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1
Gökatalay, Semih. "Economic Nationalism of the Committee of Union and Progress Revisited: The Case of the Society for the Ottoman Navy." Nationalities Papers 48, no. 5 (January 27, 2020): 942–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2019.79.
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AbstractThe Ottoman-Turkish historiography has been largely concerned with the economic nationalism of the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP), which consisted of four doctrines: elimination of foreign dominance on the Ottoman economy, removal of non-Muslims from the economic sphere, creation of a Turkish/Muslim bourgeoisie, and rapid industrialization. Through its focus on the economic activities of the Society for the Ottoman Navy, a CUP-affiliated charitable organization with enormous economic power, the present study investigates how the economic policies of the period can be regarded as a practice of economic nationalism. Based on archival material and in dialogue with secondary sources, this article argues that although the Unionist leadership and intelligentsia employed the language of economic nationalism, the operation of the economy in practice was considerably different from its rhetoric. War conditions, the lack of indigenous capital accumulation, and relations of the Ottoman Empire with foreign powers heavily shaped the implementation of the economic nationalism of the CUP.
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O’SULLIVAN, MICHAEL B. "‘The Little Brother of the Ottoman State’: Ottoman technocrats in Kabul and Afghanistan's development in the Ottoman imagination, 1908–23." Modern Asian Studies 50, no. 6 (April 15, 2016): 1846–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x15000244.
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AbstractBy charting the activities of Ottoman experts in Afghanistan from 1908–23, this article demonstrates how their arrival precipitated a series of state-building practices rooted in the particular historical experience of Ottoman reform projects. The country thus became the object of an Ottomanmission civilisatriceand the beneficiary, in the eyes of certain figures within the Ottoman Committee of Union and Progress, of an avowedly Ottoman-Turkish modernity. Sharing this conviction were members of the Afghan royal family and its chief ministers, especially Maḥmūd Ṭarzī, who first invited the Ottoman advisers to Kabul. The provision of Ottoman technical assistance took a variety of forms, but is most evident in military, educational, and public health reforms enacted in Kabul in this period. Through the study of previously unexamined Ottoman, Afghan, and British sources, the aim here is to incorporate these events into discussions of Ottoman informal empire, Afghan developmentalism, and pan-Islam.
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Schull, Kent F. "Identity in the Ottoman Prison Surveys of 1912 and 1914." International Journal of Middle East Studies 41, no. 3 (August 2009): 365–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743809091089.
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Population surveys and census records, in addition to providing valuable human statistical information, have enormous potential to act as luminary tools for identity construction and conceptualization. How governmental agencies identify a population can also provide insights into a regime's motives, rationale, and ideology. The tables presented here are taken from the annual prison survey conducted by the Ottoman Prison Administration from 1912 to 1918 and shed light on the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) or CUP's conceptualizations of difference. CUP was the main ruling organization in the Ottoman Empire during this period.
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Çiçek, M. Talha. "Visions of Islamic Unity: A Comparison of Djemal Pasha’s al-Sharq and Sharīf Ḥusayn’s al-Qibla Periodicals." Die Welt des Islams 54, no. 3-4 (December 2, 2014): 460–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-05434p07.
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During the First World War, the Ottomans undertook a pan-Islamism propaganda campaign through the newspaper al-Sharq (published by Djemal Pasha in Damascus) to motivate its Arab subjects to support the Ottoman struggle against the Entente powers. To this end, many articles and news items appeared in al-Sharq to inspire Muslim unity around the figure of the caliph. Unity was presented as a crucial part of saving Muslims; disasters were predicted should the Ottoman Empire fall to the ‘infidels’. Sharīf Ḥusayn and his followers were explicitly or implicitly accused of splitting the umma and rendering the Ḥijāz and the remainder of independent Muslim territories vulnerable to British and other European imperialists. In 1916, Sharīf Ḥusayn launched a revolt in Mecca against the Ottoman Caliph and established a periodical, al-Qibla, to target the same audience. In al-Qibla, Ḥusayn presented the Committee of Union and Progress as amoral and irreligious usurpers of the caliph’s authority, and therefore undeserving of allegiance. In this article I analyse the discourse of the two competing sides by examining their propaganda on issues such as loyalty to the caliph, the unity of the Muslims and the formation of alliances with the Great Powers. I argue that Islam shaped the propaganda battle between the Ottomans and the sharīf to a greater extent than did Arabism or Turkism.
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Dimitriadis, Sotirios. "Visions of Ottomanism in Late Ottoman Education: The ıslahhane of Thessaloniki, 1874–1924." Die Welt des Islams 56, no. 3-4 (November 28, 2016): 415–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-05634p07.
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In 1874, Midhat Paşa, then serving as governor-general in Thessaloniki, founded a vocational school (ıslahhane) in the city. The paşa had been a pioneer of vocational education in the Ottoman Empire and believed that ıslahhane schools could serve as models for his inclusivist Ottomanist policies. Soon after the ıslahhane of Thessaloniki was founded, however, official state ideology was reoriented towards consciously Islamic principles and symbols. During the reign of Sultan Abdülhamid II, the ıslahhane of Thessaloniki became associated with the local Muslim community and became the focal point for the emergence of an Ottoman Muslim civic identity in the city. After the Revolution of 1908, the Committee of Union and Progress expanded upon the policies of religious and ethnic partıcularism despite paying lip service to the legacy of Midhat; students of the ıslahhane provided the Committee with an activist base. After the Balkan Wars and the collapse of Ottoman rule in the Balkans, the school remained one of the most important links connecting the community to the empire.
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Arslan, Ozan, and Cinar Ozen. "The Rebirth of the Ottoman Committee of Union and Progress in Macedonia Through the Italian Freemasonry." Oriente Moderno 85, no. 1 (August 12, 2005): 93–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-08501005.
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Sohrabi, Nader. "Reluctant Nationalists, Imperial Nation-State, and Neo-Ottomanism: Turks, Albanians, and the Antinomies of the End of Empire." Social Science History 42, no. 4 (2018): 835–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2018.4.
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Nationalism's role in the breakdown of the Ottoman Empire is re-examined. Traditionalists blamed the breakdown on the extreme nationalism of the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) while today's orthodoxy attributes it to the external contingency of the Balkan Wars and World War I instead. This article looks at the onerous state-building and mild nation-building demands put forth by the CUP toward the Albanians. The Albanian resistance created unstable coalitions that broadened to include north and south, and tempered religion in favor of ethnicity, but fell short of demanding independence. The First Balkan War forced a vulnerable Albania to reluctantly declare independence for which it had made contingent plans. The Ottoman center refused to change course and its pursuit of an imperial nation-state prompted other populations to think and act more ethnically than ever before and draw up their own contingent plans. The concept of ethnicity without groups (Brubaker) and the causal connection between state-building and nationalism (Hechter) are critically assessed in the Ottoman context.
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Bozarslan, Hamit. "The Ottomanism of the Non-Turkish Groups: The Arabs and the Kurds after 1908." Die Welt des Islams 56, no. 3-4 (November 28, 2016): 317–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-05634p03.
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After 1909, the leaders of the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) abandoned the Ottomanist ideals that had earlier characterised the group, adopting instead a purely Turkish nationalist ideology. They were not necessarily hostile to Arab and Kurdish communities, but considered that the latter had no say in the definition of the Empire, let alone in its future. In contrast, many Arab and Kurdish intellectuals continued to define themselves as Ottomanists. These intellectuals, including Sāṭiʿ al-Ḥuṣrī and Şerif Pasha, were defenders of the fraternity of the Islamic umma and, before the ‘nationalist-turn’ they took after World War I, were opposed to any kind of nationalism within Islam. They could not, however, easily justify the fusion of Islam and an Ottoman entity defined as Turkish. Integration into the Ottoman Empire for them did not imply the dissolution of the Arab and the Kurdish component within its Islamic imperial fabric.
