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Journal articles on the topic 'Ottoman History'
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1
Merican, Ahmad Murad, and Tayfun Akgun. "THE CONSCIOUSNESS OF TURKIYE IN MALAYSIA: OTTOMAN HISTORY IN MALAYSIAN SECONDARY HISTORY TEXTBOOKS (1989-2022)." Al-Shajarah: Journal of the International Institute of Islamic Thought and Civilization (ISTAC) 28, no. 2 (December 30, 2023): 281–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.31436/shajarah.v28i2.1719.
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This article explores the teaching of Ottoman history and the image of the Ottomans through a close and critical reading of Malaysian secondary history textbooks used between 1989 and 2022. It argues that Malaysian secondary history textbooks focus mainly on the political and military aspects of sixteenth-century Ottoman history. They do not, consciously or subconsciously, make detailed reference to political and socio-economic turning points in nineteenth-century Ottoman history. Sejarah Tingkatan 2 (History: Form 2), one of the history textbooks examined in the article, exceptionally discusses the impact of Ottoman pan-Islamism and Turkish nationalism on the political and religious thought of the Malays. Nonetheless, history textbooks published after the 2000s have not touched on these important issues. In history textbooks, the Ottoman Empire is regarded as one of the significant states of the Islamic world; therefore, Ottoman history is analyzed within the framework of Islamic history and Islamic civilization. The portrayal of Ottomans is positive and favourable. There are no distortions, biases, or stereotypes concerning Ottoman history in Malaysian secondary history textbooks.
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Mossensohn, Miri Shefer. "Medical Treatment in the Ottoman Navy in the Early Modern Period." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 50, no. 4 (2007): 542–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852007783245052.
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AbstractOttoman sources from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries tell us a great deal about naval finances or dockyard operations. Indeed, the logistics of the Ottoman have been studied reasonably well. However, the Ottoman sources are virtually silent about the people involved in these naval operations. In this article the manpower will be in focus, with particular emphasis on the oarsmen who manned the galleys, the captives and criminals, and the medical treatment offered to them. The resulting discussion allows us to gain insights into the experiences of non-elite or behind the scenes Ottomans involved in the navy—whose voices are difficult to recover—toward the end of the seventeenth century. This article also indirectly contributes to the growing scholarship in recent years on Ottoman slavery. Les sources ottomanes du XVIème-XVIIème siècles sont très informatives au sujet des finances navales, autrement dit, les opérations du chantier naval. Pour cette raison le logiciel de la marine ottomane a été plutôt bien étudié. Par contre, les manuscrits ottomans adressent à peine la main-d'œuvre engagée dans les opérations navales. Cette contribution traite particulièremt des rameurs des galères, des captifs et des condamnés, ainsi que du traitement médical offert à eux. La discussion qui en résulte nous donne une idée des expériences du menu peuple ottoman servant dans la flotte et de ceux travaillant dans les coulisses – des personnes dont les archives nous parlent à peine – vers la fin du XVIIème siècle. En outre elle contribue de façon indirecte à l'étude de l'esclavage ottoman, un thème déployé depuis quelques ans.
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Atçıl, Zahit. "Warfare as a Tool of Diplomacy: Background of the First Ottoman-Safavid Treaty in 1555." Turkish Historical Review 10, no. 1 (June 7, 2019): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18775462-01001006.
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The Amasya Treaty (1555) ended a half-century of Ottoman-Safavid military and ideological rivalry during the sixteenth century. My paper focuses on why the Ottoman and Safavid empires made this treaty despite a long-standing ideological and political divide. It has been widely held that the Safavids could not afford such a costly rivalry and, tired of the Ottoman military campaigns, they pleaded with the Ottomans to make peace. Based on my comparative research in Ottoman, Persian, and European sources, I find that this narrative misses many essential points and omits certain historical facts just before the treaty was signed. I argue that the Ottomans also wished for and, at once, requested peace with the Safavids. I show that, although the Ottoman army ostensibly left Istanbul to fight with the Safavids in 1553, the primary motive was to use warfare as a diplomatic tool to force the Safavids to ask for peace.
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Sönmez, Erdem. "Historical Writing in the Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Empire: Expansion, Islamization, and Nationalization (1839–1908)." Turkish Historical Review 13, no. 1-2 (October 7, 2022): 42–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18775462-bja10031.
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Abstract The nineteenth century was a period of profound transformation in Ottoman historical writing, as in other avenues of Ottoman cultural, intellectual, and socio-political life. Aiming to establish a general framework for nineteenth-century Ottoman historiography, the present article traces the evolution of late Ottoman historical writing and explores the ways in which Ottoman historiographical practices changed over the century. The article first focuses on the Tanzimat period and examines the process of what can be called historiographical expansion, which took place with the emergence of a new understanding of history among the Ottomans. Then, the article considers Ottoman historiography during the Hamidian era and traces how it received a relatively Islamized and nationalized content as a result of the shift in the political context. Lastly, the article concludes with an epilogue on Ottoman/Turkish historiography after the 1908 Constitutional Revolution, which led to a decisive break from traditional patterns of historical writing.
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Küçükkalay, Mesud. "Imports to Smyrna between 1794 and 1802: New Statistics from the Ottoman Sources." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 51, no. 3 (2008): 487–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852008x317798.
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AbstractThis study is based on the foreign customs registers of the port of Smyrna in the Ottoman Archives of Istanbul. In this paper 115 ports, 112 ships, 2859 pieces of goods, and 1273 merchants have been investigated for the period 1794-1802. This information indicates that the transformation of the Ottoman Foreign trade at the turn of the eighteenth century was linked to the following economic trends of the second half of the eighteenth and the first half of the nineteenth centuries: the emergence of the European supremacy in naval transportation, a change in the terms of trade that was disadvantageous for the Ottomans, and a shift in the trade partners of the Ottoman Empire. Cette contribution exploite les données des registres de la douane ottomane du port de Smyrne, consignant les importations étrangères, conservés aux archives d'Istanbul. L'étude porte sur les cargaisons de 112 navires en provenance de 115 ports, 2859 pièces de marchandises et 1273 marchands dans les années 1794-1802. Les données témoignent que la transformation du commerce ottoman étranger en fin du XVIIIème siècle est liée aux tendances économiques de la seconde moitié du XVIIIème et de la première moitié du XIXème siècles. Elles reflètent la domination européenne dans le domaine du transport maritime, la modification des conditions commerciales au détriment des Ottomans et un changement des partenaires commerciaux de l'Empire.
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Shooshtari, Ashraf Azimi. "History of the Tendency of the People of Basra to the Osman Empire." International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding 8, no. 3 (March 3, 2021): 350. http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v8i3.2496.
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The history of the tendency of the people of Basra to the Ottoman Empire and the situation of Basra and the people of Basra and their beliefs, from the time of the founding of the city of Basra to the Battle of Jamal, is one of the important historical issues that no one has addressed so far. The purpose of this issue is to provide a general understanding of the Ottoman thought and beliefs and the people of Basra. This study seeks to answer the question of how and when the people of Basra became Ottoman. The present article has been written in a descriptive historical method, using historical sources with the method of collecting library information. The Ottomans were originally a political sect that, after the assassination of the Ottomans under the pretext of bloodshed, waged a war of attrition around Basra led by Talha, Zubair and Aisha. According to historians, most of the people of Basra broke their allegiance to Imam Ali (as) and collaborated with him. The Ottoman ideology, which was hidden from most of the people of Basra before the Battle of Jamal, emerged after that. As a result, the majority of the people of Basra turned to the Ottoman Empire from the time of the Camel War, which is the finding of this article.
