Journal articles on the topic 'Pacific German Conference'

One of the many problems facing the Paris Peace Conference in 1919 was the future of the conquered German and Turkish territories in Africa, the Pacific, and the Middle East. Widespread anti-imperialist sentiment in Europe and the United States opposed direct annexation of the possessions, but wartime agreements and the security interests of the Allies prevented returning the conquered areas to their former rulers. In particular, many British leaders wanted to ensure that Germany could never again attempt world domination and were convinced that the restoration to Germany of its overseas possessions would pose a “grave political and military menace” to Britain's vital maritime connections with South Africa and India. After a long, often acrimonious debate, the Conference agreed on a compromise that placed the former German colonies and Ottoman provinces under the supervision of the League of Nations. This solution gave the Allies control of their acquisitions as “mandates” within a framework of international accountability. Great Britain received the most mandates, including Germany's largest colony of German East Africa. For the British leaders who had always advocated transforming German East Africa into a British colony, the new system seemed to make little practical difference. For the colonial officials in London and at the highest levels of colonial administration within the conquered possession, however, the mandates system presented serious problems and was not simply a disguise for annexation.

The association's ninety-eighth conference will be held 10-12 November 2000 at the University of California, Los Angeles. Chairs of the local committee are Hans Wagener of the German Department and Frederick Burwick of the English Department. Registration at the conference will be $35 and $25. All paper sessions are scheduled for classrooms at UCLA and will begin Friday at 1:00 p.m. and end Sunday at 1:00 p.m. PAMLA members whose dues were paid by 1 June 2000 will receive programs by mail.PAMLA dues are $25 for regular members, $15 for lecturers, $10 for students and emeriti, and $30 for joint memberships. Membership includes a subscription to Pacific Coast Philology, a refereed journal, which, since 1993, appears in two issues each year. By reciprocal agreement, regular NEMLA and PAMLA members may participate in the meetings of both associations. For further information, write the new executive director, Lorely French, Modern Foreign Languages, Pacific Univ., Forest Grove, OR 97116 (frenchl@pacificu.edu), or visit the PAMLA Web site (http://www.pamla.org).

AbstractThis article analyses the arguments posed by Spanish jurists regarding the character and value in international nineteenth-century order of the titles to territories that the Spanish State inherited from the Catholic Monarchs. Focused on defending colonial interests in the Pacific, Spanish jurists insisted upon reproducing the legitimising arguments of the Conquest throughout the nineteenth century, until the German occupation of the Caroline Islands, expressly supported by the agreements reached at the Berlin Conference, forced them to rethink the foundations of their argument. The conflict surrounding the Caroline Islands was the first example of confrontation between articles 33 and 34 of the Act of Berlin and historical titles.

[For the English abstract and full text of the article please see the attached PDF-File (English version follows Russian version)].ABSTRACT The development of economic relations with countries in the Asia-Pacific region, and improving the efficiency of logistics contacts is one of the most promising directions of trade relations for Russia. Among its trading partners in the Asia-Pacific region Ecuador occupies an important place. The authors’ analysis gives a fairly clear picture of transport channels (sea and air) and costly mechanisms in the supply chain used by shippers and transiters of Ecuadorian products. It is proposed to use the concept of «logistics laws» to search for options to reduce costs in the supply chain of goods exported to Russia from this Latin American country. Keywords: transport, logistics, foreign trade relations, Ecuador, supply organization, exports, logistics costs, reduction of losses. REFERENCES 1.Kurganov, V.M.«Golden» rules, principles and laws of logistics [«Zolotye» pravila, principy i zakony logistiki].Logistics: modern trends / VIII International scientific-practical conference. Abstracts.St.Petersburg, GIEU publ., 2009, pp.158-160. 2.Kurganov, V. M.Reducing costs in supply chains on the basis of logistics laws [Sokrashhenie izderzhek v cepjah postavok na osnove zakonov logistiki].Logistics and Supply Chain Management: Perspectives in Russia and Germany: Collection of papers from conference on logistics DR-LOG 2010.Ed.by D. A.Ivanov, V. S.Lukinsky, B. V.Sokolov, Y.Keshel.St.Petersburg, Publishing house of Polytechnic University Press, 2010, pp.527-529. 3.Kurganov, V. M.The hierarchy of logistics laws [Ierarhija zakonov logistiki].Dynamics and Sustainability in International Logistics and Supply Chain Management. Proceedings of the 6th German-Russian Logistics and SCM Workschop DR-LOG 2011 in Bremen.Cuvillier Verlag, Goettingen, 2011, pp.451-461. 4.Marketing research and analysis of the Russian market of fresh flowers.MA Step by Step [Marketingovoe issledovanie i analiz rossijskogo rynka zhivyh cvetov. MA Step by Step].[Electronic resource]: http: // step-by-step.ru’upload / iblock / 415 / DEMO_fresh … Last accessed 13.01.2015. The article is based on the papers, presented by the authors at the International scientific and practical conference «International Logistics: science, practice and education», held on March 3, 2015 at the Institute of Management and Information Technologies of Moscow State University of Railway Engineering (MIIT).