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Taglia, Stefano. "The Feasibility of Ottomanism as a Nationalist Project: The View of Albanian Young Turk İsmail Kemal." Die Welt des Islams 56, no. 3-4 (November 28, 2016): 336–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-05634p04.
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This article surveys the appeal of Ottomanism for non-dominant group members of the Young Turk organisation. It focuses on a specific reading of Ottomanism as a nationalist discourse articulated by Young Turk intellectuals in exile. The article analyses the actions, thoughts and writings of Ottoman Albanian İsmail Kemal who, in 1900, after an influential career in Ottoman officialdom, escaped to Europe and affiliated himself with the leaders of the organisation in exile. What emerges from this study is that Ottomanism was, until the Committee of Union and Progress adopted an authoritarian and pro-Turkist stance, a feasible discourse for Young Turk activists from both a dominant and non-dominant background. The article also suggests that an assessment of the role of Young Turks from a non-Muslim or non-Turkish background needs to include a consideration of a simultaneous and compatible role of such members as working for imperial reform and for the improvement and protection of their own particular community.
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Okay, Cüneyd. "Sport and Nation Building: Gymnastics and Sport in the Ottoman State and the Committee of Union and Progress, 1908-18." International Journal of the History of Sport 20, no. 1 (March 2003): 152–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714001845.
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Gökçek, Mustafa. "Late Ottoman Discourses on Nationalism and Islam and the Contributions of Russia’s Muslims." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 32, no. 4 (October 1, 2015): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v32i4.216.
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This study focuses on the early twentieth-century nationalist and Islamist discourses in the Ottoman Empire. Particularly after the 1908 coup, Turkish and Arab nationalism spread among the intellectuals. Under the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) party’s leadership, Turkish nationalists received tremendous support to spread their views through associations and publications. Some of them defended the compatibility of Turkish nationalism with Islam. In response, traditional Islamist intellectuals argued that Islam was opposed to nationalism and tribalism and pointed out the potential dangers of pursuing nationalism in a multiethnic society. This article mostly focuses on the nationalist and traditionalist intellectuals. Among the first group was Halim Sabit, a Kazan Tatar who moved to Istanbul from Russia to pursue religious studies at a madrasa. He eventually became heavily involved in nationalist circles and published articles in Sırat-i Mustakım and İslam Mecmuası on how Islam allowed nationalism and how Turkish nationalism could serve Islam. At the same time, he participated in a trip to the Middle East to convince the Arabs of the need for Islamic unity. In contrast to Musa Kazım, Said Nursi, and other intellectuals, Sabit emphasized the unity of Muslim nations within the empire.
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Gökçek, Mustafa. "Late Ottoman Discourses on Nationalism and Islam and the Contributions of Russia’s Muslims." American Journal of Islam and Society 32, no. 4 (October 1, 2015): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v32i4.216.
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This study focuses on the early twentieth-century nationalist and Islamist discourses in the Ottoman Empire. Particularly after the 1908 coup, Turkish and Arab nationalism spread among the intellectuals. Under the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) party’s leadership, Turkish nationalists received tremendous support to spread their views through associations and publications. Some of them defended the compatibility of Turkish nationalism with Islam. In response, traditional Islamist intellectuals argued that Islam was opposed to nationalism and tribalism and pointed out the potential dangers of pursuing nationalism in a multiethnic society. This article mostly focuses on the nationalist and traditionalist intellectuals. Among the first group was Halim Sabit, a Kazan Tatar who moved to Istanbul from Russia to pursue religious studies at a madrasa. He eventually became heavily involved in nationalist circles and published articles in Sırat-i Mustakım and İslam Mecmuası on how Islam allowed nationalism and how Turkish nationalism could serve Islam. At the same time, he participated in a trip to the Middle East to convince the Arabs of the need for Islamic unity. In contrast to Musa Kazım, Said Nursi, and other intellectuals, Sabit emphasized the unity of Muslim nations within the empire.
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Akçam, Taner. "The Ottoman Documents and the Genocidal Policies of the Committee for Union and Progress (İttihat ve Terakki) toward the Armenians in 1915." Genocide Studies and Prevention 1, no. 2 (September 2006): 127–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/7087-4340-5h2x-7544.
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Rowe, Victoria. "Armenian Refugees in Aleppo: Humanitarian Efforts and Survival Strategies: 1915-1930." Chronos 19 (April 11, 2019): 33–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31377/chr.v19i0.455.
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This article is an overview study of the international humanitarian response to the refugee crisis between 1915 and 1930 when Syria, and particularly the city of Aleppo, became home to tens of thousands of Armenian refugee survivors forcibly deported during the genocidal program implemented and carried out against the Ottoman Armenians by the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) government in Constantinople. The objective of this article is threefold: the first is to determine the policies of the various governments of Syria between 1915 and 1930 towards the Armenian refugee population; the second is to examine the humanitarian efforts of international bodies, such as the League of Nations, the International Red Cross and the Near East Relief Society, to provide assistance to refugees; and the third is to identify the strategies refugees employed to ensure survival and to try to rebuild familial and communal ties.
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Dadrian, Vahakn N. "THE ARMENIAN QUESTION AND THE WARTIME FATE OF THE ARMENIANS AS DOCUMENTED BY THE OFFICIALS OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE'S WORLD WAR I ALLIES: GERMANY AND AUSTRIA–HUNGARY." International Journal of Middle East Studies 34, no. 1 (February 2002): 59–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743802001034.
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The wartime fate of the Ottoman Empire's Armenian minority continues to be controversial. The debate in the main revolves around the causes and nature of that fate. Some historians have alleged that what is involved is centrally organized mass murder—or, to use contemporary terminology, genocide. This school of thought maintains that the Ottoman authorities were waiting for a suitable opportunity to undertake the wholesale liquidation of the empire's Armenian population, and the outbreak of World War I provided that opportunity. The Committee of Union and Progress (CUP, or Unionists), who controlled the Ottoman government, they argue further, did in fact undertake this liquidation under cover of the war.1 Others, however, dispute these assertions, especially that of genocidal intent. This group maintains that Armenian acts of disloyalty, subversion, and insurrection in wartime forced the central government to order, for purposes of relocation, the deportation of large sections of the Armenian population. According to this argument, apart from those who were killed in “intercommunal” clashes—that is, a “civil war”—the bulk of the Armenian losses resulted from the severe hardships associated with poorly administered measures of deportations, including exhaustion, sickness, starvation, and epidemics. In other words, this school of thought holds that the Ottoman Empire, in the throes of an existential war, had no choice but to protect itself by resorting to drastic methods; therefore, the tragic fate of the Armenians must be understood in the context of the dire conditions of World War I.2 These views are encapsulated in the formula that the noted Middle East historian Bernard Lewis has used—namely, the desperate conditions of “an embattled empire.”3
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Worringer, Renée. "“SICK MAN OF EUROPE” OR “JAPAN OF THE NEAR EAST”?: CONSTRUCTING OTTOMAN MODERNITY IN THE HAMIDIAN AND YOUNG TURK ERAS." International Journal of Middle East Studies 36, no. 2 (May 2004): 207–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743804362033.