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Ruacan, Ipek Zeynep. "Classical English School Theory and the Ottoman/Turk: Reimagining an Exclusionary Eurocentric Narrative." Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 43, no. 3 (August 2018): 157–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0304375419836061.
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This article maintains that the treatment of the Ottoman/Turk in the English School of International Relations, as in broader Western scholarship, is Eurocentric and highlights less frequently utilized concepts to restructure our thinking on the Ottomans. In Eurocentric historical narratives, the Ottomans are represented as an abnormal entity or as the very opposite of Europeanness. This peculiar representation anachronistically impacts upon European Union–Turkey relations today as the Europeans conflate the dissolved Ottoman Empire with contemporary Turkey. In an attempt to move forward, I turn to Martin Wight’s concepts to recast the Ottomans as a potential European superpower rather than as an abnormality in European life and then to Herbert Butterfield’s “academic history” as one way of dissociating the Ottoman past and the Turkish present. Both moves can help reimagine the Ottoman/Turk on more positive and balanced terms.
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TOPAL, ALP EREN, and EINAR WIGEN. "Ottoman Conceptual History." Contributions to the History of Concepts 14, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 93–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/choc.2019.140105.
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In this article, we discuss the pitfalls and benefits of conceptual history as an approach to Ottoman studies. While Ottoman studies is blossoming and using a wider set of tools to study the Ottoman past, Ottoman intellectual history is still resigned to a life-and-works approach. Th is absence of synthesizing attempts has left intellectual history in the margins. In addition to the lack of new, theoretically sophisticated accounts of how Ottoman intellectual and political changes were intertwined, the old Orientalist works still hold canonical status in the field. Drawing on recent developments in social and political history, conceptual history may be a good way of doing self-reflective longue durée intellectual history. Ottoman conceptual history may also off er nonspecialists more sophisticated bases for comparison with non-Ottoman cases.
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Kotzageorgis, Phokion. "The Newly Found Oldest Patriarchal Berat." Turkish Historical Review 11, no. 1 (November 5, 2020): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18775462-bja10010.
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Abstract This article discusses a newly found Ottoman document. It concerns the oldest—to date—patriarchal diploma of investiture (berat), which was issued for Patriarch Raphael i (1475–76). This and the other two known berats from that epoch constitute a successive set of such documents, and give scholars the opportunity to study the mechanisms of production of patriarchal diplomas of investiture that were so important for the Orthodox Church in the Ottoman period. Furthermore, these documents date from the formative period of the Orthodox Church under Ottoman rule, providing first-hand evidence on how the Church institution became stabilised under the Ottomans.
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Brummett, Palmira. "The Overrated adversary: Rhodes and Ottoman naval power." Historical Journal 36, no. 3 (September 1993): 517–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00014291.
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ABSTRACTThis essay examines the relative power of the Rhodian and Ottoman fleets in the first decades of the sixteenth century, taking as its context the commercial and diplomatic relations of the eastern Levantine states. After the Aegean wars of 1499–1503 Rhodes failed to mobilize a Christian alliance against the Ottomans. Nor did the rise of Ismail Safavi in Iran provide the hoped for relief from Ottoman expansion. While the Ottoman state was preoccupied with the succession struggle for Bayezid's throne and with plans to extend its hegemony to the Indian Ocean, Rhodes was fighting for survival. Although the development of the Ottoman fleet provoked great fear in Rhodes, Venice and the Mamluk kingdom, Ottoman naval power until the conquest of Cairo in 151J was directed primarily to defensive and transport activities. Further the Ottoman fleet provided security against corsairs for merchant shipping. By supporting the corsair activities of Order members, Rhodes alienated the Mamluk state, Venice and France (allpotential allies in an anti-Ottoman coalition) but refrained from directly challenging the Ottoman navy. Naval engagements during this period cannot be understood without taking into consideration the prolonged conditions of grain shortage in the Aegean and eastern Mediterranean. Both aggressive and defensive measures taken by the Ottoman, Venetian and Rhodian fleets Were ordinarily related to the competition for foodstuffs during this period rather than the conquest of territory or the establishment of commercial dominance (as in the Indian Ocean).
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Kaçar, Hilmi. "‘Moedige krijgers’ of het zwaard van God? - Een conceptuele herevaluatie van Paul Wittek’s gaza-thesis over de Osmaanse staatsvorming." Tijdschrift voor geschiedenis 127, no. 2 (June 1, 2014): 247–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tvgesch2014.2.kaca.
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This article re-evaluates Paul Wittek's famous gaza thesis, which until the 1980s was the dominant explanation of the Ottoman state and remains influential. It situates Wittek within the intellectual genealogy of Ottoman Studies, which exhibits two major lines: the Ottomans were either barbarians without an understanding of state-building, or fanatical Muslims who were engaged in continuous holy war. Since Wittek, many scholars have believed that holy war was central to the Ottoman state and ideology. Wittek wrongly interpreted the concept gaza as equivalent to the western term ‘holy war’, seeing the terms gaza, jihad, and holy war as synonyms. In fact each of these concepts has a different semantic and historical context. Although the gaza ideology was relevant to Ottoman expansion and dynastic legitimacy, it was not the all-defining ideological motif.
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Apetrei, Cristian Nicolae. "Vasele otomane Karamürsel în secolele XVI-XVII. O istorie mediteraneană." Analele Universităţii "Dunărea de Jos" din Galaţi Fascicula XIX Istorie 21 (March 15, 2023): 49–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.35219/history.2022.01.
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This paper is a plea to study Ottoman vessels called karamürsel. Its aim is to emphasize the topic as being relevant not only to Ottoman maritime history, but also to the history of the early modern Mediterranean. In support of his thesis, the author provides various sources revealing the acquisition and capture of these ships by Western Christians in order to reuse them. This explains the presence of karamürsel vessels both on the sea routes linking Western Europe to the Ottoman Empire, and on the domestic routes of some of the Mediterranean maritime powers, such as Venice.
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Ahmed, Yakoob. "Muhammad Husayn Na’ini, Caught between Empires and Nations." Archiv orientální 91, no. 3 (January 29, 2024): 423–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.47979/aror.j.91.3.423-445.
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Ayatollah Mirza Muhammad Husayn Gharawi Na’ini was an Iranian Shia-alim born in Nain, Iran, to a respected scholarly family. He completed his training in religious studies in Iran before moving to the provinces of Ottoman Iraq to study under the famous usuli scholars Mirza Muhammad Hasas Shirazi in Samara and Akhund Mullah Muhammad Kazim Khurasani in Najaf. In Ottoman Iraq, Na’ini then wrote his renowned work on Islamic constitutionalism during the regional revolutionary period in 1909. In 1911, Na’ini supported the call for Muslim unity with the Sunnis of the Ottoman Empire as Italy invaded Libya and Russia invaded Iran. By 1914, the Ottomans were involved in WWI, in which, once again, Na’ini would side with the Ottoman war effort, calling forunity against the Allied forces. Upon the collapse of the Ottomans, Na’ini rejected the new Hashemite Kingdom, which was under the tutelage of the British, and called for a boycott of the elections, which would lead to his exile back to his native Iran. This article will chart the life story of Na’ini as an Iranian alim who was very much Ottoman, whose life and experiences were integrated into the Ottoman world and its intellectual culture. It will chart how his life transitioned from straddling two Muslim Imperial empires to the new reality of the nation-state. Finally, it will show how his life was a struggle of “belonging” and “otherization” as the Ottoman world rapidly changed.