To achieve its expansionist regional ambitions in China and Korea, and to protect its shipping lines in the Pacific Ocean, and to justify its claims in protecting East Asia from the dangers of German naval bases, on the one hand, and its endeavor to establish peace and prevent the spread of battles to the Far East, on the other hand. The research was concerned with the nature of these allegations and the extent of their truth, in light of tracking the role of the Japanese naval force during the First World War (1914- 1918), and then the emergence of its international standing until 1921, as the developments witnessed in those years represented an important opportunity for Japan at all levels, especially after Its victories made it a major naval power on the international level. However, the internal problems that always faced the Japanese naval power did not stand in the way of its ambitions, which succeeded in employing war as a means to obtain governmental financial specializations to implement its expansion and development programs, especially in light of the recovery of the Japanese economy during the war years as a result of Europe’s preoccupation with preparing the requirements of the war economy, which provided an opportunity Important for the Japanese industry and its various products in controlling the domestic and foreign markets and developing its heavy industry, especially the construction of warship docks, which led to an increase in its profits and the number of its industrial workers who, in the short term, caused a radical change in the structure of society. Despite its active participation in the First World War on the side of the friendly Entente countries and the protection of its merchant ships in the Mediterranean and its desire to join the European arena of operations, its expansionist ambitions and its attempt to control Siberia and obtain political and regional privileges in China and other regions on the one hand, and continue to increase Its spending on industry that supports the elements of strengthening, expanding and developing its naval power in 1920, in a way that amounts to international standards for its counterparts on the other hand. This led to the fear of Britain, the United States of America and France, and their doubts about Japan's real intentions and future dangers in the Far East and the Pacific Ocean, and then called for a conference in 1921 to determine international naval armaments, in a way that guarantees preventing Japan from being at the level of the major international naval powers.

In February 2016, the Fiji Islands were devastated by Severe Tropical Cyclone Winston, the strongest recorded tropical storm in the Southern Hemisphere. The category 5 storm with wind gusts reaching 300 kilometres an hour, left 44 people dead, 45,000 people displaced, 350,000 indirectly affected, and $650 million worth of damage (Climate Council, 2016). In March 2017, the Secretariat of the Pacific Regional Environment Programme (SPREP) launched a new 10-year Strategic Plan 2017-2026, which regards climate change as a ‘deeply troubling issue for the environmental, economic, and social viability of Pacific island countries and territories’. In November, Fiji will co-host the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (COP23) climate change conference in Bonn, Germany. Against this background, the Pacific Media Centre despatched two neophyte journalists to Fiji for a two-week field trip in April 2016 on a ‘bearing witness’ journalism experiential assignment to work in collaboration with the Pacific Centre for Environment and Sustainable Development (PaCE-SD) and the Regional Journalism Programme at the University of the South Pacific. This paper is a case study assessing this climate change journalism project and arguing for the initiative to be funded for a multiple-year period in future and to cover additional Pacific countries, especially those so-called ‘frontline’ climate change states.

In 2016, the Pacific Media Centre responded to the devastation and tragedy wrought in Fiji by Severe Tropical Cyclone Winston by initiating the Bearing Witness journalism project and dispatching two postgraduate students to Viti Levu to document and report on the impact of climate change (Robie & Chand, 2017). This was followed up in 2017 in a second phase of what was hoped would become a five-year mission and expanded in future years to include other parts of the Asia-Pacific region. This project is timely, given the new 10-year Strategic Plan 2017-2026 launched by the Secretariat of the Pacific Regional Environment Programme (SPREP) in March and the co-hosting by Fiji of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (COP23) climate change conference in Bonn, Germany, during November. The students dispatched in 2017 on the ‘bearing witness’ journalism experiential assignment to work in collaboration with the Pacific Centre for the Environment and Sustainable Development (PaCE-SD) and the Regional Journalism Programme at the University of the South Pacific included a report about the relocation of a remote inland village of Tukuraki. They won the 2017 media and trauma prize of the Asia-Pacific Dart Centre, an agency affiliated with the Columbia School of Journalism. This article is a case study assessing the progress with this second year of the journalism project and exploring the strategic initiatives under way for more nuanced and constructive Asia-Pacific media storytelling in response to climate change.

In this paper, I argue that interwar pacifists working in France presented an evolving narrative of what the First World War represented in order to maintain support for their movement and a continued peace in Europe. Utilizing posters, photographs, pamphlets, and art instillations created by pacifist organizations, I interject in ongoing debates over the First World War as a moment of rupture in art and pacifism in France, arguing that the moment of rupture occurred a decade after the conflict had ended with the failure of the Conference for the Reduction and Limitation of Armaments of 1932–1934 and the election of Hitler as the leader of a remilitarized Germany. Pacifist art of the 1920s saw a return to traditional motifs and styles of art that remembered the horrors of the past war. This return to tradition aimed to inspire adherence to the new pacifist organizations in the hopes of creating a new peace-filled world. The era of optimism and tradition ended with the economic and political crisis of the early 1930s, forcing pacifists to reconceptualize the images and styles of art that they utilized. Instead of relying on depictions of the horrors of the past war, these images shifted the focus to the mass civilian casualties future wars would bring in a desperate struggle to prevent the outbreak of another world war.