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The [Japanese] government, adorned with great intelligence and ideological firmness in progress, has implemented and promoted European [methods] of commerce and industry in its own country, and has turned the whole of Japan into a factory of progress, thanks to many [educational institutions]; it has attempted to secure and develop Japan's capacity for advancement by using means to serve the needs of the society such as benevolent institutions, railways, and in short, innumerable modes of civilization.—Malumat, mouthpiece for Yıldız Palace, 1897We should take note of Japan, this nation which has become rivals with the Great Powers in thirty to forty years. One should pay attention to that—that a nation not separating patriotic public spirit and the good of the homeland from its life is surely such that [though] sustaining wounds, setting out against any type of danger that threatens its existence, it certainly preserves its national independence. The Japanese successes of Port Arthur…are a product of this patriotic zeal.—Şura-yı Ümmet, Ottoman newspaper, Committee of Union and Progress (CUP), 1904While the despot of Turkey and the despot of Russia tremble and hide…it has come to pass in the Far East among this admirable people that, like the Turks, have been treated…as barbarians…[that] the Japanese tended to develop in all the Far East their material and moral influences, “to make themselves the guardians, otherwise the masters, of the yellow world.”…And that is how one has to see this vast intellectual and moral organization…. They whose civilization, achieved in half a century, has become superior to European civilization which has fallen into decay; they who do not have to reproach massacres, who do not have to gag any mouths out of which a liberal word came, who do not have to exile or suppress patriots…. Indeed, for our part, it is this “yellow” civilization that we wish to see universalized because it is the fruit of a principled, faithful and highly intelligent organization, because it is based on a conception of human destinies that excludes holy icons and false sentimentalities, because, above all, it is the daughter of a constitutional government which Ottoman patriots—all their efforts striving for this goal—will conclude by understanding the absolute necessity for the poor Turkish people that Hamidian terrorism be plunged into the mire.—Mechveret Supplément Français, French organ of the CUP, 1905
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SIDARA, Kunihiro. "A Genealogy of the Committee of Union and Progress." Bulletin of the Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan 35, no. 1 (1992): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.5356/jorient.35.1.
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Parnall, Judy. "Recent Progress in the European Broadcasting Union Technical Committee." SMPTE Motion Imaging Journal 129, no. 8 (September 2020): 76–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5594/jmi.2020.3002306.
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Toledano, Ehud. "The Young Turks: The Committee of Union and Progress in Turkish Politics, 1908–1914." Bustan: The Middle East Book Review 2, no. 1 (May 1, 2011): 36–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187853011x564344.
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Gökçek, Mustafa. "The young Turks and the Ottoman Nationalities." American Journal of Islam and Society 32, no. 2 (April 1, 2015): 122–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v32i2.979.
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This volume, short and rich in primary source material, focuses on the relationshipbetween the Ottoman central government (Istanbul) and the empire’svarious nationalities during the fateful 1908-18 period. Istanbul’s struggle toaddress enormous political and military challenges, European involvement,and the rise of nationalism and ethnic/religious resentments are duly covered.The book is well organized with a dedicated section for each nationality. Exceptfor the Greek and Armenian struggles through WWI, which is coveredin a single chapter, each nation’s history is covered in two periods: 1908-14and 1914-18 (except the Albanians). Ahmad impartially re-constructs thesenationalities’ history in order to detail all aspects of the challenges that theyfaced and posed to Ottoman governance.In the chapter on the Armenians, Ahmad discusses the political interactionsof such Armenian organizations as Dashnak with the Committee ofUnion and Progress (CUP) and their coalitions with various political groups.The Kurdish-Armenian “land question” tensions, which dated from the SultanAbdulhamid period, continued to rise. Ahmad’s portrayal also gives us aglimpse of British and French involvement in the Armenian community’s issues.Russia’s policy would change in 1912 from one of keeping good relationswith the CUP to supporting the Armenians and Greeks against Istanbul.The Balkan Wars and the Ottoman defeats revealed its vulnerabilities as wellas the weakness of the CUP’s centralization policies.Istanbul was aware of the problems in Anatolia, especially between theKurds and the Armenians, and understood the necessity of resolving the ...
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Mustafa, Aram Ali. "The Relationships between the Soviet Union and the Turkey (1920-1930) and its impact on the Kurdish issue." Journal of University of Human Development 5, no. 4 (October 6, 2019): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/juhd.v5n4y2019.pp25-40.
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Relations between Russia and Turkey have gone through five centuries at different stages, sometimes in difficult wars and conflicts, sometimes in harmony and good relations. However, conditions changed in the eighteenth century, when the Ottoman Empire was weakened and disintegrated. Russia played an important role in cutting down parts of the Caucasus and Central Asia, as well as in reducing the boundaries of the Ottoman Empire, which was considered a great nation for centuries.
At the end of the First World War, after the victory of the October Revolution of 1917 in Russia, Russian troops withdrew from the war fronts. The Bolshevik government exposed the secret clauses of the Sykes-Picot Agreement and concluded the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk in 1918, with the Quadruple Alliance, led by Germany and the Ottoman Empire.
The Ottoman Empire, like its German ally, took advantage of the withdrawal of Russian troops from the war fronts. In contrast to the agreement, attacks were launched on the Caucasus regions controlled by Russian Russia. However, following the emergence of the Turkish National Movement, led by Mustafa Kemal and the signing of the Sevre Treaty and there were changes in the war fronts, as in the political arena. Russia, which became Soviet Russia at that time, found a new friend and ally, which had common interests with Soviet Russia, against the Ottoman Empire, on the one hand, and Britain and France on the other. Both countries have benefited from this friendship and alliance.
But at a time when the Kurds, especially in the Ottoman Kurdistan, had a chance to move towards achieving their goals and national rights, and at least making some progress in accordance with the provisions of the Sovereign Convention on the Rights of the Kurds. As the first country to recognize and establish diplomatic relations with Turkey with the help of the Kemalist Movement in various ways, Russia, as well as economic, industrial and mining assistance, became a great supporter of Turkey in international and diplomatic forums.
All this, along with many other factors, helped the Republic of Turkey stand on its own feet. When the revolutions and movements against the injustice and tyranny of the Turks occurred in Northern Kurdistan in the 1920s and 1930s, Soviet Russia sided with all possible means, military and political, as well as the Turkish Republic. Which brutally suppressed these uprisings and every move of a Kurdish nationalist nature.
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Olgun, Kenan. "1912 Parliamentary elections Armenians and Armenian deputies1912 Meclis-i Mebusan seçimlerinde Ermeniler ve Ermeni milletvekilleri." Journal of Human Sciences 14, no. 3 (September 17, 2017): 2688. http://dx.doi.org/10.14687/jhs.v14i3.4570.
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As soon as 1908 Parliament was extingwished in the result of struggle for power the preparations for the new parliamentary elections began. The elections of 1912 between the Party of Union and Progress and their political opponent Party of Liberty and Mutual Agreement have been known as “elections of clubs”. Before the elections the majority of Armenians and Tashnaktsutyun supported Party of Union and Progress while Hinchak stood for Party of Liberty and Mutual Agreement. Armenian patriarchate informed the Ottoman Government that according to the low number of Armenians according to the total population of the Empire they had little chance to become deputies and asked for separation. İn the result of the elections 10 Armenians took place in the list of Party of Union and Progress were chosen deputies in 1912 Parliament.Extended English abstract is in the end of PDF (TURKISH) file.Özet1908 Meclis-i Mebusan’ı, iktidar mücadelesi yüzünden feshedilmiş, yeni meclis için seçimlere hemen başlanmıştır. İttihat ve Terakki Fırkası ile ittihatçılar karşısındaki muhalefetin tamamını bünyesinde toplamış olan Hürriyet ve İtilaf Fırkası arasında geçen 1912 seçimleri, tarihte “sopalı seçim” olarak da anılmaktadır. Seçimler öncesi Ermenilerin çoğunluğu ve Taşnak, İttihat ve Terakki’yi desteklerken, Hınçak, Hürriyet ve İtilaf Fırkası ile anlaşmıştır. Ermeni Patrikhanesi, nüfuslarına göre Ermeni milletvekili sayısının az olacağını ifade ile Başbakanlıktan ayrıcalık istemiştir. Seçimler sonucunda İttihat ve Terakki listesinde yer alan 10 Ermeni, milletvekili olarak 1912 Meclis-i Mebusan’ına seçilmiştir.
