Academic literature on the topic 'Overregularization'

ABSTRACTThis paper brings a quantitative study of children's noun plural overregularizations (foots, mans) to bear on recent comparisons of connectionist and symbolic models of language. The speech of 10 English-speaking children (aged 1;3 to 5;2) from the CHILDES database (MacWhinney & Snow, 1985, 1990) were analysed. The rate of noun overregularization is low, mean = 8·5%, demonstrating that children prefer correct to overregularized forms. Rates of noun overregularization are not significantly different from their rates of past tense overregularization, and noun plurals, like verb past tenses, follow a U-shaped developmental curve in which correct irregulars precede the first overregularized forms. These facts suggest that plural and past tense overregularizations are caused by similar underlying processes. The results pose challenges to connectionist models, but are consistent with Marcuset al.'s(1992) blocking-and-retrieval-failure model in which regulars are generated by a default rule while irregulars are retrieved from the lexicon.

We present morphological analyses of verb inflections produced by 15 Spanish-speaking children (age range: 1;7 to 4;7) taken from longitudinal and cross-sectional samples of spontaneous speech and narratives. Our main observation is the existence of a dissociation between regular and irregular processes in the distribution of errors: regular suffixes and unmarked (non-alternating) stems are over-extended to irregulars in children's inflection errors, but not vice versa. We also found that overregularization errors at all ages are only a small minority of the children's irregular verbs, that the period of overregularization is preceded by a stage without errors, and that the onset of overregularizations is connected to the emergence of obligatory finiteness markings. These findings are explained in terms of the dual-mechanism model of inflection.

In a recent note, Marcus (1995) suggests that the rate of overregularization of English irregular plural nouns is not substantively different from that of English irregular past tense verbs. This finding is claimed to be in conflict with the predictions of connectionist models (Plunkett & Marchman, 1991, 1993) which are said to depend solely on the dominance of regular over irregular forms in determining overregulation errors. However, these conclusions may be premature given that Marcus averaged overregulation rates across irregular nominal forms that varied in token frequency and across samples representing a broad range of children's ages. A connectionist view would predict an interplay between type frequency and other item level factors, e.g. token frequency, as well as differences in the developmental trajectories of the acquisition of nouns and verbs. In this response, we briefly review longitudinal parental report data (N=26) which indicate that children are significantly more likely to produce noun overregularizations than verb overregularizations across a prescribed age period (1;5 to 2;6). At the same time, these data also show that children are familiar with proportionately more irregular nouns than irregular verbs. These findings are consistent with the predictions of Plunkett & Marchman (1991, 1993) in that the larger regular class affects the frequency of noun errors but also that familiarity with individual irregular nouns tends to reduce the likelihood of overregularizations. In contrast to the conclusion of Marcus (1995), the connectionist approach to English inflectional morphology provides a plausible explanation of the phenomenon of overregularization in both the English plural and past tense systems.

AbstractThe current study analyzes Spanish present tense morphology with a focus on overregularization. It examines written production from two groups of English/Spanish bilingual children in a dual immersion setting, Spanish heritage language (SHL) speakers (n = 21) and Spanish second language (SL2) learners (n = 41), comparing them to age-matched (nine to ten years old) Spanish majority language children (n = 15). Spanish majority children show full mastery of present tense regular, stem-changing and irregular morphology. SHL children seem to have acquired mastery of regular inflectional morphology, but not of stem-changing morphology. SL2 children are significantly less accurate than both majority Spanish and SHL children in terms of both regular and irregular morphology. Evidence of overregularization, but not of irregularization, is provided for both SHL and SL2 children. The analysis of overregularization errors supports a variational approach (Yang, 2016) to acquisition, storage and access of morphology.

This study investigates negative feedback effects on inflectional morphology acquisition in Russian. In order to examine the effects of adult feedback on child error elimination and assess the lasting effect of feedback, a series of elicited tasks was conducted with 65 Russian children aged from 3 to 4 years. Twelve verbs which undergo overregularization in the non-past tense resulting from applying the yod /j/-pattern were used as stimuli. The experiment was repeated over four sessions with bi-weekly intervals between sessions 1, 2, 3 and a four-week interval between sessions 3 and 4. Four groups of participants were formed with three types of feedback (Correction, Clarification Question and Repetition), and a control group without feedback. No significant differences were observed between groups with different feedback types, or even without feedback. This finding supports the general hypothesis that negative feedback is not a strong driver of recovery from overregularization errors in verb acquisition.

The acquisition of the verb past tense has often been used to help to figure out children’s real process of language acquisition. This paper aims to make a comparison between Charles Yang’s Rules and Competition Model (the RC model) and Steven Pinker’s Words and Rules Model (the WR model) based on real language acquisition data selected from CHILDES (Child Language Data Exchange System). Chomsky’s Universal grammar is the foundation of both models. The comparison has been done from three aspects: the role of input frequency, overregularization errors, and the origin of irregular past tense. The finding of the study indicates that the RC model can well explain the role of input frequency in verb classes and the similarity between verb and the past tense while the WR model’s explanation is vague in this point. Overregularization errors are more like an inevitable learning phenomenon that sheds light on phonological rules in the RC model instead of simple memory failures in the WR model. The WR model well explains the origin of irregular past tense while the RC model does not mention this point.