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Hickok, Michael Robert. "A. L. MACFIE, The End of the Ottoman Empire, 1908–1923, Turning Points, vol. 1 (New York: Addison Wesley Longman, 1998). Pp. 258. $17.95 paper, $75 cloth." International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, no. 2 (May 2000): 296–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800002403.
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The mystery of the Ottoman Empire is not that it ended but that it lasted as long as it did. The End of the Ottoman Empire is the first book in a new Longman series under the editorial direction of Keith Robbins to examine key “turning points” in the history of the emergence of the modern world. Positioning the Ottomans' final moments within the context of a world-history approach is a worthy goal. Moreover, scholars in the discipline have recently been discussing the need to develop texts to expose the Ottoman experience to a broader audience. Macfie attempts to make this connection by relating the end of the Ottomans to the contemporary world. He argues that the destruction of the Ottoman state marked “a tectonic shift in the political and social structure of the area” (p. 234), leading to the emergence of the successor states and the modern organization of the Middle East and southeastern Europe. It is also, according to him, “the end of the Eastern Question” (p. 234) and the beginning of new relations among the modern European states.
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Özkul, Ali Efdal, and Hasan Samani̇. "Diseases, Doctors and Patient-Doctor Relationships in Ottoman Cyprus as Revealed in Sharia Court Records." Belleten 84, no. 299 (April 1, 2020): 261–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.2020.261.
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Throughout history, Cyprus has hosted many civilizations and states due to its strategic location in the Mediterranean. One of them is the Ottoman Empire. The Ottomans conquered the island in 1571 and maintained their rule until 1878. The scholarly attempt to grasp the Ottoman Empire with its all institutional, political, social, economic and cultural aspects has been one of the fields of interest for world historiography. It is obvious that local history studies in the countries experienced the Ottoman rule, would help and contribute to draw a general picture of the Ottoman Empire. In this context, the current work, mainly relying on the religious court records, aims to identify the diseases except the contagious ones such as cholera, plague and malaria. The other aim is to investigate and analyse the doctor-patient relations within social, economic and juridical contexts in Ottoman Cyprus. The results reveal that the overwhelming majority of the doctors operating in Cyprus were in private practice until the second half of the 19th century when the Ottomans started the centralization and modernization of its institutions including the health services, and thus to view the healthcare services as a public service. Although the state did not take responsibility for public healthcare services for public, it had a certain control mechanism on the doctors and their operations.
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Zhigalova, Natal’ia Eduardovna. "Mustafa Celebi vs Murad II: The Interference of Byzantium in the Dynastic Feuds of the Ottomans." Античная древность и средние века 51 (2023): 413–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/adsv.2023.51.023.
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This article researches political activities of the son of the Ottoman Sultan Bayezid I (1389–1402) Mustafa Celebi, supported by the Byzantine Emperors Manuel II and John VIII Palaiologoi in the internecine war with Sultan Murad II (1421–1444, 1446–1451). The materials of Byzantine, Ottoman, and Venetian sources provide the background to analyze the degree of participation of the Byzantine basilei in the intradynastic affairs of the Ottomans, the reasons leading to the Byzantine support for Mustafa, and the consequences of the Ottoman internecine war for the Byzantine state. The study undertaken has discovered that the priority direction of Byzantine policy in the first quarter of the fifteenth century was to weaken the Ottoman house. To this end, Byzantine basilei actively intervened in the dynastic feuds of the Ottomans, supporting one of the candidates for the Ottoman throne, and used the Ottoman princes who were at the Byzantine court to influence the internal affairs of the Ottoman state. Byzantine emperors’ fragile alliance with one of the contenders for the Ottoman throne Mustafa Celebi, who was defeated in the intra-dynastic struggle with Sultan Murad II, not only did not bring significant dividends to the empire, but also aggravated the conflict between the imperial house and the sultan, which led to a new stage of Ottoman expansion into the Byzantine lands.
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Ryzhenkova, Tamara A. "The Ottoman-Mamluk War of 1516–1517 as Described by the Egyptian Historian Ibn Zunbul." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Asian and African Studies 13, no. 4 (2021): 569–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu13.2021.407.
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The author of this article focuses on the 16th century work “The End of the Temporary Dynasty and the Rise to Power of the Ottoman Dynasty” by the Egyptian historian Ibn Zunbul Al-Rammal (“History” by Ibn Zunbul) and the events of the Ottoman-Mamluk war of 1516–1517 described in it. This book is the author’s most significant work. It is written in an artistic style and recounts the defeat of the penultimate Mamluk sultan Qansuh al-Ghuri in the war with the Ottoman ruler Selim I and the subsequent occupation of Syria and Egypt by the Ottomans. In the work, Ibn Zunbul takes the greatest interest in two topics. First, he examines the causes of the conflict, which broke out between Selim I and Qansuh al-Ghuri and led to the collapse of the Mamluk empire. Second, Ibn Zunbul pose the question why the Mamluks lost the war against the Ottomans. Despite his undisguised admiration for the fighting qualities of the Mamluks as knights, their combat tactics and courage, he is forced to admit that they could not resist the firearms of the Ottomans, which they had been actively using for many decades. Ibn Zunbul’s “History” is one of three works in Arabic written by contemporaries that detail the Ottoman conquest of Egypt. The author attempts to define the significance of Ibn Zunbul’s work as a source in the history of Egypt in the first half of the 16th century.
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Balci, Ali, Tuncay Kardaş, İsmail Ediz, and Yildirim Turan. "War Decision and Neoclassical Realism: The Entry of the Ottoman Empire into the First World War." War in History 27, no. 4 (December 13, 2018): 643–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344518789707.
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Why did the fracturing Ottoman Empire enter the Great War? Why did the Ottomans drag their feet for a period of three months although the alliance treaty stipulated that the Ottomans should enter the war against Russia if the latter fought with Germany? This article sets forth a neoclassical realist analysis of the war decision by the members of Ottoman foreign policy executive as the outcome of dynamic interactions between the systemic stimuli/structural modifiers and unit-level variables that occurred in a limited time frame (August to November 1914) and sequentially influenced the strategic calculus of the actors involved. It demonstrates that a changing amalgamation of systemic and unit-level factors were instrumental in the Ottoman decision to enter the Great War, the most prominent of which was the divided foreign policy executive.
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Pirický, Gabriel. "The Ottoman Age in Southern Central Europe as Represented in Secondary School History Textbooks in the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia." Journal of Educational Media, Memory, and Society 5, no. 1 (March 1, 2013): 108–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/jemms.2013.050107.