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AYDIN, Mehmet. "Some Embezzlement (Corruption ) Claims Took Place In Istanbul Press Towards The Committee Of Union And Progress." Journal of Turkish Studies Volume 3 Issue 7, no. 3 (2008): 696–706. http://dx.doi.org/10.7827/turkishstudies.526.
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Gereluk, Winston, and Lucien Royer. "Sustainable Development: A Trade Union Perspective." NEW SOLUTIONS: A Journal of Environmental and Occupational Health Policy 13, no. 1 (May 2003): 35–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/061v-r7bk-gmw4-n3j1.
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Sustainable development has become an important issue for trade unions around the world, but progress on sustainable development has been slow. Agenda 21, which came out of the 1992 UN Conference on Environment and Development in Rio de Janeiro, called on workers and trade unions to assume an active role. The International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) and the Trade Union Advisory Committee (TUAC) to the Organization for Economic Co-Operation and Development (OECD) became influential players who represent more than 155 million members in 148 countries and territories. The implementation of Agenda 21 has been hampered by bureaucratic gridlock—a situation that trade unions propose to overcome through innovative strategies on workplaces and workers. They realize that sustainable development cannot take place without radical changes in production and consumption. Globalization is creating opulence on the one hand and grinding poverty on the other. ICFTU and TUAC propose a new “world order” that includes democratic decision-making, popular accountability, transparency, and local control. They have proposed priorities, outlined in this article, for an international approach to sustainable development.
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Evered, E. O. "The Young Turks. The Committee of Union and Progress in Turkish Politics, 1908-14 * By Feroz Ahmad." Journal of Islamic Studies 24, no. 2 (December 14, 2012): 229–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jis/ets099.
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Kluge, Pascal. "TÜSİAD and the Armenian-Turkish Relations: Turkish Economy between Progress and National Identity." Iran and the Caucasus 13, no. 2 (2009): 341–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338410x12625876281424.
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AbstractIn examining the endeavours of the Turkish entrepreneurs' association TÜSİAD, a politically embedded economic interest group, it becomes clear how highly discriminative it must act, and react, in its pursuit to deliver economic and political benefits to its members. This can be observed via the example of the association's attitude vis-à-vis the Armenian-Turkish rapprochement process. On the one hand, the association speaks up freely and acts independently, and it has supported and engaged in numerous Armenian-Turkish initiatives, thus promoting a dialogue through trade. Improving economic conditions in the eastern provinces of Turkey and taking steps in line with the European Union accession process have been the major impetus for these moves. On the other hand, when it comes to highly contentious issues considered to be of Turkish national interest, such as the Armenian Genocide debate, TÜSİAD has been strongly affected by nationalist sensibilities. Its approach in this matter is deadlocked and determined by historical legacy. It conforms to the state ideology, rejecting the term genocide for the Ottoman massacres of Armenians in 1915 and considering any contrary arguments as an attempt by foreign powers to damage Turkey's reputation. One of the reasons behind this attitude is the way that a particular Turkish identity was formulated in the transition between the Ottoman Empire and the Turkish Republic, in which a sole “national culture” was founded exclusive of ideological divergence. The state, as a historically powerful guardian of this identity, has consistently attempted to enforce the conformity of social actors and the public sphere with this “national culture”. However, along with continuing globalisation and a general trend of individualisation of society, TÜSİAD and other civil organisations are in a process of disengagement from these structures. Should this process continue, TÜSİAD could further contribute to a prosperity that extends beyond economic advancement in Turkey's eastern border provinces, leading to a sustainable reconciliation in the South Caucasian region.
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Crowe, Christopher, and Ellen E. Meade. "The Evolution of Central Bank Governance around the World." Journal of Economic Perspectives 21, no. 4 (November 1, 2007): 69–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.21.4.69.
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The past two decades have seen enormous changes in central banks and their practices. In some countries, older institutions have been fundamentally restructured. In other, such as the countries of the former Soviet Union, entirely new central banks have been established. The member countries of the European Union have created a supranational central bank that oversees a monetary union. In all of these situations, central bank law was either revised or written de novo, while institutional objectives, practices, and structures were amended or created from scratch. In this article, we survey and quantify the trends in two major areas of central bank governance: independence and transparency. We document the steady progress toward greater central bank independence and transparency in a large number of industrial and developing countries over the past 10 to 15 years and discuss the effects of these aspects of governance on inflation. Finally, we touch on committee structure and decision making.
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Mezmur, Benyam Dawit. "Taking measures without taking measurements? An insider's reflections on monitoring the implementation of the African Children's Charter in a changing context of armed conflict." International Review of the Red Cross 101, no. 911 (August 2019): 623–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383120000041.
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AbstractThe efforts to create a world fit for children, including for those affected by armed conflict, remain a work in progress. Increasingly, regional organizations, prime among them the African Union and its organs, are being asked to play a more meaningful role in pushing for the realization of the rights and protections of children in armed conflict. This piece explores trends and developments in respect of children and armed conflict in Africa, and offers few ideas on how the African Committee of Experts on the Rights and Welfare of the Child, which holds significant promise, can continue to rise to this challenge.
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Gust, Wolfgang. "The Question of an Armenian Revolution and the Radicalization of the Committee of Union and Progress toward the Armenian Genocide." Genocide Studies and Prevention 7, no. 2/3 (August 2012): 251–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/gsp.7.2/3.251.
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Gust, Wolfgang. "The Question of an Armenian Revolution and the Radicalization of the Committee of Union and Progress toward the Armenian Genocide." Genocide Studies and Prevention 7, no. 2-3 (2012): 251–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/gsp.2012.0015.
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ALKAN, NECATI. "‘The eternal enemy of Isla¯m’: Abdullah Cevdet and the Baha'i religion." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 68, no. 1 (February 2005): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x05000017.
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This paper discusses Abdullah Cevdet, one of the founding members of the Young Turk ‘Committee of Union and Progress’, who in 1922 caused considerable public commotion by publishing an article favourable to the Baha'i religion in his journal İctihâd. He was prosecuted for attacking Islam and the prophet Mohammad by expressing his thoughts in favour of the Baha'i religion, recommending it as a world religion to replace Islam, which he deemed to be backward. It is argued here, in the context of Cevdet's Weltanschauung, that he did not use ‘Baha'ism’ merely as a tool to educate the Muslims in line with his Positivist ideas but that he identified himself with this new religious creed.
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Zhou, Qifeng. "Keeping Momentum up and Looking Forward." Chemistry International 40, no. 1 (January 1, 2018): 2–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ci-2018-0101.
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Abstract At the beginning of a new biennium, the first thing is always to have a look at what we have accomplished, where we are, and to think about what to do next. I thank the volunteers and the staff of the Union for their excellent work over the last two years. Highlights include the naming of four new elements, progress on the revision of IUPAC’s “color books,” the release of several IUPAC Recommendations, the granting of many awards, the establishment of the Interdivisional Committee on Green Chemistry for Sustainable Development, and strengthened cooperation with other international organizations, including the Organization for Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) and the International Younger Chemists Network.
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Birbudak, Togay Seçkin. "Osmanlı Devlet Adamlarından Hacı Âdil Bey’in II. Meşrutiyet Dönemindeki Faaliyetleri / Activities of Hacı Âdil Bey, who is the Ottoman Statesmen, in the Second Constitutional Period." Journal of History Culture and Art Research 6, no. 6 (December 30, 2017): 444. http://dx.doi.org/10.7596/taksad.v6i6.1227.