The acquisition of tense inflection is a gradual process, and the children appear unaware of the significance of inflectional endings, without recognizing that there is a general rule for deriving one form from another. Purpose: To investigate the ability of past tense in children with normal language development (NLD). Methods: The subjects were 30 children with NLD, aged between 4 and 6 years. To evaluate the use of past tense, we developed a test composed of 30 regular and irregular verbs. The analysis of the answers considered the correct ones, the replacement, overregularization and errors. Results: The 4 years old children with NLD had worse performance than the children of 5 and 6 years in correct answers and total score. There was no difference between the numbers of replacement based on age. By the age of 4, we observed more tense inflection errors. The overregularization errors did not differ between age groups. By the age of 4, children had more regular than irregular verbs correct answers. Conclusion: The 4 years old children with NLD had worse performance than 5 and 6 years old children, because they are still improving the use of verbs in their productions. At this age, we observed tense inflection errors. The 5 and 6 years old children already master the skill of past tense and do not differenciate.

Cette thèse a pour objectif d’étudier certains aspects du traitement et de l’acquisition de la morphologie verbale du russe. Le but de ce travail est double. Premièrement, nous avons étudié le traitement d’une alternance consonantique, la palatalisation, par des adultes russophones. Ce processus morphonologique mène à l’allomorphie des radicaux dans plusieurs classes verbales dont les verbes subissent la surgénéralisation dans le langage des enfants. Deuxièmement, nous avons testé l’effet de la rétroaction négative présentée dans l’input, surtout l’effet durable, sur l’élimination des erreurs de surgénéralisation fréquentes chez les enfants en russe. Dans la première étude, nous présentons des données expérimentales sur le traitement des emprunts et des non-mots. Plus particulièrement, cette étude vise à répondre à la question de savoir comment la palatalisation de consonnes dentales et vélaires est traitée par des locuteurs adultes du russe. Les résultats montrent que la palatalisation est semi-productive en fonction des facteurs suivants: a) la distribution des allomorphes à l’intérieur du paradigme, et b) la productivité des classes verbales. Nous supposons que la différence dans le traitement de la palatalisation chez les adultes devrait être reflétée dans le langage des enfants. Notre deuxième article présente les résultats de l’étude sur les effets de la rétroaction négative dans l’acquisition de la morphologie flexionnelle en russe. Pour ce faire nous avons mené une série de tâches induites auprès d’enfants russophones âgés de 3 à 4 ans. Des verbes sensibles à la surgénéralisation en yod /j/, une erreur typique des enfants de cet âge, ont été utilisés comme stimuli. Les participants ont été divisés en quatre groupes selon le type de rétroaction (correction, question de clarification et répétition) auquel ils étaient exposés. Dans chaque groupe de participants, nous avons observé une amélioration significative en production cible de formes verbales avec le temps. Cependant aucune différence significative n’a été trouvée concernant le type de rétroaction. Ces résultats suggèrent que la rétroaction négative ne joue pas un rôle important dans le processus d’acquisition. Ensemble, les deux études représentent une nouvelle contribution à la discussion sur les processus irréguliers en morphologie et le phénomène de surgénéralisation, ainsi que sur le (non) rôle de la rétroaction dans l’élimination des formes surgénéralisées dans le langage des enfants.
This thesis aims at studying certain aspects of Russian verb morphology processing and acquisition. The goal was two-fold: first, we investigated the productivity of morphonological alternations that lead to irregular verb stem allomorphy among adult speakers of Russian. The verbs in the study are known to undergo overregularization in Russian child speech. Second, we tested the (potentially) lasting effect of negative feedback on the retreat from overregularization errors in children. In the first paper, we present experimental data on the processing of loanwords and nonce words that focus on a morphonological alternation (palatalization) in Russian. This study addresses the issue of how stem allomorphy involving palatalization of the velar/palatal and dental/palatal types in the Russian verb system is processed by adults. Processing of palatalization is shown to be quite variable and to depend on: (i) different distribution of allomorphs (past/non-past or 1Sg./other forms) within the verb paradigm, and (ii) overall productivity of verbal classes. We also hypothesized that these differences should be reflected in child language verb morphology acquisition. The study presented in the second article investigates negative feedback effects on inflectional morphology acquisition in Russian. With that goal in mind, we conducted a series of elicited tasks with Russian speaking children aged from 3 to 4 years. Verbs which undergo overregularization in the non-past tense resulting from applying the yod /j/-pattern (typical errors for children of this age) were used as stimuli. Four groups of participants were formed accordingly to three types of feedback (Correction, Clarification question and Repetition), and a control group without feedback. Our results revealed a significant effect of time on target verb form production. However, no significant difference was observed as a function of feedback type, or even where there was no feedback. This finding supports the general hypothesis that negative feedback is not an important factor of language acquisition. Altogether, the results presented in this thesis provide new insights on irregular processes in Russian verb morphology, as well as on the inefficiency of negative feedback in the acquisition of L1 morphology.