The material in this section is arranged according to the system employed in the annual Digest of United States Practice in International Law, published by the Department of State.Alan J. Kreczko, Deputy Legal Adviser of the Department of State, appeared before the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations on April 8, 1992, to testify in support of various pending treaties, among them four extradition treaties: the Extradition Treaty between the Government of the United States of America and the Government of the Commonwealth of The Bahamas, signed at Nassau on March 9, 1990; the Protocol Amending the Treaty on Extradition between the United States of America and Australia, signed on September 4, 1990, at Seoul, Republic of Korea (where the Asia-Pacific Attorneys General Conference was being held); the Supplementary Treaty to the Treaty between the United States of America and the Federal Republic of Germany concerning Extradition, signed at Washington on October 21, 1986; and the Second Supplementary Treaty on Extradition between the United States and Spain, signed at Madrid on February 9, 1988.

Abstract. Across the world, nature-triggered disasters fuelled by climate change are worsening. Some two billion people have been affected by the consequences of natural hazards over the last ten years, 95% of which were weather-related (such as floods and windstorms). Fires swept across large parts of California, and in Australia caused unprecedented destruction to lives, wildlife and bush. This picture is likely to become the new normal, and indeed may worsen if unchecked. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) estimates that in some locations, disaster that once had a once-in-a-century frequency may become annual events by 2050.Disaster management needs to keep up. Good cooperation and coordination of crisis response operations are of critical importance to react rapidly and adequately to any crisis situation, while post-disaster recovery presents opportunities to build resilience towards reducing the scale of the next disaster. Technology to support crisis response has advanced greatly in the last few years. Systems for early warning, command and control and decision-making have been successfully implemented in many countries and regions all over the world. Efforts to improve humanitarian response, in particular in relation to combating disasters in rapidly urbanising cities, have also led to better approaches that grapple with complexity and uncertainty.The challenges however are daunting. Many aspects related to the efficient collection and integration of geo-information, applied semantics and situational awareness for disaster management are still open, while agencies, organisations and governmental authorities need to improve their practices for building better resilience.Gi4DM 2020 marked the 13th edition of the Geoinformation for Disaster Management series of conferences. The first conference was held in 2005 in the aftermath of the 2004 Indian Ocean earthquake and tsunami which claimed the lives of over 220,000 civilians. The 2019-20 Australian Bushfire Season saw some 18.6 million Ha of bushland burn, 5,900 buildings destroyed and nearly three billion vertebrates killed. Gi4DM 2020 then was held during Covid-19 pandemic, which took the lives of more than 1,150,000 people by the time of the conference. The pandemic affected the organisation of the conference, but the situation also provided the opportunity to address important global problems.The fundamental goal of the Gi4DM has always been to provide a forum where emergency responders, disaster managers, urban planners, stakeholders, researchers, data providers and system developers can discuss challenges, share experience, discuss new ideas and demonstrate technology. The 12 previous editions of Gi4DM conferences were held in Delft, the Netherlands (March 2005), Goa, India (September 2006), Toronto, Canada (May 2007), Harbin, China (August 2008), Prague, Czech Republic (January 2009), Torino, Italy (February 2010), Antalya, Turkey (May 2011), Enschede, the Netherlands (December, 2012), Hanoi, Vietnam (December 2013), Montpellier, France (2015), Istanbul, Turkey (2018) and Prague, Czech Republic (2019). Through the years Gi4DM has been organised in cooperation with different international bodies such as ISPRS, UNOOSA, ICA, ISCRAM, FIG, IAG, OGC and WFP and supported by national organisations.Gi4DM 2020 was held as part of Climate Change and Disaster Management: Technology and Resilience for a Troubled World. The event took place through the whole week of 30th of November to 4th of December, Sydney, Australia and included three events: Gi4DM 2020, NSW Surveying and Spatial Sciences Institute (NSW SSSI) annual meeting and Urban Resilience Asia Pacific 2 (URAP2).The event explored two interlinked aspects of disaster management in relation to climate change. The first was geo-information technologies and their application for work in crisis situations, as well as sensor and communication networks and their roles for improving situational awareness. The second aspect was resilience, and its role and purpose