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<p><strong>Abstract </strong></p><p>Haci Adil (Arda) Bey, born in Lovech in 1869, was an important politician and jurist who held important positions in government offices both in the Ottoman Empire and in the Republic of Turkey. Throughout his career as a government official, which he started as a customs official in Yemen in 1890, he took several government offices in Yemen, Istanbul, and Thessaloniki for about 20 years and was inducted as the Governor of Edirne a short while after the proclamation of the Second Constitutionalist Period. Taking office as a senior manager within the party of Union and Progress following assume of governor of Edirne office, lasted for about a year, Haci Adil was appointed as Interior minister in 1912. He continued to hold critical offices during the Turco-Italian War, Balkan War and the First World War while the government was having hard times. He became interior minister once again in the government formed after the Sublime Porte Raid in 1913. HE was appointed as the governor of Edirne once again after the city was taken back during the Balkan War II, and held the office of chairperson of the Ottoman Parliament between the years 1915 and 1918. Arrested and exiled to Malta after end of First World War, Haci Adil lived the life of an exile abroad between the years 1919 and 1922. Returning home after his captivity in Malta, Haci Adil held the offices of the Governor of Adana and Bursa, lectured at the Ottoman University Darülfünun, and represented country on international courts. Haci Adil, who also held offices in Istanbul Municipality, died in 1935.</p><p>This study gives information on the political and administrative activities of Haci Adil, who was one of the members of the headquarter of party of Union and Progress, during the Second Constitutional Period based on archive documents. </p><p><strong>Öz</strong></p><p>1869 yılında Lofça’da dünyaya gelen Hacı Âdil (Arda) Bey, hem Osmanlı Devleti hem de Türkiye Cumhuriyeti zamanında mühim devlet görevlerinde bulunmuş önemli bir siyasetçi ve hukuk adamıdır. 1890 yılında Yemen’de gümrük memuru olarak başladığı devlet hizmetinde yaklaşık 20 yıl süre ile Yemen, İstanbul ve Selanik’te çeşitli memuriyetler üstlenmiş, II. Meşrutiyet’in ilanından kısa bir süre sonra Edirne Valisi olarak atanmıştır. Yaklaşık bir yıl süren Edirne Valiliği görevinden sonra İttihat ve Terakki Fırkası içerisinde üst düzey yöneticilik görevi alan Hacı Âdil Bey, 1912 yılında Dâhiliye Nâzırlığı’na getirilmiştir. Trablusgarp Savaşı, Balkan Savaşı ve I. Dünya Savaşı yıllarında devletin zor günlerinde kritik görevler almaya devam eden Hacı Âdil Bey 1913 yılında Bâb-ı Âlî Baskını sonrasında kurulan hükûmette bir kez daha Dâhiliye Nâzırı olmuş, II. Balkan Savaşı sırasında Edirne’nin geri alınmasının ardından bir kez daha bu şehre vali olarak atanmış, 1915-1918 yılları arasında da Meclis-i Mebusan Reisliği görevini yürütmüştür. I. Dünya Savaşı’nın sona ermesinin ardından tutuklanan ve Malta’ya sürgüne gönderilen Hacı Âdil Bey, 1919-1922 yılları arasında yurtdışında sürgün hayatı yaşamıştır. Malta esareti sonrasında yurda dönen Hacı Âdil Bey, Adana ve Bursa valilikleri görevlerinde bulunmuş, Dârülfünûn’da dersler vermiş ve uluslararası mahkemelerde ülkemizi temsil etmiştir. İstanbul Belediyesi’nde de görevler üstlenen Hacı Âdil Bey 1935 yılında vefat etmiştir.</p><p>Söz konusu çalışmada İttihat ve Terakki Fırkası’nın merkez-i umumi azalarından olan Hacı Âdil Bey’in II. Meşrutiyet dönemindeki siyasî-idarî faaliyetleri hakkında arşiv belgeleri ekseninde bilgiler verilmektedir. </p>
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Gizzi, Leonida A., and Marco Galimberti. "Guest Editor's Preface: ULIA-2 Special Issue." Laser and Particle Beams 19, no. 1 (January 2001): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263034601191287.
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As early as 1997, we decided to promote a short series of conferences devoted to a field that was showing dramatic progress and in which an increasing number of young researchers were participating. The Euroconference format of the “TMR Programme of the Commission of the European Union” was the most appropriate to fulfill the two objectives of a quasi real-time presentation and discussion of novel results and a tutorial support of young scientists from eminent lecturers active in the field. The success of the two meetings, held in two authentic capitals of the European cultural heritage, went well beyond any optimistic expectation. More than 200 enthusiastic participants, including approximately 100 young scientists, made those events a unique experience of scientific progress and debate. I wish to express my gratitude to Dimitris Charalambidis, who divided with me this experience, to the Scientific Advisory Committee, who guaranteed the high scientific level of the meetings, and to the Local Organizers, who made all this possible. The ULIA participants strongly appreciated the initiative of Laser and Particle Beams to edit two special issues with a collection of selected works presented at the ULIA meetings. Antonio Giulietti was the Scientific Promoter of the ULIA Conferences
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Bilitza, Dieter. "IRI the International Standard for the Ionosphere." Advances in Radio Science 16 (September 4, 2018): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/ars-16-1-2018.
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Abstract. This paper gives a brief overview over the International Reference Ionosphere (IRI) project and model. IRI is recognized as the official standard for the ionosphere by the International Standardization Organization (ISO), the International Union of Radio Science (URSI), the Committee on Space Research (COSPAR), and the European Cooperation for Space Standardization (ECCS). Of great importance are the external drivers of the model that help IRI to represent ionospheric conditions as realistically as possible. The paper discusses the drivers currently used presents recent improvements and changes. Besides the standard solar, magnetic, and ionospheric indices the paper also reports on the adjustment of the model with data and equivalent indices and on the progress towards a Real-Time IRI using data assimilation. IRI has been widely validated with many different data sources and has fared very well in community wide assessment studies. We present some of these studies and document the wide usages of the model in the scientific literature. Finally, we present an outlook on things to come in IRI-2018 and thereafter.
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Dopita, Michael A., Rafael Bachiller, Michael Burton, John Dyson, Debra Elmegreen, Thomas Henning, Sun Kwok, et al. "Division VI: Interstellar Matter: (Matière Interstellaire)." Transactions of the International Astronomical Union 24, no. 1 (2000): 277–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0251107x00003175.
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Division VI of the International Astronomical Union deals with Interstellar Matter, and incorporates Commission 34. It gathers astronomers studying the diffuse matter in space between the stars, ranging from primordial intergalactic clouds via dust and neutral and ionised gas in galaxies to the densest molecular clouds and the processes by which stars are formed. There are approximately 730 members. The working groups in Planetary Nebulae and Cosmochemistry have served us well in organising periodic seminars in these subject areas. However, the Organising Committee has recognised that other developing areas of the ISM are not properly represented in the current organisation. In January 1997, the Division formed a new ISM working group on Star Forming Regions including cross-divisional representation to monitor progress in their fields and to help develop proposals for future IAU Symposia or Colloquia. In the future, especially in view of the rapid developments in spaceborne X-ray and IR astronomy, Division VI also hopes to form other working groups on the Hot ISM and the Extragalactic ISM.
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Cullen, Pauline. "Irish Female Members of the European Parliament: Critical Actors for Women's Interests?" Politics & Gender 14, no. 3 (June 22, 2018): 483–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x1800020x.
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The European Parliament (EP) is credited as an important actor in improving the rights of women in Ireland. Lacking a power base in national political parties, Irish feminists and European Union (EU) officials, including members of the EP (MEPs), have worked to secure progress on gender equality. This research explores whether, in the contemporary context, Irish female MEPs remain critical actors for women's interests at the EU level. Findings show that although Irish female MEPs have a limited record of involvement with the EP's main site for gender equality, the Committee on Women's Rights and Gender Equality, they do act in a variety of ways on women's interests. These include mobilization on gendered occupational roles and traditionally gendered areas such as care work, child poverty, and issues constructed as affecting women outside the EU. Irish female MEPs also facilitate forms of supranational lobbying in their support of EU-level advocacy for domestic gendered civil society and campaign groups. However, ideology and party political discipline, the pull toward local and national interests, and an absence of strong feminist agency work to diminish opportunities for female MEPs to act as critical actors and deliver critical acts on women's interests.