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Local populations in Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia, and to a lesser degree in the Czech Republic, experienced much interaction with Muslims throughout the course of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, when the Ottomans, as well as the Crimean Tatars, invaded the Kingdom of Hungary and waged wars against the Polish-Lithuanian state and the Habsburg Hereditary Lands. The Ottoman era has usually been reflected in the history textbooks of these four countries under the headings "Turkish Wars" or "Ottoman Expansion." Since the collapse of the Iron Curtain in 1989, all four ex-communist states have been involved in rewriting textbooks, although the perception of the Ottomans and Muslims has not changed in all cases. Without claiming to map the entire historical presentation of the Ottomans, this article demonstrates the polyphony found in the textbooks of this region. By analyzing secondary school educational materials in all four languages, it is possible to identify stereotypes, prejudices, and distortions within the perception of the Ottoman Turks.
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Islami, Islam. "Political history of modern Egypt." ILIRIA International Review 6, no. 1 (July 27, 2016): 191. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v6i1.231.
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Under the Ottoman Empire, Egypt was granted some autonomy because as long as taxes were paid, the Ottomans were content to let the Egyptians administer them. Nevertheless, the 17th and 18th centuries were ones of economic decline for Egypt.In 1798, the French army led by Napoleon Bonaparte landed in Egypt and defeated the Egyptians on land at the battle of the Pyramids, but he was utterly defeated at sea by the British navy, which made him abandon his army and leave Egypt. Subsequently, British and Ottoman forces defeated the French army and forced them to surrender.In particular after the last quarter of 19 century, in Egypt began colonizing activities by Western European countries, while the reaction to such events occurred within “the Egyptian national movement.”With its history of five thousand years, Egypt is considered as the first modern state of the Arab world. Ottoman military representative Mehmet Ali Pasha takes a special place through his contribution to this process. He is seen as a statesman who carried important reforms, which can be compared even with the ones of Tanzimat. He managed to build Egypt as an independent state from the Ottoman Empire, standing on its own power.Gamal Abdel Nasser was the one who established the Republic of Egypt and ended the monarchy rule in Egypt following the Egyptian revolution in 1952. Egypt was ruled autocratically by three presidents over the following six decades, by Nasser from 1954 until his death in 1970, by Anwar Sadat from 1971 until his assassination 1981, and by Hosni Mubarak from 1981 until his resignation in the face of the 2011 Egyptian revolution.
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Peacock, A. C. S. "Suakin: A Northeast African Port in the Ottoman Empire." Northeast African Studies 12, no. 1 (April 1, 2012): 29–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/41960557.
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Abstract Capital of the Ottoman province of Habeş and a major entrepôt for trade between the African intenor and the Hijaz, the Indian Ocean, and Egypt, Sudan’s apogee largely coincided with its direct rule by the Ottomans between the early to mid sixteenth century and the early nineteenth century. Although a number of short studies of the history of Suakin have been written, these have rarely referred to the pertinent Ottoman language sources. Older scholarship thus tended to assume the port was merely a remote Ottoman outpost, cut off from its African hinterland, while research that has given more prominence to the role of Suakin’s Ḥaḍāriba elite in the life of the city has paid less attenüon to the Ottoman context in which they operated. In this essay, I offer an overview of Suakin’s development under Ottoman rule drawing on the Ottoman materials. These of course have their own penh, for the Ottoman archival documents largely consht of reports to or orders from Istanbul, usually concerning the appointment ofofficiah, the military situation, and requests for reinforcements. Trade is rarely prominent in the documents, as none of the Ottoman financial records of the port or province have come to light Literary sources, in the form of reports of revolt in Suakin in 1655 and die traveler Evliya Çelebi’s account of his visit some two decades later, shed more light on social and economic history, at least for the seventeenth century. The Ottoman evidence, scant though it may be compared to that surviving for the Mediterranean world, is our prime source for the history of Suakin.
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Fleet, Kate. "The treaty of 1387 between Murād I and the Genoese." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 56, no. 1 (February 1993): 13–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00001646.
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The aim of this article is to present a new edition, translation and commentary of the treaty concluded in 1387 between the Ottoman ruler Murād I (1362–1389) and the Comune of Genoa. As the only known extant fourteenth-century treaty between the Ottomans and a western city state, the treaty is of considerable importance for early Ottoman history, a period for which contemporary Turkish sources are scant.
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Kutlay, Evren. "A Historical Case of Anglo-Ottoman Musical Interactions: The English Autopiano of Sultan Abdulhamid II." European History Quarterly 49, no. 3 (July 2019): 386–419. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691419854922.
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Initiated by Queen Elizabeth I upon sending the Ottoman Sultan Mehmed III an organ, Anglo-Ottoman music-historical relations date back to the sixteenth century. Such interactions continued during the Nizam-ı Cedid (New Order) period of the eighteenth century and became more frequent in the nineteenth century, during the modernization movement of the Ottomans. After the establishment of the Muzıka-yı Hümâyûn (The Imperial Music School), the Ottoman Empire began to import many European musical instruments, including pianos, to Ottoman lands. To this end, some English piano manufacturers became the main piano suppliers of the Ottoman Empire. Among them was Kastner & Co. Ltd. According to two archival files identified in the Turkish Prime Ministry Ottoman Archives in Istanbul, an autopiano was bought for Sultan Abdulhamid II from Kastner & Co. of London in 1907. The files include the receipt of the shipped equipment, its description, and a user’s manual, as well as diplomatic manuscripts about the event. This article summarizes the history of Anglo-Ottoman musical interactions up until this historical trade and analyses these archival files within their historical and cultural contexts.
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Chediya, A. R. "SICILL-I OSMANI BY MEHMED SUREYYA AS A MAJOR SOURCE OF INFORMATION ON THE HISTORY OF THE CAUCASIAN DIASPORAS OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE." Istoriya: Informatsionno-analiticheskii Zhurnal, no. 4 (2022): 33–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/rhist/2022.04.02.
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Until the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, the Caucasus region remained of major strategic importance for Istanbul, as evidenced by the fact that this region repeatedly became the theatre of confrontation between the Ottomans and neighboring powers. The Ottomans did not create a specific system of relations with the population of the region, but, at the same time, the Caucasian ethnic groups were widely represented in the civil service of the empire. The problem of the representation of ethnic groups of the Caucasus in the service of the Ottoman empire has already been considered in the works of domestic and foreign authors. However, researchers have not yet taken into account the bibliographic encyclopedia Sicill-i Osmani written by the Ottoman author of the late 19 th century Mehmed Sureyya, who collected biographies of over 17 thousand famous Ottoman figures of different years in his work. In this regard, the purpose of this article is to characterize the work of Mehmed Sureyya and introduce data from this source into scientific circulation.
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Illba, Rogina. "The System of Government of Algeria During the Period of Turkish Domination (16th - the First Third of the 19th Century)." IZVESTIYA VUZOV SEVERO-KAVKAZSKII REGION SOCIAL SCIENCE, no. 1 (217) (March 31, 2023): 87–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2687-0770-2023-1-87-91.
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The stages of the rule of the Ottoman Empire in Algeria, from the administration of the Beylerbeys (Prince of Princes) are considered before the reign of the Dey. This was the longest period of Ottoman rule. At present, the history of Algeria seems to be the most important stage of modern Arab history in general and the history of the Ottoman Empire in particular, since the Eyalet of Algeria was the first country in the Maghreb that came under Ottoman control. Since the 16th century, the Ottomans settled there after Hayraddin Barbarossa declared his submission to the Ottoman Sultanate in Istanbul in 1518, and remained in Algeria for more than three hundred years. It shows the foundations of the military colony of Algeria, the internal politics of the period of the reign of the Dey and his ministers, and the division of Algeria into four regions, each of which was subordinate to the dey. The reasons for the decline of the Algerian state at the beginning of the 19th century and the peculiarities of life, religion, economy of the peoples during this period are analyzed.