across the entire cycle of disaster management, from pre-disaster preparedness to post-disaster recovery including challenges and opportunities in relation to rapid urbanisation and the role of security in improved disaster management practices.This volume consists of 22 scientific papers. These were selected on the basis of double-blind review from among the 40 short papers submitted to the Gi4DM 2020 conference. Each paper was reviewed by two scientific reviewers. The authors of the papers were encouraged to revise, extend and adapt their papers to reflect the comments of the reviewers and fit the goals of this volume. The selected papers concentrate on monitoring and analysis of various aspects related to Covid-19 (4), emergency response (4), earthquakes (3), flood (2), forest fire, landslides, glaciers, drought, land cover change, crop management, surface temperature, address standardisation and education for disaster management. The presented methods range from remote sensing, LiDAR and photogrammetry on different platforms to GIS and Web-based technologies. Figure 1 illustrates the covered topics via wordcount of keywords and titles.The Gi4DM 2020 program consisted of scientific presentations, keynote speeches, panel discussions and tutorials. The four keynotes speakers Prof Suzan Cutter (Hazard and Vulnerability Research Institute, USC, US), Jeremy Fewtrell (NSW Fire and Rescue, Australia), Prof Orhan Altan (Ad-hoc Committee on RISK and Disaster Management, GeoUnions, Turkey) and Prof Philip Gibbins (Fenner School of Environment and Society, ANU, Australia) concentrated on different aspects of disaster and risk management in the context of climate change. Eight tutorials offered exciting workshops and hands-on on: Semantic web tools and technologies within Disaster Management, Structure-from-motion photogrammetry, Radar Remote Sensing, Dam safety: Monitoring subsidence with SAR Interferometry, Location-based Augmented Reality apps with Unity and Mapbox, Visualising bush fires datasets using open source, Making data smarter to manage disasters and emergency situational awareness and Response using HERE Location Services. The scientific sessions were blended with panel discussions to provide more opportunities to exchange ideas and experiences, connect people and researchers from all over the world.The editors of this volume acknowledge all members of the scientific committee for their time, careful review and valuable comments: Abdoulaye Diakité (Australia), Alexander Rudloff (Germany), Alias Abdul Rahman (Malaysia), Alper Yilmaz (USA), Amy Parker (Australia), Ashraf Dewan (Australia), Bapon Shm Fakhruddin (New Zealand), Batuhan Osmanoglu (USA), Ben Gorte (Australia), Bo Huang (Hong Kong), Brendon McAtee (Australia), Brian Lee (Australia), Bruce Forster (Australia), Charity Mundava (Australia), Charles Toth (USA), Chris Bellman (Australia), Chris Pettit (Australia), Clive Fraser (Australia), Craig Glennie (USA), David Belton (Australia), Dev Raj Paudyal (Australia), Dimitri Bulatov (Germany), Dipak Paudyal (Australia), Dorota Iwaszczuk (Germany), Edward Verbree (The Netherlands), Eliseo Clementini (Italy), Fabio Giulio Tonolo (Italy), Fazlay Faruque (USA), Filip Biljecki (Singapore), Petra Helmholz (Australia), Francesco Nex (The Netherlands), Franz Rottensteiner (Germany), George Sithole (South Africa), Graciela Metternicht (Australia), Haigang Sui (China), Hans-Gerd Maas (Germany), Hao Wu (China), Huayi Wu (China), Ivana Ivanova (Australia), Iyyanki Murali Krishna (India), Jack Barton (Australia), Jagannath Aryal (Australia), Jie Jiang (China), Joep Compvoets (Belgium), Jonathan Li (Canada), Kourosh Khoshelham (Australia), Krzysztof Bakuła (Poland), Lars Bodum (Denmark), Lena Halounova (Czech Republic), Madhu Chandra (Germany), Maria Antonia Brovelli (Italy), Martin Breunig (Germany), Martin Tomko (Australia), Mila Koeva (The Netherlands), Mingshu Wang (The Netherlands), Mitko Aleksandrov (Australia), Mulhim Al Doori (UAE), Nancy Glenn (Australia), Negin Nazarian (Australia), Norbert Pfeifer (Austria), Norman Kerle (The Netherlands), Orhan Altan (Turkey), Ori Gudes (Australia), Pawel Boguslawski (Poland), Peter van Oosterom (The Netherlands), Petr Kubíček (Czech Republic), Petros Patias (Greece), Piero Boccardo (Italy), Qiaoli Wu (China), Qing Zhu (China), Riza Yosia Sunindijo (Australia), Roland Billen (Belgium), Rudi Stouffs (Singapore), Scott Hawken (Australia), Serene Coetzee (South Africa), Shawn Laffan (Australia), Shisong Cao (China), Sisi Zlatanova (Australia), Songnian Li (Canada), Stephan Winter (Australia), Tarun Ghawana (Australia), Ümit Işıkdağ (Turkey), Wei Li (Australia), Wolfgang Reinhardt (Germany), Xianlian Liang (Finland) and Yanan Liu (China).The editors would like to express their gratitude to all contributors, who made this volume possible. Many thanks go to all supporting organisations: ISPRS, SSSI, URAP2, Blackash, Mercury and ISPRS Journal of Geoinformation. The editors are grateful to the continued support of the involved Universities: The University of New South Wales, Curtin University, Australian National University and The University of Melbourne.