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Olson, Robert. "Erik Jan Zürcher, The Unionist Factor: The Role of the Committee of Union and Progress in the Turkish Nationalist Movement 1905–1926 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1984). Pp. 198." International Journal of Middle East Studies 20, no. 3 (August 1988): 390–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800053708.
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Moerenhout, Tom S. H. "Energy Pricing Policies and the International Trade Regime." Journal of International Economic Law 23, no. 1 (November 18, 2019): 119–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jiel/jgz026.
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ABSTRACT Energy subsidy and pricing reform is widely heralded as a necessity to transition to sustainable development and keep global warming below 2°C. Energy pricing policies and subsidies are also at the heart of the energy–trade–climate nexus, but progress has been slow within the international trade regime. This is unlike other international organizations or networks, where progress has been more substantial. This article investigates the lack of legitimacy to regulate or coordinate pricing reform and links it to fundamentally divergent interests between fuel producers and importers. The article discusses the regulatory and coordinative potential of the World Trade Organization and preferential trade agreements. It finds that at the World Trade Organization, the Subsidies and Countervailing Measures, the Anti-Dumping Agreement, case law, Ricardian theory, and negotiation history all preempt the consideration of most pricing policies as subsidies. As a result, subsidy notification within the World Trade Organization is low and while other options for improving transparency via the Committee on Trade and Environment and Trade Policy Review Mechanism have been suggested, not much has actually happened because producers protect their comparative advantage. Therefore, support for fuel pricing reform remains on a general level via Ministerial Statements or through general provisions in preferential trade agreements that reconfirm the G-20 and Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation commitments to fuel subsidy reform. The only real advancement has been made within bilateral trade negotiations where heavyweights such as the European Union can push trading partners to abandon dual pricing policies.
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Lerman, Zafra Margolin. "Education, Human Rights, and Peace – Contributions to the Progress of Humanity." Pure and Applied Chemistry 91, no. 2 (February 25, 2019): 351–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pac-2018-0712.
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Abstract I started my chemistry adventure while in high school, where I was the only female in a science and mathematics-oriented class. During our Junior year of high school, we were sent to the desert, close to the Red Sea in Israel to build roads. In the summers, we were in a Kibbutz on the border to help with the work needed. After work, we had time to discuss our future. Upon graduating from high school, I was drafted into the army, and in the evenings, started my college education and majored in chemistry. After finishing my term in the army, I continued my undergraduate studies in chemistry while raising my son. As I was conducting research on isotope effects, I realized that I wanted to make chemistry accessible to all. My tenet in life is that equal access to Science Education is a human right. I developed a method of teaching chemistry using art, music, dance, drama, and cultural backgrounds which attracted students at all educational levels to chemistry. I felt that as chemists, we have obligations to make the planet a better place for humankind. At this point, I became very active in working towards Scientific Freedom and Human Rights; helping chemists in the Soviet Union, China, Chile, Guatemala, and many other countries. The American Chemical Society established the Subcommittee on Scientific Freedom and Human Rights in 1986 and I chaired this committee for 26 years. At great risk to my personal safety, we succeeded in preventing executions, releasing prisoners of conscience from jail and bringing dissidents to freedom. This work led me to use chemistry as a bridge to peace in the Middle East by organizing Conferences which bring together chemists from 15 Middle East Countries with five Nobel Laureates. The Conferences allow the participants to collaborate on solutions to problems facing the Middle East and the World. The issues are; Air and Water Quality, Alternative Energy Sources, and Science Education at all Levels. Eight conferences were held and the ninth is scheduled for 2019. More than 600 Middle East scientists already participated in these conferences. Considering that most of the participants are professors or directors of science institutions who have access to thousands of students, the number of people in the network is in the thousands. Between the conferences, the cross-border collaborations are ongoing despite the grave situation in the Middle East. In these conferences, the participants succeed in overcoming the chasms of distrust and intolerance. They do not just form collaborations, but form friendships. Hopefully, we will manage to form a critical mass of scientists who will be able to start the chain reaction for peace in the Middle East. Commitment, perseverance, and many times, bravery, helped me to overcome the obstacles I encountered.
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Mostaghimi, Javad. "Preface." Pure and Applied Chemistry 78, no. 6 (January 1, 2006): iv. http://dx.doi.org/10.1351/pac20067806iv.
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The 17th International Symposium on Plasma Chemistry (ISPC 17) was held in Toronto, Ontario, Canada from 7-12 August 2005. ISPC 17 is sponsored by the International Union of Pure and Applied Chemistry (IUPAC) and the International Plasma Chemistry Society (IPCS). This is the second time that the ISPC was held in Canada (ISPC 6, Montreal, Quebec, 1983). Two short courses with 60 participants in low- and high-pressure plasma processing were offered prior to the start of the symposium (4-6 August 2005). A one-day industrial workshop with 63 participants was also held on 7 August 2005.ISPC is the main symposium on partially ionized gases and plasma processing science. During ISPC 17, 560 researchers, including 183 students, from 48 countries presented their latest discoveries in this field. 540 contributed papers, 5 plenary and 18 invited abstracts covering 15 topics in plasma processing science were presented during the symposium. All submitted abstracts were reviewed by the International Organizing Committee. The complete text of the papers was provided on a searchable CD. The high number of contributed papers and the high level of registration in both the industrial workshop as well as the short courses reflect the continued support and interest of researchers in plasma processing science community in this bi-annual event.The invited plenary and topical lectures, selected by the International Organizing Committee, are representative of the great progress in the different areas of plasma chemistry. This issue of Pure and Applied Chemistry offers an overview on the recent advances in high- and low-pressure plasmas as well as on more specific developments in plasma processing science. These topics were presented at the ISPC 17 by plenary and topical invited speakers.Javad MostaghimiConference Chair
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Dolgoshein, P. S. "Improving the Regulatory Framework for Countering Extremism in the European Union (Case Study of Finland)." Moscow Journal of International Law, no. 1 (March 31, 2021): 89–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/0869-0049-2021-1-89-102.
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INTRODUCTION. The article, using the example of the Republic of Finland, analyzes the activities of the European Union (hereinafter referred to as the EU) to improve the legal regulation of countering extremism. The influence of the EU on the tackling against extremism and radicalism in the Republic of Finland is examined. The role of the EU in countering global threats, the position of Finland in relation to international co- operation in countering extremism and radicalism is assessed. The methods used in Finland to counter violent extremism are being studied.MATERIALS AND METHODS. The article examines the conceptual documents of the UN, EU and Finland; Report of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, an action plan to prevent violent extremism, Commission Staff Working Paper; Comprehensive assessment of the EU security policy; Message from the Commission to the European Parliament, European Council Ninth report on progress towards an effective and genuine Security Union; Finland's response to OHCHR's request for information on how the protection and promotion of human rights contribute to preventing and combating violent extremism; Finland's Chairmanship Program for the Sustainable Europe Sustainable Future program; Decision of the Commission on the creation of the Expert Group of the HighLevel Commission on Radicalization, Report of the Council of Europe Committee on Counter-Terrorism, Anti-Terrorism Profiles Finland, Report of the Government of Finland on human rights for 2014; decisions of the Expert Group of the High-Level Commission on Radicalization; Human Rights Council materials.RESEARCH RESULTS. The author puts forward the thesis that the measures used to counter violent extremism depend on the needs of Member States and require the development of various approaches, depending on specific circumstances. In the addition, there is a common interest in EU member states in further expanding the exchange of experience and close cooperation between various national actors at the pan-European and international levels to counter extremism and radicalism. These measures require the development of new regulatory measures, including international ones. The author believes it is possible and interesting, using the example of the Republic of Finland, to study the level of interaction and cooperation between the Member States and the European Union in the field of im- proving the legal regulation of countering extremism, as well as the measures used in Finland to prevent and combat violent extremism.DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS. In EU Member States, the European Union plays a key role in shaping international cooperation, which includes strengthening the existing governance system and, when necessary, reforming the existing system for preventing and countering violent extremism, subject to the fundamental principles of the United Nations. The Republic of Finland fully supports the efforts of the international community to prevent and counter extremism, through the development of international anti-extremism instruments to help states collectively combat this threat. The educational system of Finland can successfully form the fundamental foundations for countering violent extremism.