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Husain, Faisal H. "Water for the Saints of Baghdad: The Hydrology of a Sacred Ottoman Geography." Journal of Early Modern History 25, no. 4 (March 3, 2021): 319–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700658-bja10025.
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Abstract Following the conquest of Baghdad in 1534, the Ottoman Empire pursued a wide range of policies to maintain the shrines of Muslim saints buried in the province, many of whom were revered by both the Sunni Ottomans and the Shiʿi Safavids. Ottoman endeavors entailed active management of the Tigris and Euphrates waters to provision inland shrines with water and guard those on the riverbanks from damaging floods. With a hydraulic infrastructure, the Ottomans appropriated the memories of the saints of Baghdad and reinforced their territorial claims to the province in the face of a rising Shiʿi power in Persia. The story highlights the political and religious dimensions of water control in a sacred geography as imperial conflicts within Islamdom and Christendom redrew the map of Eurasia.
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Erginbaş, Vefa. "Problematizing Ottoman Sunnism: Appropriation of Islamic History and Ahl al-Baytism in Ottoman Literary and Historical Writing in the Sixteenth Century." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 60, no. 5 (July 26, 2017): 614–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341435.
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A growing number of studies argue that the Ottomans became militantly Sunni in the sixteenth century as they participated in the age of confessionalization. In defining Ottoman Sunnism, state policy and state-appointed jurists and scholars played a significant role. This paper attempts to define Ottoman Sunnism in the sixteenth century in a manner subtly different from that of the jurists, by looking at the views of Ottoman historians on the issues that divided the original Muslim community, ultimately resulting in the Sunni-Shiʿi schism. Despite the seemingly sectarian conflicts of the sixteenth century, neither rigid Sunnism nor fierce confessionalization was carried over into the intellectual and cultural scene. A moderate inclination towards Shiʿism/ʿAlidism and strong attachment to Ahl al-Bayt continued to be potent forces in Sunni Ottoman intellectual circles.
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Sonyel, Salâhi R. "The Protégé System in the Ottoman Empire and its Abuses." Belleten 55, no. 214 (December 1, 1991): 675–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.1991.675.
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Following the establishment of regular diplomatic relations between the Ottoman Empire and foreign states in the sixteenth century, the Ottomans began to face what came to be known as the protégé system, which later proved to be the most dangerous threat to the very existence of their empire. This was the notion of foreign protection for the non-Muslim subjects of the Ottoman Empire.
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Şahin, Kaya. "Staging an Empire: An Ottoman Circumcision Ceremony as Cultural Performance." American Historical Review 123, no. 2 (April 1, 2018): 463–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/123.2.463.
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Abstract This article discusses an Ottoman circumcision ceremony for three princes held in the summer of 1530. The event stemmed from a new Ottoman court ceremonial, and its sundry activities, including gift exchanges, mock battles, processions, skills demonstrations, and feasts, were spread over a twenty-day period. These activities enabled individuals and groups within the Ottoman political-military elite, and within the city of Constantinople, to perform their identities and assert their place in the Ottoman social order. The ceremony allows us to discuss the origins and contents of Ottoman ceremonial culture, which borrowed themes and motifs from the Byzantines, the Venetians, and the myriad Turko-Muslim polities with whom the Ottomans maintained intense diplomatic and cultural relations. Next, it highlights the elevation of male circumcision, a fundamental ritual in all Islamic societies, to the status of a major dynastic event that addressed the entire Ottoman polity as well as its competitors in East and West. Finally, it shows how, in early modern societies, public ceremonies served as instruments of governance by creating highly visible, memorable, and relatively participatory events, and by constituting new spaces for political and cultural interactions.
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Jacobs, Martin. "Exposed to All the Currents of the Mediterranean—A Sixteenth-Century Venetian Rabbi on Muslim History." AJS Review 29, no. 1 (April 2005): 33–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009405000024.
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The Western perception of Islam as a belligerent religion owes many of its stereotypes not only to the Crusades, but also to the early modern rivalry between the Ottoman Empire and Christian Europe. Heated debates about the “Turkish menace” dominated European political discourse until the (second) Ottoman siege of Vienna in 1683, as documented by the innumerable Turcica that circulated both swiftly and widely thanks to revolutionary advances in printing. Sixteenth-century Christian authors provided their eager readers with constantly updated versions of Ottoman history, as did some of their Jewish contemporaries. Probably the first Jew to make the Ottomans the major subject matter of his work was Elijah Capsali of Candia in Venetian Crete, who in 1523 completed a Hebrew chronicle titled Seder ءEliyahu Zuta (“Minor Order of Elijah”).
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Gokaru, Shuaibu Umar, Mohd Roslan Mohd Nor (Corresponding Author), and Faisal @. Ahmad Faisal Abdul Hamid. "Ottoman Civilization and Its Impact in Contemporary Malaysia: An Evaluation." Journal of Al-Tamaddun 18, no. 1 (June 19, 2023): 193–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/jat.vol18no1.16.
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The Ottoman Empire is a multi-cultural and multi-lingual empire that influenced not only the Muslim Nations but even non-Muslims, particularly in Europe. This might have been achieved because of the direct and indirect connection between the Ottomans and the nations. In this regard, Malaysia is not an exception. Although various authors and academics contributed to analysing issues relating to the connection between the Malay Archipelago and the Ottomans, particularly on diplomatic relations, the details of the impacts of Ottoman civilizations in contemporary Malaysia have been largely overlooked. This idea generated interest in the topic. This research, therefore, intends to evaluate the impact of Ottoman civilizations on religion, education, science, and technology in contemporary Malaysia. The research uses qualitative methods in the form of historical research. The usage of documentary method is used for data collection and evaluation. The findings reveal that Ottoman civilization had a lasting impact on contemporary Malaysia, especially in education and religion in which a special prayer is recited for the well-being of Sultan at the end of the Khutbah of every Jumu’ah Prayer. In addition, the findings show that the impact of Ottoman civilization on contemporary Malaysia is exemplified in science and technology, as well as the architectural building of the Mosque in which Masjid Wilayah, Kuala Lumpur Mosque is called a Turkish Mosque because of its design which has huge resemblance to the Masjid Hagia Sophia in Istanbul and International Islamic University, Malaysia (IIUM) represents the Ottoman symbols. On the other hand, Johor, a state in the south of Malaysia represents the Ottoman civilization more than any ex-provinces of the Ottoman territories. Finally, the findings indicate that the provision of conveniences (toilets) in public places, in Malaysian Mosques, Markets, and Supermarkets whether owned by Muslims or non-Muslims, are all influenced by the Ottoman civilizations. This research, therefore, recommends that researchers should further look at other aspects within the city and its outskirt to identify the impact of the Ottoman civilization on contemporary Malaysia.
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Finlay, Robert. "Prophecy and Politics in Istanbul: Charles V, Sultan Suleyman, and the Habsburg Embassy of 1533-1534." Journal of Early Modern History 2, no. 1 (1998): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006598x00072.