Abstract. Across the world, nature-triggered disasters fuelled by climate change are worsening. Some two billion people have been affected by the consequences of natural hazards over the last ten years, 95% of which were weather-related (such as floods and windstorms). Fires swept across large parts of California, and in Australia caused unprecedented destruction to lives, wildlife and bush. This picture is likely to become the new normal, and indeed may worsen if unchecked. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) estimates that in some locations, disaster that once had a once-in-a-century frequency may become annual events by 2050.Disaster management needs to keep up. Good cooperation and coordination of crisis response operations are of critical importance to react rapidly and adequately to any crisis situation, while post-disaster recovery presents opportunities to build resilience towards reducing the scale of the next disaster. Technology to support crisis response has advanced greatly in the last few years. Systems for early warning, command and control and decision-making have been successfully implemented in many countries and regions all over the world. Efforts to improve humanitarian response, in particular in relation to combating disasters in rapidly urbanising cities, have also led to better approaches that grapple with complexity and uncertainty.The challenges however are daunting. Many aspects related to the efficient collection and integration of geo-information, applied semantics and situational awareness for disaster management are still open, while agencies, organisations and governmental authorities need to improve their practices for building better resilience.Gi4DM 2020 marked the 13th edition of the Geoinformation for Disaster Management series of conferences. The first conference was held in 2005 in the aftermath of the 2004 Indian Ocean earthquake and tsunami which claimed the lives of over 220,000 civilians. The 2019-20 Australian Bushfire Season saw some 18.6 million Ha of bushland burn, 5,900 buildings destroyed and nearly three billion vertebrates killed. Gi4DM 2020 then was held during Covid-19 pandemic, which took the lives of more than 1,150,000 people by the time of the conference. The pandemic affected the organisation of the conference, but the situation also provided the opportunity to address important global problems.The fundamental goal of the Gi4DM has always been to provide a forum where emergency responders, disaster managers, urban planners, stakeholders, researchers, data providers and system developers can discuss challenges, share experience, discuss new ideas and demonstrate technology. The 12 previous editions of Gi4DM conferences were held in Delft, the Netherlands (March 2005), Goa, India (September 2006), Toronto, Canada (May 2007), Harbin, China (August 2008), Prague, Czech Republic (January 2009), Torino, Italy (February 2010), Antalya, Turkey (May 2011), Enschede, the Netherlands (December, 2012), Hanoi, Vietnam (December 2013), Montpellier, France (2015), Istanbul, Turkey (2018) and Prague, Czech Republic (2019). Through the years Gi4DM has been organised in cooperation with different international bodies such as ISPRS, UNOOSA, ICA, ISCRAM, FIG, IAG, OGC and WFP and supported by national organisations.Gi4DM 2020 was held as part of Climate Change and Disaster Management: Technology and Resilience for a Troubled World. The event took place through the whole week of 30th of November to 4th of December, Sydney, Australia and included three events: Gi4DM 2020, NSW Surveying and Spatial Sciences Institute (NSW SSSI) annual meeting and Urban Resilience Asia Pacific 2 (URAP2).The event explored two interlinked aspects of disaster management in relation to climate change. The first was geo-information technologies and their application for work in crisis situations, as well as sensor and communication networks and their roles for improving situational awareness. The second aspect was resilience, and its role and purpose across the entire cycle of disaster management, from pre-disaster preparedness to post-disaster recovery including challenges and opportunities in relation to rapid urbanisation and the role of security in improved disaster management practices.This volume consists of 16 peer-reviewed scientific papers. These were selected on the basis of double-blind review from among the 25 full papers submitted to the Gi4DM 2020 conference. Each paper was reviewed by three scientific reviewers. The authors of the papers were encouraged to revise, extend and adapt their papers to reflect the comments of the reviewers and fit the goals of this volume. The selected papers concentrate on monitoring and analysis of forest fire (3), landslides (3), flood (2), earthquake, avalanches, water pollution, heat, evacuation and urban sustainability, applying a variety of remote sensing, GIS and Web-based technologies. Figure 1 illustrates the scope of the covered topics though the word count of keywords and titles.The Gi4DM 2020 program consisted of scientific presentations, keynote speeches, panel discussions and tutorials. The four keynotes speakers Prof Suzan Cutter (Hazard and Vulnerability Research Institute, USC, US), Jeremy Fewtrell (NSW Fire and Rescue, Australia), Prof Orhan Altan (Ad-hoc Committee on RISK and Disaster Management, GeoUnions, Turkey) and Prof Philip Gibbins (Fenner School of Environment and Society, ANU, Australia) concentrated on different aspects of disaster and risk management in the context of climate change. Eight tutorials offered exciting workshops and hands-on on: Semantic web tools and technologies within Disaster Management, Structure-from-motion photogrammetry, Radar Remote Sensing, Dam safety: Monitoring subsidence with SAR Interferometry, Location-based Augmented Reality apps with Unity and Mapbox, Visualising bush fires datasets using open source, Making data smarter to manage disasters and emergency situational awareness and Response using HERE Location Services. The scientific sessions were blended with panel discussions to provide more opportunities to exchange ideas and experiences, connect people and researchers from all over the world.The editors of this volume acknowledge all members of the scientific committee for their time, careful review and valuable comments: Abdoulaye Diakité (Australia), Alexander Rudloff (Germany), Alias Abdul Rahman (Malaysia), Alper Yilmaz (USA), Amy Parker (Australia), Ashraf Dewan (Australia), Bapon Shm Fakhruddin (New Zealand), Batuhan Osmanoglu (USA), Ben Gorte (Australia), Bo Huang (Hong Kong), Brendon McAtee (Australia), Brian Lee (Australia), Bruce Forster (Australia), Charity Mundava (Australia), Charles Toth (USA), Chris Bellman (Australia), Chris Pettit (Australia), Clive Fraser (Australia), Craig Glennie (USA), David Belton (Australia), Dev Raj Paudyal (Australia), Dimitri Bulatov (Germany), Dipak Paudyal (Australia), Dorota Iwaszczuk (Germany), Edward Verbree (The Netherlands), Eliseo Clementini (Italy), Fabio Giulio Tonolo (Italy), Fazlay Faruque (USA), Filip Biljecki (Singapore), Petra Helmholz (Australia), Francesco Nex (The Netherlands), Franz Rottensteiner (Germany), George Sithole (South Africa), Graciela Metternicht (Australia), Haigang Sui (China), Hans-Gerd Maas (Germany), Hao Wu (China), Huayi Wu (China), Ivana Ivanova (Australia), Iyyanki Murali Krishna (India), Jack Barton (Australia), Jagannath Aryal (Australia), Jie Jiang (China), Joep Compvoets (Belgium), Jonathan Li (Canada), Kourosh Khoshelham (Australia), Krzysztof Bakuła (Poland), Lars Bodum (Denmark), Lena Halounova (Czech Republic), Madhu Chandra (Germany), Maria Antonia Brovelli (Italy), Martin Breunig (Germany), Martin Tomko (Australia), Mila Koeva (The Netherlands), Mingshu Wang (The Netherlands), Mitko Aleksandrov (Australia), Mulhim Al Doori (UAE), Nancy Glenn (Australia), Negin Nazarian (Australia), Norbert Pfeifer (Austria), Norman Kerle (The Netherlands), Orhan Altan (Turkey), Ori Gudes (Australia), Pawel Boguslawski (Poland), Peter van Oosterom (The Netherlands), Petr Kubíček (Czech Republic), Petros Patias (Greece), Piero Boccardo (Italy), Qiaoli Wu (China), Qing Zhu (China), Riza Yosia Sunindijo (Australia), Roland Billen (Belgium), Rudi Stouffs (Singapore), Scott Hawken (Australia), Serene Coetzee (South Africa), Shawn Laffan (Australia), Shisong Cao (China), Sisi Zlatanova (Australia), Songnian Li (Canada), Stephan Winter (Australia), Tarun Ghawana (Australia), Ümit Işıkdağ (Turkey), Wei Li (Australia), Wolfgang Reinhardt (Germany), Xianlian Liang (Finland) and Yanan Liu (China).The editors would like to express their gratitude to all contributors, who made this volume possible. Many thanks go to all supporting organisations: ISPRS, SSSI, URAP2, Blackash, Mercury and ISPRS Journal of Geoinformation. The editors are grateful to the continued support of the involved Universities: The University of New South Wales, Curtin University, Australian National University and The University of Melbourne.