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Rahimi, Siavash. "HPV-related squamous cell carcinoma of oropharynx: a review." Journal of Clinical Pathology 73, no. 10 (June 4, 2020): 624–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/jclinpath-2020-206686.
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In early 1930, R. E. Shope paved the way for the recognition of human papillomavirus (HPV) as a causative agent of some types of cancers. In early 2000, the relationship between HPV and a subset of head and neck cancers, mostly located in the oropharynx, was discovered. In the last 20 years, we have made great progress in the recognition and treatment of HPV-positive head and neck cancers. However, there are still grey areas that leave room to subjective interpretation and need to be addressed. The majority of high risk (HR) HPV-positive oropharyngeal squamous cell carcinoma (OPSCC) shows a ‘basaloid’ morphology, and despite the variegated morphological spectrum of this malignancy, highlighted by some very recent publications, there is a lack of consensus on a universal morphological classification of HPV-OPSCC. The advent of immunohistochemistry with p16 ink4a (p16) protein made the diagnosis of HPV-related OPSCC more straightforward; currently patients with OPSCC are stratified in p16-positive and p16-negative. Although p16 is an excellent surrogate of HR HPV infection, it is not the direct demonstration of the presence of virus. At present, there is no univocal ‘gold-standard’ technique for the detection of oncogenic HPV infection. It is well known that HR HPV-related (OPSCC) bear significantly better survival outcome than HPV-negative cases. Consequently, the eighth edition of the American Joint Committee on Cancer and the Union for International Cancer Control now have separate staging systems for these two distinct malignancies. The present review discusses the salient features of HR HPV-driven OPSCC.
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Novak, Ben. "De-Extinction." Genes 9, no. 11 (November 13, 2018): 548. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genes9110548.
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De-extinction projects for species such as the woolly mammoth and passenger pigeon have greatly stimulated public and scientific interest, producing a large body of literature and much debate. To date, there has been little consistency in descriptions of de-extinction technologies and purposes. In 2016, a special committee of the International Union for the Conservation of Nature (IUCN) published a set of guidelines for de-extinction practice, establishing the first detailed description of de-extinction; yet incoherencies in published literature persist. There are even several problems with the IUCN definition. Here I present a comprehensive definition of de-extinction practice and rationale that expounds and reconciles the biological and ecological inconsistencies in the IUCN definition. This new definition brings together the practices of reintroduction and ecological replacement with de-extinction efforts that employ breeding strategies to recover unique extinct phenotypes into a single “de-extinction” discipline. An accurate understanding of de-extinction and biotechnology segregates the restoration of certain species into a new classification of endangerment, removing them from the purview of de-extinction and into the arena of species’ recovery. I term these species as “evolutionarily torpid species”; a term to apply to species falsely considered extinct, which in fact persist in the form of cryopreserved tissues and cultured cells. For the first time in published literature, all currently active de-extinction breeding programs are reviewed and their progress presented. Lastly, I review and scrutinize various topics pertaining to de-extinction in light of the growing body of peer-reviewed literature published since de-extinction breeding programs gained public attention in 2013.
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But, Oleksandr. "The Greatness of the Personality in the Hybrid Conditions of Totalitarianism: to the 80th Anniversary of the Memory of Mykola Radin." Roxolania Historĭca = Historical Roxolania 1 (November 13, 2018): 269. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/30180120.
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This article is based on the analysis of human issues in history using the example of people in the leading positions of administration in the unique metallurgical industrial giants of the Dnieper Ukraine and Azov region, who were tasked with solving the problems of Soviet industrialization under the rule of a totalitarian regime in the USSR. The research is based on a wide range of published works, as well as newly found and in-depth researched documents of both federal and local Soviet state archival institutions, as well as the archive of the regional administration of the Security Service of Ukraine; with the main attention being focused on little-known events and facts. At the center of the study is one of the long-unknown figures of the big industry in Soviet Ukraine. For the first time in historical studies, the roles and relationships that the industrial manager Mykola Radin had with the Party Committee, under the conditions which were officially codified in the newly adopted Constitution of the Soviet Union and the Constitution of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, are analyzed and viewed through qualitative changes in society and somewhat expanded democracy, while almost simultaneously the ruling party demanded immediate deployment of a policy to target new "pests" and "enemies of the people". The article showcases the mechanism of cooperation between the young leaders of the plant's local Party Committee and the newly elected municipal Communist Party of Ukraine members with the Party's paramilitary units of the Soviet Secret Service of that era: the NKVD. The research of the archived documents of the plant’s Party Committee shows us proof that a Russian graduate of the Military Academy, without actually having any idea about the process of metallurgical production, used the local Party elections to organize a hybrid offensive against well-known and respectable specialists of industry, in the name of a prompt execution of the Stalinist Central Committee's program on the "strengthening of the class struggle with further progress towards Socialism", and hence the intensive searches for more "Pests" and "enemies of the people". Moreover, the agent of Moscow succeeded in organizing a kind of partnership with the local party leaders to further trouble the director of the plant. The research allowed us to prove and document the truth and decency of Mykola Radin, the head of the giant metallurgical plant, and the unfoundedness of the Party's attacks against him, which was very much characteristic of the absurdity of exaggeration among the Communisty Party functionaries, who lived in fear of the NKVD, especially during the Great Terror. Their hybrid offensive can be send as a model betrayal of humanity and basic decency. The historic memory proves a constant need for further deepening of the old and searching for the new information concerning repressed leaders of industrialization in Soviet Ukraine.
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Lyons, Lizanne, and Anthony D. Vivenzio. "Employee Involvement in Seattle: Reengineering Government in a City Lacking a Financial Crisis." Public Personnel Management 27, no. 1 (March 1998): 93–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009102609802700109.
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Without fiscal pressure, but with a clamor for re-engineering and service reform reverberating, the usually progressive Seattle began an improved labor-management relations effort through a series of project teams sponsored by departmental joint-labor management committees. The aim was to save costs and improve service. Unlike the other examples in this issue, Seattle didn't start with bargaining improvement or conflict resolution in mind, nor did it begin with a large and visible project like health care or a civic arena. Seattle started with a simple but ambitious plan, sponsored by labor and management, to create the capacity to set up well-structured ad hoc joint teams to attack potential savings and improvements under the umbrella of joint committees in each department. Cost savings and improvements came from such diverse services as the electric utility, the parks department, fleet maintenance, the municipal court and animal control. The resulting Employee Involvement Committees can discuss any issue, other than wage and benefits, that relates to services improvement. A citywide oversight committee helps to share lessons and to help put issues relevant to bargaining into play in the proper forum. With the help of a U.S. Federal Mediation and Conciliation Service (FMCS) grant, Seattle and the coalition of unions jointly built training and administrative capacity to ensure success. The grant and the city support expanded the number of management and union leaders involved with constructive problem solving. Over two dozen involvement committees were launched and made progress within a year, and many departmental joint committees were started or revitalized. The results of the EICs and related arrangements led to and created enthusiasm for expansive changes in the labor-management relationship. These innovative arrangements were also expected to affect the bargaining climate and a broader range of workplace, service and cost items. In a dramatic broadening of these early efforts, the city formed a city-level Labor Management Leadership Committee with key representatives from the city council, the mayor's office and cabinet department. The Seattle example, partly an alternative to managed competition, shows the possibilities in starting small, building capacity, focusing on service through joint efforts, and seeing the expanded trust moving to other aspects of the relationship and creating greater opportunities for improvement. This jointly authored perspective brings insight to understanding how the EICs became a successful event and an effective catalyst for broader change.