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AbstractThree prophecies current in Istanbul in the summer of 1533 pointed toward the imminent destruction of the Ottoman empire by Christian powers. One of the predictions stated that Alvise Gritti, the bastard son of the doge of Venice, would bring about the ruin of the Ottomans. A confidant of Sultan Srlcyman and the grand vizier, Gritti was deeply involved in the war of the Ottomans against Charles V of the Spanish-Habsburg empire, as a commander of Ottoman troops, advisor on Western affairs, and governor-general of the Hungarian kingdom. Widely detested by Ottoman officials, however, Gritti felt that his power was waning in 1534. In response, he perhaps was inspired to play out his prophetic role, for he told an ambassador of Charles V that he would help the emperor's forces capture Istanbul while Sultan Süleyman was away at war. Millenarian speculation was widespread in the early sixteenth century, but sometimes it had direct consequences inasmuch as it came to figure in the calculations of political actors. Examination of the prophecies of 1533 within the context of the time nicely illustrates how prophecy and politics could have a reciprocal relationship, with the former being tailored to the occasion and the latter responding to apocalyptic foreboding.
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Çirakman, Asli. "FROM TYRANNY TO DESPOTISM: THE ENLIGHTENMENT'S UNENLIGHTENED IMAGE OF THE TURKS." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 1 (February 2001): 49–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801001039.
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This study aims to examine the way in which European writers of the 16th, 17th, and 18th centuries represented Ottoman government. The Ottoman Empire had a special place in European experience and thought. The Ottomans were geographically close to Western Europe, yet they were quite apart in culture and religion, a combination that triggered interest in Turkish affairs.1 Particularly important were political affairs. The Ottoman government inspired a variety of opinions among European travelers and thinkers. During the 18th century, the Ottomans lost their image as formidable and eventually ceased to provoke curiosity in the European public. They were no longer dreaded as the “public calamity”; nor were they greatly respected as the “most modern government” on earth. Rather, they were regarded as a dull and backward sort of people. From the 16th century to the 19th century, the European observers employed two similar, yet different, concepts to characterize the government of the Ottoman Empire. The concept of tyranny was widely used during the 16th and 17th centuries, whereas the concept of despotism was used to depict the regime of the Ottomans in the 18th century. The transition from the term “tyranny” to that of “despotism” in the 18th century indicates a radical change in the European images of the Ottoman Empire. Although both of these terms designate corrupt and perverse regimes in Western political thought, a distinction was made between tyranny and despotism, and it mattered crucially which term was applied to the Ottoman state. European observers of the empire gave special meanings to these key concepts over time. “Tyranny” allowed for both positive and negative features, whereas “despotism” had no redeeming features. Early modern Europeans emphasized both admirable and frightening aspects of Ottoman greatness. On the other hand, the concept of despotism was redefined as inherently Oriental in the 18th century and employed to depict the corruption and backwardness of the Ottoman government. This transformation was profoundly reflected in the beliefs of Europeans about the East. That is, 18th century thought on Ottoman politics contains a Eurocentric analysis of Oriental despotism that is absent from the discussions of Ottoman tyranny in earlier centuries.
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Göçmengil, Gönenç. "A brief history of natural history museums in the Ottoman Empire." Geological Curator 11, no. 5 (June 2021): 375–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.55468/gc1506.
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Natural history collections and museums made their appearance in the Ottoman in late 19th century through various attempts to build collections through field excursions, donations and exchanges among researchers, individuals and institutions around the world. Among them, the Imperial Medical School of the Ottoman Empire, schools of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (ABCFM) and other American educational groups and French colleges stand out with their vast collections from various parts of the Ottoman Empire and beyond. While these museums were created and built by eminent curators and researchers, a considerable amount of work was carried out by uncredited staff and the students. The history of these museums was often obscured by catastrophic events such as the great fires in Istanbul, the passing of the curators and other administrators and, particularly, the devastating effects of the First World War. However, long-lasting commercial science objects networks and the establishment of global natural history collections and museums are still operational today, supported by scientific exchange between other countries and the Ottoman Empire during the 19th and early 20th centuries. Drawing an outline of the history of the natural history collections of the Ottoman Empire can shed light on the evolution of both the naturalistic movement within the Ottoman society and an embryonic scientific network around the Middle East and the rest of the world.
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Çiçek, M. Talha. "The tribal partners of empire in Arabia: the Ottomans and the Rashidis of Najd, 1880–1918." New Perspectives on Turkey 56 (April 21, 2017): 105–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/npt.2017.7.
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AbstractThis article is about an aspect of the Ottoman-Rashidi partnership in the late Ottoman Empire that deeply influenced the order of things in Arabia and resulted in both the Ottomans and the Rashidis becoming more significant actors in regional politics. The main argument is that this partnership made a great contribution to the visibly increasing Ottoman influence in Najd (i.e., central Arabia) and the Persian Gulf in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. At the same time, the Rashidi family’s alliance with the Ottoman Empire paved the way for their emergence as a regional power. Since scholarship on the late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century history of Najd and the Arab lands has tended to neglect the importance of this collaboration, the article sets out to analyze it from its inception until its end, drawing on documents from Ottoman, British, German, and Austrian archives.
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Peçe, Uğur Z. "The Conscription of Greek Ottomans into the Sultan's Army, 1908–1912." International Journal of Middle East Studies 52, no. 3 (July 21, 2020): 433–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743820000392.
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AbstractWith the reinstatement of the parliament in 1908, the Ottoman state faced new challenges connected to citizenship. As a policy to finally make citizens equal in rights as well as duties, military conscription figured prominently in this new context. For the first time in Ottoman history, the empire's non-Muslims began to be drafted en masse. This article explores meanings of imperial citizenship and equality through the lens of debates over the conscription of Greek Ottomans, the largest non-Muslim population of the Ottoman Empire. In contrast to the widespread suggestion of the Turkish nationalist historiography on these matters, Greek Ottomans and other non-Muslim populations enthusiastically supported the military service in principle. But amidst this general agreement was a tremendous array of views on what conscription ought to look like in practice. The issue came to center on whether Greek Ottomans should have separate battalions in the army. All units would eventually come to be religiously integrated, but the conscription debates in the Ottoman parliament as well as in the Turkish and Greek language press reveal some of the crucial fissures of an empire as various actors were attempting to navigate between a unified citizenship and a diverse population.
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Masters Masters*, Bruce. "The Political Economy of Aleppo in an Age of Ottoman Reform." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 53, no. 1-2 (2009): 290–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/002249910x12573963244520.