The review of the XVIII International Scientific Conference "State and Law: evolution, current state, development prospects (to the 300th anniversary of the Russian Empire)" was held on April 29-30, 2021 at the St. Petersburg University of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. The Russian Empire existed on the political map of the world from October 22 (November 2), 1721 until the February Revolution and the overthrow of the Monarchy on March 3, 1917. The Russian Empire was the third largest state that ever existed (after the British and Mongolian Empires): It extended to the Arctic Ocean in the north and the Black Sea in the south, to the Baltic Sea in the west and the Pacific Ocean in the east. The Russian Empire was one of the great powers along with Great Britain, France, Prussia (Germany) and Austria-Hungary, and since the second half of the XIX century – also Italy and the United States. The capital of the Russian Empire was St. Petersburg (1721 - 1728), Moscow (1728 - 1732), then again St. Petersburg (1732 - 1917), renamed Petrograd in 1914. Therefore, it is natural that a conference dedicated to the 300th anniversary of the formation of the Russian Empire was held in St. Petersburg, the former imperial capital. The conference was devoted to problems concerning various aspects of the organization and functioning of the state and law, a retrospective analysis of the activities of state bodies in the Russian Empire. The discussion focused on various issues: the character of the Russian Empire as a socio-legal phenomenon and the subject of the legitimate use of state coercion, the development of political and legal thought, the regulatory and legal foundations of the organization and functioning of the Russian state in the XVIII century – at the beginning of the XX century, the characteristics of state bodies as an element of the mechanism of the imperial state in Russia, the organizational and legal bases of the activities of bodies that manage the internal affairs of the Russian Empire, as well as the image of state authorities and officials-representatives of state power.