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LUKIANCHENKO, SVITLANA. "AGRO-INDUSTRIAL COMPLEX OF THE RIVNE REGION IN THE FIRST HALF OF THE 1960S." Ukraine: Cultural Heritage, National Identity, Statehood 31 (2018): 38–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/ukr.2018-31-38-45.
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It is noted that in the early 1960s in the Ukrainian SSR economy the "negative tendencies" caused by the imperfection of activities of Regional Economic Soviets, as well as a number of subjective factors (significant shabbiness of the basic production funds, deformed structure of the allocation of productive forces, slowing down in real income growth). While analyzing the agro-industrial complex of the Rivne region, the successes and failures of the party-Soviet leadership in the development of major industries and agriculture are shown, and the shortcomings of the heads of individual industrial enterprises are pointed out. It was stressed that the Lviv Regional Economic Soviet and its management paid insufficient attention to subordinate enterprises. He weakly supervised their work and did not provide specific assistance in overcoming their backwardness, nor provided qualified personnel. It has been shown that such programs as accelerating technological progress in all industries, improving technical and economic indicators in industry and construction, as well as implementing the experience of enterprises that have effectively used capital investment, have minimized labor costs per unit of output, remained unfulfilled. Solving these problems would allow increasing the level of industrial production, to solve the problem of employment of unemployed people, to use natural resources more effectively. The author argues that the economic reform of 1965, which helps to the restoration of a centralized governance model based on Union-wide sectoral ministries and agencies, was inevitable. Further research prospects are the analysis of the living standards of the USSR population in the 1950s and 1960s in the context of the current socio-economic and socio-political processes. Keywords: Communist Party of Ukraine (KPU), Rivne region, industry, economy, economic stagnation, State Planning Committee of the USSR.
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Baker, Angela. "Evolution of the American Petroleum Institute ANSI standard for fatigue risk management systems in the refining and petrochemical industry." APPEA Journal 51, no. 2 (2011): 698. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/aj10078.
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During the past five years, a broad international consensus has emerged in many 24/7 industries regarding the optimal way to manage and reduce employee fatigue risk: via a process called a fatigue risk management system (FRMS). Government regulatory agencies, industry associations and many businesses with 24/7 operations have recently incorporated an FRMS into their regulations, industry standards, and their corporate policies. The development of the American Petroleum Institute (API) and American National Standards Institute's (ANSI) standard for FRMSs in the refining and petrochemical industries began after the US Chemical Safety Board (CSB) released its report on the 2005 Texas City Refinery explosion. The CSB report highlighted concerns about some of the operators on duty being on their 30th consecutive 12-hour shift. API decided to take a proactive approach and develop an industry standard by forming a committee of industry managers from many of the oil companies, union representatives, industry associations and scientific experts in circadian sleep physiology and fatigue in shiftwork operations. During the course of extensive consultations during a two year period, a clear consensus emerged that hours of service rules would be inadequate by themselves. A clear consensus emerged that a comprehensive scientifically-based, data driven FRMS was a superior and feasible tool for effectively managing fatigue risk. API developed a standards document published in April 2010 as API/ANSI RP-755 that makes FRMS the operating standard for managing employee fatigue risk in the refining and petrochemical industry. The extended abstract reviews the considerations that went into developing the ANSI standard, issues that were resolved and progress and hurdles faced by the many petrochemical companies as they are now progressively implementing ANSI RP-755 as a continuously-improving FRMS process.
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Hammond, M. Elizabeth H., Patrick L. Fitzgibbons, Carolyn C. Compton, David J. Grignon, David L. Page, L. Peter Fielding, David Bostwick, and Thomas F. Pajak. "College of American Pathologists Conference XXXV: Solid Tumor Prognostic Factors—Which, How and So What?" Archives of Pathology & Laboratory Medicine 124, no. 7 (June 1, 2000): 958–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.5858/2000-124-0958-coapcx.
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Abstract The College of American Pathologists convened a prognostic factor conference in June 1999 to consider prognostic and predictive factors in breast, colon, and prostate cancer, and to stratify these factors into categories reflecting the strength of published evidence. Because so little progress in prognostic factor clinical utility has been made in the last 5 years, the conference participants focused their attention on decreasing variation in methods, interpretation, and reporting of these factors so that greater clarity of value could be achieved. The conference was organized to promote discussion, broad input, and future planning. An initial plenary session provided an overview of the status of tumor marker research, the impact of variation in medicine and pathology, and statistical issues related to prognostic factor research. In working group sessions for each cancer type, participants interactively evaluated and refined the documents created by the expert panels. A second plenary session dealt with issues common to all 3 groups, including the problem of micrometastases in lymph nodes in these sites; statistical issues that arose during the breakout discussions; and issues of variation in methods, interpretation, and reporting of immunohistochemical assays. A faculty session brainstormed strategies that could be used to implement the changes recommended. This session included invited representatives of the Food and Drug Administration, Health Care Financing Administration, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, National Cancer Institute, American Joint Committee on Cancer, and International Union Against Cancer. Cancer site and general recommendations were presented and discussed during a final session to achieve consensus of the conference participants and to address feasibility of implementation of these recommendations. A final discussion focused on future initiatives that might lead to implementation of the changes proposed in the conference by the various organizations represented. This report summarizes the general conference recommendations, cancer working group recommendations, and plans for implementation of the recommendations.
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Abuselidze, George. "Optimal Fiscal Policy – Factors for the Formation of the Optimal Economic and Social Models." Journal of Business and Economics Review (JBER) Vol.3(1) Jan-Mar 2018 3, no. 1 (February 26, 2018): 18–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.35609/jber.2018.3.1(3).
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Objective - The purpose of this paper is to develop the optimal economic and social model for the modern stage and analyze the Social Progress Index in Georgia. The research is based on the paradigm that "what we analyze, this determines the decisions we make". Consequently, emphasis is placed on issues that significantly affect human well-being. Methodology/Technique - In this top-down study, the empirical material is collected from official documents and public statements made by centrally placed politicians and administrators in Georgia as well as research conducted by international organizations in Georgia. The research database used is the legislative and normative acts adopted by the government of Georgia in the modern day, in particular: the National Statistics Office of Georgia, the Economic Development and Finance Ministries, the Georgian National Statistics Office, the Parliamentary Finance and Budget Committee and other related departments. Findings - This study shows that the formation of the optimal economic and social organization model of a country is particularly dependent on the selection and implementation of the most appropriate fiscal policy. The philosophy of social security is one of the greatest achievements of modern civilization. The present work is dedicated to the progress of human development – specifically, welfare issues. This provides the model for creating the optimal social security system of a population, with the following social system parameters: distribution of national income to the population and their families and addressing the issues of financing social security needs. Based on the study of the social experiences of social reform and the social indicators of the European Union, the alternate concept of prosperity and perfection is developed. These topics are the focus of the present work. Novelty - The empirical material contained within focuses on the period after 2005, when some important changes in political leadership took place. In 2003, Saakashvili became President of Georgia, Ivanishvili was elected as Prime Minister in 2012 and Kvirikashvili took over this position in 2015. During this time, there was also a shift in government social policy at a central level. The collection of empirical data for this study ends in 2017, giving a total study period of 12 years. Type of Paper: Empirical. Keywords: Fiscal Policy; Welfare; Social Security; Social Innovation; Household; Employment. JEL Classification: E24, E62, H31, H55, H61, R2, R51.