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AbstractThe return of Ottoman rule to Aleppo in 1840 corresponded with the inauguration of the reform era (1839-76). Although the central Ottoman state could not have foreseen the outcome, these political reforms undermined its economic sovereignty in two key areas. The Ottoman land reform law of 1858 and schemes to settle the Bedouin in northern Syria enabled Aleppo’s political elite to scramble for the steppe lands of the Euphrates valley and ultimately paved the way for European capitalists to exploit the agricultural resources of the region. Additionally, attempts to control the abuses of the capitulatory system provoked a marked decline in the relative fortunes of the city’s traditional commercial elite, with much of the internal regional trade shifting into the hands of European merchants.Le retour des Ottomans à Alep en 1840 correspond au début de la période de réformes (1839-1876). Bien que l’état central ottoman n’eût pas pu prévoir leurs conséquences, ces réformes politiques ont miné sa souveraineté économique dans deux régions clé. Le code foncier ottomane de 1858 et les projets visant à la sédentarisation des Bédouins dans la Syrie du Nord ont permis à l’élite politique d’Alep une ruée vers les steppes de la vallée de l’Euphrate et ont fini par préparer le chemin aux capitalistes européens qui sont venus exploiter les ressources agricoles de la région. En outre, les tentatives d’obtenir le contrôle des abus du système capitulaire ont provoqué le déclin marqué des fortunes concernées de l’élite commerciale traditionnelle car une grande partie du commerce intérieure régio-nale tombait dans les mains des négociants européens.
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Aksan, Virginia H. "Ottoman Political Writing, 1768–1808." International Journal of Middle East Studies 25, no. 1 (February 1993): 53–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800058049.
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The Ottomans, after a long period of peace that began in 1740, declared war on Russia in 1768, disputing territory essential to the continued existence of the empire: Moldavia, Wallachia, the Crimea, and Georgia. The war lasted until 1774, during which time the Ottomans proved that they no longer posed a military threat to Europe. The signing of the Küçük Kaynarca treaty of 1774, which granted Tatar independence in the Crimea, was the first instance of an Ottoman cession of a predominantly Muslim territory to a European power, and it provoked an internal crisis and long debate over the future of the empire. The Ottoman administration, especially the scribal bureaucracy, contributed a number of political advice manuals to the debate, which form the core of the following discussion. Four examples have been selected with the purpose of extending the analysis of Ottoman advice literature into the 18th century and testing the assumption of Ottoman inability to accommodate changing political realities.
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Yücel, Yaşar, and Özer Ergenç. "General Characteristics of the Ottoman State Policy During the XVIIIth and the XIXth Centuries." Belleten 54, no. 209 (April 1, 1990): 233–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.1990.233.
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This paper is designed to explain the general characteristics of the Ottoman State policy during the XVIIth and the XVIIIth centuries. Two factors made this essential. The first was the effects the late XVIIIth century socio-economic and cultural changes of the world had on the Ottoman Empire. The second was the chain of developments which extended from 1683 through 1918. These dramatic developments joined with one another and resulted in the collapse of classical empires of the world, Ottoman Empire being one of them. In other words, the First World War ended monarchical empires of classical structures. Hence, new and independent states were formed in various regions of wide-spread territories which once were under sovereignty if a single administration recognized as "pax ottomana".
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Yaccob, Abdol Rauh. "Ottoman–Arab Relations and the Formation of the Modern State of Yemen." Arabist: Budapest Studies in Arabic 19-20 (1998): 245–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.58513/arabist.1998.19-20.24.
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The presence of the Ottomans in Yaman transformed the history of Yaman, notably when the country was again linked with other Arab lands, and these were governed unitedly under the sovereignty of the Ottoman Empire.
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Celik, Siren. "The crusade of Nicopolis and its aftermath: Views from Byzantine, French and Ottoman sources." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 60-1 (2023): 219–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi2360219c.
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The Crusade of Nicopolis (1396) was one of the last crusades directed against the Ottomans, led primarily by joint Franco-Burgundian and Hungarian forces. Albeit on the margins, the Byzantines and Emperor Manuel II Palaiologos were also involved in this crusading project as they hoped to relieve Constantinople from the Ottoman blockade it endured since 1394. The resounding defeat inflicted on the crusaders by the Ottomans was echoed in both Byzantine, French and Ottoman sources. This paper shall attempt to offer a comparative reading of Byzantine, French and Ottoman sources on some aspects of the Crusade of Nicopolis. The first part of this paper will seek to analyze the Byzantine sources, consisting of histories, letters and orations, investigating their literary, political, and religious perceptions of the event. The second part will deal with French and Ottoman sources, especially focusing on their depictions of the Byzantine involvement in the crusade, as well as the narrative links between Nicopolis, the blockade of Constantinople and the travels of Manuel II.
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Cigdem, Recep. "Tax Law in Crimea in the Light of Two Yarlıks." Russian History 38, no. 4 (2011): 429–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633111x594542.
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AbstractThis article examines two yarlıks about the taxation issued by the governor of autonomous Crimea in June 1609. Two other documents about a female slave dated June 1677 involving the dignitaries of Crimea are also examined. The main aim of this work is to find out whether or not the provisions of the statutes (kanun) of the mainland, Istanbul, were also applied in other autonomous provinces. This article tries to shed light on tax regulations in different parts of the Ottoman Empire and to contribute to our understanding of yarlıks. The Crimean khanate which was established as an independent state around 1420 became a vassal state of the Ottoman empire in 1475 when Mengli Giray recognized Sultan Mehmet II as his suzerain. A Crimea-Muscovy alliance supported by the Ottomans led to the emergence of the Muscovite state as the dominant power in the region. The Russians and the Ottomans had peaceful relations until the middle of the 17th century. From that time onwards, conflicts started to appear and led Russia to invade and annex the Crimea. Although khans were appointed and dismissed by the Ottoman sultans, they were able to maintain independent judicial and financial institutions. The judges were appointed and dismissed by the military judge of the Crimea. The shari'a courts and the diwan (council) were the two main bodies of the judicial system. The trials were conducted by a single qadi/judge in the shari'a courts. Although litigants or defendants had the right to apply to the diwan to review his/her case, the system of appeal in the modern sense was not recognized. Islamic law, custom and the statutory laws constituted the law of the Crimea. In cases of contradiction between custom and governmental orders, custom would prevail. Certain fiscal laws that applied in the mainland of the Ottoman empire were not in practice in the Crimea.
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Yeşil, Fatih. "Looking at the French Revolution through Ottoman eyes: Ebubekir Ratib Efendi's observations." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 70, no. 2 (June 2007): 283–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x07000432.
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AbstractReceived wisdom has always held that the Ottomans took little interest in events beyond their borders except when they were likely to affect them. Previous scholars have suggested that it was only when French revolutionary forces occupied the Eastern Mediterranean that the Ottomans took an interest in and then condemned the revolution. From the despatches and reports of Ebubekir Ratib Efendi, ambassador to Vienna, we discover that at least one Ottoman diplomat was sending detailed accounts of events in Paris and the reactions of governments throughout Europe. Ratib Efendi's diplomatic activities would suggest that reforms were already taking place in 1793, at least in the field of gathering intelligence. This signals a fundamental change in the psyche of the Ottoman political order.
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Khater, Akram, and Jeffrey Culang. "EDITORIAL FOREWORD." International Journal of Middle East Studies 47, no. 2 (April 27, 2015): 215–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074381500001x.
