and personal names. The tughra of Ottoman Sultan Orhan Bey, which included the names of "Orhan and his father Osman," laid the foundation for all Ottoman tughra designs. In this study, the tughra of Sultan Suleiman the Magnificent, produced in the Istanbul Palace Workshop during the 16th century, which is considered the brightest period of the Ottoman Empire, was examined. This tughra, currently on display at the New York Metropolitan Museum of Art, was analyzed in terms of its text, calligraphy design, composition features, and illumination patterns. The tughra's design features prominently include the use of gold and navy blue. Illumination patterns feature saz-style dagger leaves, double tahrir-style hatayi designs, stylized carnations, and cloud motifs. Due to these design characteristics, it is believed that the tughra was created in the style of Kara Memi, the chief illuminator of the era.As a result of the research, it was concluded that tughras were not limited to being merely official documents but also represented significant art pieces that reflected the artistic sensibilities of their time.

The subject of this article is the usage process of the Manavgat Castle in the late Mediavel Ages Turkish period. There are many studies about the historical development of the settlements in Manavgat and its surroundings. However, no detailed publication work has been make about Manavgat Castle so far. As a result of the on-site investigations and research, the ground plan of the castle has been drawn, attempts have been made to determine its architectural phases made based on the existing architectural traces. Since a large part of the castle has been destroyed, the castle is no longer in use today. The castle, which had been built the Roman period, was also used in the Byzantine, Seljuk, Princely and Ottoman periods. After the conquest by the Turks, the small castle was extended to the south with new walls and became a settlement center in the area. Manavgat Castle, a very important structure in the history of Manavgat, played a key role as an administrative center in the process of Turkishizition of the region in the 13th and 14th centuries. The rulers of Manavgat Castle acted as an autonomous principality and minted coins in their own mint, albeit for a short time.

The first period when the Republic of Turkey was founded, the modernization move carried out by the state and the ideal of creating a national identity different from the Ottoman Empire created a social transformation that was effective in every stage of social life, so the money that constitutes the basic starting point of this study underwent a symbolic change. Based on this symbolic change, the main purpose of this research is to reveal the elements that formed the basis of social change and used in the construction of national identity on the first emission banknotes that were put into circulation during the period of M. Kemal Atatürk. In this context, the banknotes of 1, 5, 10, 50, 100, 500 and 1000 lira in the first emission group, which entered into circulation in 1927, were analyzed using the semiotic analysis method based on Roland Barthes' semantic and connotation concepts. As a result of the research, the metaphor of Bozkurt, Atatürk portrait as a manifestation of the myth of the savior and hero Mustafa Kemal, the symbols associated with Ankara and Ankara as the new and modern capital of the republic, in order to establish a new understanding of history that includes pre-Islamic Turkish states used in the coins analyzed, images of cities such as Sivas, Afyon, Sakarya, which constitute the basis of the national liberation history of the new state because of their importance, the pictures of the First Assembly and the Prime Ministry building that emphasize the national sovereignty as the carrier institutions of the new regime, as an extension of the economic development move of the modern republic, it was concluded that the emission group banknotes were used as effective symbolic tools in the construction of national identity and gradual social transformation process.

One of the most troubled periods in Ottomon history began in 1774, after the Treaty of Küçük Kaynarca. The Ottomon treasury was crushed by the cost of the war that ended, even worse, it had to deal with great diffuculties to prepare for the future war. In this period when the financial crisis was at its peak, the biggest supporter of the treasury would be the Imperal Mint. The events devoloped during the Sultan Mustafa’s enthronement gave the Imperial Mint the qualification of a reserve treasury. The Imperal Mint mobilized the money it collected from various income and expenditure funds to cover military expenses. In this period (between 1766 and 1794), the income of the Imperial Mint’s only fund of unfixed revenues and the campaign fund (zuhurat ve seferiye akçesi) exceeded 88 million guruş. This amount was spent for the needs of the army and navy. Moreover, the income generated by the debasement of the coins in circulation was outside of this money. In this study it will be focused on how the revenues obtained from other sources are used to meet the military expenditures.