Abstract As the world went to war in 1914, a group of politicians, scholars and activists developed a radically new concept of foreign policy. It rested on the assumption that the war was the result of a flawed diplomatic system and that democratic institutions would make international relations more peaceful. Specifically, they proposed a set of reforms to improve parliamentary oversight, to prohibit secret treaties and to make foreign affairs more accessible to the general public. Most historians have written them off as pacifist propagandists or isolated national splinter groups. However, as this article shows, the advocates of democratic control built a transnational campaign across more than two dozen countries and drew up an elaborate agenda which anticipated long-lasting debates about foreign policy governance. The leaders of the campaign — including American educationalist Fannie Fern Andrews, German social democrat Eduard Bernstein and British politician Arthur Ponsonby — began by protesting decision-making in July 1914, but gradually worked out a more rigorous foreign policy critique. They hosted conferences, circulated academic-style publications and lobbied governments. Although their programme resonated with Wilsonian and socialist visions for a democratic peace, it failed to materialize in 1919. Ultimately, it remained an exercise in democratic governance.

Evolution and learning are two fundamental forms of adaptationl,2). Simulated evolution and learning refers to the study of techniques and methods inspired by Nature for solving complex and difficult real-world problems. These techniques and methods include evolutionary algorithms3), fuzzy learning algorithms, neural learning algorithms, and various statistical learning methods such as nearest neighbor classifiers. In addition to various learning tasks, these techniques and methods have also been applied to various difficult optimization problems that cannot be solved effectively by classical methods (such as mathematical programming methods). This special issue contains six papers selected from those presented at the Second Asia-Pacific Conference on Simulated Evolution And Learning (SEAL'98), Canberra, Australia, 24-27 November 1998. However, all six papers have been rereviewed and substantially extended and revised. They represent significant improved work from their original SEA L'98 papers. The six papers can be grouped into three categories. The first two papers by He et al. and by Ishibuchi and Nakashima described novel applications of genetic algorithms to nearest neighbor classifiers. The next two papers by Kawakami et al. and by Tachibana and Furuhashi presented new fuzzy learning systems. The last two papers by Myung and Kim and by Yu and Wu discussed constrained optimization using the evolutionary approach. I would like to take this opportunity to thank Dr Bob McKay, the SEAL'98 Organizing Committee Chair, for playing a pivotal role in organizing the very successful SEAL'98, Professor Kaoru Hirota, the Editor-in-Chief of the Journal of Advanced Computational Intelligence, for encouraging me to edit this special issue, and all the authors for their high-quality work. References: 1)X. Yao, J-H. Kim, and T. Furuhashi, eds., Simulated Evolution and Learning, Vol. 1285 of Lecture Notes in Artificial Intelligence. Berlin, Germany: Springer-Verlag, 1997. 2)B. Mckay, X. Yao, C. S. Newton, J-H. kim, and T. Furuhashi, eds., Simulated Evolution and Learning, Vo1.1585 of Lecture Notes in Artificial Intelligence. Berlin, Germany: Springer-Verlag, 1999. 3)X. Yao, ed., Evolutionary Computation: Theory and Applications. Singapore: World Scientific Publishing Co., 1999.

Članek podaja analizo sprememb v strateškem varnostnem okolju od prve svetovne vojne do danes, ki zaznamuje začetek novega svetovnega reda, ter identificira ponavljajoče se vzorce in zakonitosti v celotnem obdobju, ki so se pojavili kot posledica prve svetovne vojne oziroma dogodkov takoj po njej, in njihovo preslikavo v današnji čas. Avtor trdi, da današnja varnostna vprašanja izvirajo predvsem iz odločitev, sprejetih na versajski mirovni konferenci, in iz dogodkov, ki so ji sledili. Druga svetovna vojna in hladna vojna sta večinoma logični posledici prve svetovne vojne. Ozemeljski spori in mnogi zamrznjeni konflikti v Srednji in Vzhodni Evropi so se ponovno razplamteli takoj po padcu Berlinskega zidu. To območje je ponovno polje geopolitične igre, v katero se vrača združena Nemčija, ki postaja dominantna politična sila v Evropi. S svetovno finančno krizo, ki je oslabila Evropsko unijo, strateško preusmeritvijo ZDA v vzhodno Azijo in na Pacifik ter z nedavno spremembo v varnostnem okolju zaradi krize v Ukrajini in odmika Rusije od Zahoda se nakazujejo težnje strateških premikov v varnostnem okolju. Ali bo to privedlo do novega svetovnega reda, pa je odvisno od naslednjih korakov strateških igralcev in od tega, kakšne so njihove pridobljene in predvsem ponotranjene izkušnje iz preteklega stoletja, ki bi pomagale preprečiti napake, narejene v tem obdobju. The article analyses the continuous change in the geostrategic security environment in Europe since the beginning of the World War I, which marked the beginning of a new world order. It walks us through the major strategic shifts in Europe during the 20th century as a result of World War I in order to identify repetitive patterns and to see how they come into play today. The author argues that the 21st century strategic issues are rooted in the decisions taken at the Versailles Peace Conference and that World War II and the Cold War were, in most parts, the logical consequences of the Great War. Territorial disputes and numerous frozen conflicts, mainly in the Central and Eastern Europe broke up immediately after the fall of the Berlin wall. This region, has been once and again the territory that sparks major geopolitical changes in Europe. Today, the very same region is again the point of departure of a new strategic game, with Germany at its core as the rising dominant power in Europe. The outbreak of the global financial crisis in 2008, which weakened the European Union together with the US pivoting to East Asia and Pacific, and the changed security environment in Europe due to the crisis in Ukraine and Russian geopolitical shift away from Europe, an emerging global strategic shift is shaping. The future will show how and if the strategic players will use the lessons of the past century in order to avoid making the same mistakes.