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This issue opens with two articles that explore “Ottoman Belonging” during two significant moments bookending the Ottoman past. The first of these moments is the Ottoman Empire's incorporation of Arab lands after its defeat of the Mamluk Sultanate in 1515–17; the second is the emergence of Ottoman imperial citizenship in the period between the 1908 Constitutional Revolution and World War I, which precipitated the empire's collapse. Helen Pfeifer's article, “Encounter after the Conquest: Scholarly Gatherings in 16th-Century Ottoman Damascus,” traces the intellectual component of the Ottoman Empire's absorption of formerly Mamluk subjects after rapidly conquering an immense territory stretching from Damascus to Cairo to Mecca. As Western European states expanded to control new territories and peoples, the Turkish-speaking Ottomans from the central lands (Rumis) had new encounters of their own—with the Arabic-speaking inhabitants of Egypt, Greater Syria, and the Hijaz. The conquest transferred the seat of political power in the Islamicate world from Cairo to Istanbul. Yet, as Pfeifer discusses, the Ottomans understood that their newly acquired political power had no parallel in cultural and religious domains, where prestige belonged predominantly to Arab scholars. Focusing on majālis (sing. majlis), or scholarly gatherings, in Damascus, Pfeifer traces “one of the greatest instances of knowledge transmission and cultural encounter in the history of the Ottoman Empire,” through which this asymmetry was overcome. By facilitating the circulation of books and ideas, she argues, scholarly gatherings—two depictions of which are featured on the issue’s cover—gave rise to an “empire-wide learned culture as binding as any political or administrative ingredient of the Ottoman imperial glue.”
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Aymes, Marc. "Many a Standard at a Time." Contributions to the History of Concepts 8, no. 1 (June 1, 2013): 26–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/choc.2013.080102.
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This article aims to explore the consequences of including Ottoman studies in the larger field of imperial studies. It strives to combine a close reading of the Ottoman imperial epithets with considerations of how the Ottomans may contribute to theorizing empire as a model. In particular, the article engages in a discussion of whether the "sublime sultanate" developed into a colonial pattern of empire over its final century of existence. As it turns out, the Ottoman practice of administration did not come down to a simulacrum of European colonialism; the article points instead to a semiotics of empire that took its cue from a multidimensional logic of governmentality. Accordingly, archival idiosyncrasies are taken to imply the contrary of an Ottoman exceptionalism. They serve rather to highlight that concepts carry with them a vast repertoire of meanings to be activated in practice.
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Alenezi, Meshal, and Sanad Abdelfattah. "The Papacy’s Initial Response to the Ottoman Threat and Its Consequences (1453–1464)." Church History and Religious Culture 104, no. 1 (March 26, 2024): 21–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-bja10062.
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Abstract In 1453, the world witnessed the fall of the medieval Christian Empire’s largest capital, Constantinople, at the hands of the Ottoman Sultan Mehmed II (1444–1446/1451–1481). Some scholars have argued that this event encouraged crusades against the Ottomans throughout Europe. Consequently, this research debates the previous studies by discussing both the primary objectives of the papacy and Christian states after the fall of Constantinople and the presence of Muslims in Western Europe. It also considers the Catholic Church’s actions during its attempts to incite Christian countries to wage war against the Ottoman Empire. Lastly, the study analyses various primary sources, including papal sources, and provides deeper insights into various papal responses to Ottoman threats, comparing them with simultaneous, more enthusiastic support for the Iberian Reconquista.
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Dakic, Uros. "‘The ‘Ulema’s perception of Ottoman Grand Viziers of Bosnian origin - the example of The Garden of Viziers, the first Ottoman biographical work on Ottoman Grand Viziers." Prilozi za knjizevnost, jezik, istoriju i folklor, no. 89 (2023): 51–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/pkjif2389051d.
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The Ottoman state was a society in which different religions, languages and ethnicities coexisted throughout its whole history. With this regard, cosmopolitism and tolerance in the Ottoman Empire are a topic often spoken of in the literature related to it. In this work, some ethnic-based dissonant tones present within the Ottoman ruling military-administrative class are brought up. The article suggests that there existed ethnic intolerance which members of ?ulem?, the Ottoman learned class, as ?old Muslims? of Turkish origin, expressed toward grand viziers ?new Muslims? and ?new Ottomans? because of their Bosnian origin. The pivot of this suggestion is a sentence from The Garden of Viziers written in 1718 in which the author, the Ottoman intellectual and member of ?ulem? Osm?nz?de Ahmed T??ib, in a disapproving tone emphasises Bosnian origin of the Grand Vizier Salih Pasha, brought to Istanbul through devshirme (child levy) at the beginning of the seventeenth century. This was not a solitary example of ?ulem??s intolerance toward Ottoman statesmen who were converts and of devshirme origin. The work does not, however, absolutely reject cosmopolitism and tolerance in the Ottoman society, but only relativises them and suggests the utmost reserve when it comes to underlining them as common features of the Ottoman society.
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Azad, Md Abul Kalam. "THE BATTLE OF CHALDIRAN: CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES." Arts Faculty Journal 12, no. 17 (January 31, 2023): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.62296/afj20221217001.
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The general trajectory of Ottoman-Safavid relations during the 235 years period between 1501 and 1736 outstandingly marked by persisting hostility and military conflict with brief and rare intervals of tranquility. The Battle of Chaldiran that took place in 1514 was the first major Ottoman-Safavid military clash and it was an important event in the history of Islam. The battle tested the military strength of two Muslim powers of the time and ended in favour of the Ottomans. The battle occurred for a good number of reasons and finally it left a long lasting legacy for both the Ottoman empire and for the Safavid state. This article makes a humble attempt to critically present the battle of Chaldiran from a historical point of view. To that purpose, the article first addresses the points of contention that ultimately resulted in the armed clash between the Safavids and the Ottomans at Chaldiran. The article next looks into the devastating consequences of the battle.
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Bolaños, Isacar A. "THE OTTOMANS DURING THE GLOBAL CRISES OF CHOLERA AND PLAGUE: THE VIEW FROM IRAQ AND THE GULF." International Journal of Middle East Studies 51, no. 4 (November 2019): 603–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743819000667.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe cholera and plague pandemics of the 19th and early 20h centuries shaped Ottoman state-building and expansionist efforts in Iraq and the Gulf in significant ways. For Ottoman officials, these pandemics brought attention to the possible role of Qajar and British subjects in spreading cholera and plague, as well as the relationship between Iraq's ecology and recurring outbreaks. These developments paved the way for the expansion of Ottoman health institutions, such as quarantines, and the emergence of new conceptions of public health in the region. Specifically, quarantines proved instrumental not only to the delineation of the Ottoman–Qajar border, but also to defining an emerging Ottoman role in shaping Gulf affairs. Moreover, the Ottomans’ use of quarantines and simultaneous efforts to develop sanitary policies informed by local ecological realities signal a localized and ad hoc approach to disease prevention that has been overlooked. Ultimately, this study demonstrates that environmental factors operating on global and regional scales were just as important as geopolitical factors in shaping Ottoman rule in Iraq and the Gulf during the late Ottoman period.
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Sonyel, Salâhi R. "How The Turks of the Peloponnese were Exterminated During the Greek Rebellion?" Belleten 62, no. 233 (April 1, 1998): 121–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.1998.121.
Full textAbstract:
The peninsula of the Peloponnese (in southern Greece), which is also known as the Morea, was first partly conquered in 1397 CE by die Ottoman Sultan Beyazit I from the Byzantines, and was completely overrun in 1460 by Sultan Mehmet II, who was received as a deliverer by the Greek Orthodox Christian population, then suffering under the rule of the Roman Catholics. In 1698 the Ottomans were complled to cede the Peloponnese to the Venetians, under die Treaty of Carlowitz, but in 1718 it was retroceded to the Ottoman Empire under the Treaty of Passarowitz.