The article touches upon the analysis of the main approaches to the consideration of one of the key events in international relations on the eve of the Second World War – the Munich Agreement of 1938. Particular attention is paid to the stereotypes of the British appeasement policy, which supposedly meant that Germany could not be defeated as a «scared bull», but instead, with the help of diplomacy, its aggression could be sent to another side. In this respect, during the time of N. Chamberlain’s tenure as British Prime Minister, many critics spoke against such a strategy of the British foreign policy and the above-mentioned agreement as its main showcase. Therefore, the article focuses on all the circumstances that led to the signing of the Munich Agreement, analyzes the positions of both signatory states of the treaty and those countries that had an indirect influence on the solution of the Czechoslovak problem. It is argued that one should not blame soloely Chamberlain for mistakes made in Munich: one should also take into account the position of E. Daladier’s French government and the pacifist attitudes of most Britons who did not want to fight for solving the internal political problems of a foreign state. To this end, it is necessary to note the undeniable victory of the Nazi diplomacy, the activities of which were directed specifically at the spread of panic in Europe, while Germany itself was unprepared for the war. Finally, the article draws parallels between the events of 1938 and the current geopolitical situation associated with the Russian Federation aggressive actions. However, it emphasizes the impossibility to comprehensively equalise the Munich Agreement of 1938 and the Minsk Agreements of 2014 – 2015, first of all, due to the distinction of the epoques and the goals of convening these two international conferences.

Aims The aim of this study was to explore current use of the Global Fragility Fracture Network (FFN) Minimum Common Dataset (MCD) within established national hip fracture registries, and to propose a revised MCD to enable international benchmarking for hip fracture care. Methods We compared all ten established national hip fracture registries: England, Wales, and Northern Ireland; Scotland; Australia and New Zealand; Republic of Ireland; Germany; the Netherlands; Sweden; Norway; Denmark; and Spain. We tabulated all questions included in each registry, and cross-referenced them against the 32 questions of the MCD dataset. Having identified those questions consistently used in the majority of national audits, and which additional fields were used less commonly, we then used consensus methods to establish a revised MCD. Results A total of 215 unique questions were used across the ten registries. Only 72 (34%) were used in more than one national audit, and only 32 (15%) by more than half of audits. Only one registry used all 32 questions from the 2014 MCD, and five questions were only collected by a single registry. Only 21 of the 32 questions in the MCD were used in the majority of national audits. Only three fields (anaesthetic grade, operation, and date/time of surgery) were used by all ten established audits. We presented these findings at the Asia-Pacific FFN meeting, and used an online questionnaire to capture feedback from expert clinicians from different countries. A draft revision of the MCD was then presented to all 95 nations represented at the Global FFN conference in September 2021, with online feedback again used to finalize the revised MCD. Conclusion The revised MCD will help aspirant nations establish new registry programmes, facilitate the integration of novel analytic techniques and greater multinational collaboration, and serve as an internationally-accepted standard for monitoring and improving hip fracture services. Cite this article: Bone Joint J 2022;104-B(6):721–728.

Climate change induced sea-level rise (SLR) is on its increase globally. Regionally the lowlands of China, Vietnam, Bangladesh, and islands of the Malaysian, Indonesian and Philippine archipelagos are among the world’s most threatened regions. Sea-level rise has major impacts on the ecosystems and society. It threatens coastal populations, economic activities, and fragile ecosystems as mangroves, coastal salt-marches and wetlands. This paper provides a summary of the current state of knowledge of sea level-rise and its effects on both human and natural ecosystems. The focus is on coastal urban areas and low lying deltas in South-East Asia and Vietnam, as one of the most threatened areas in the world. About 3 mm per year reflects the growing consensus on the average SLR worldwide. The trend speeds up during recent decades. The figures are subject to local, temporal and methodological variation. In Vietnam the average values of 3.3 mm per year during the 1993-2014 period are above the worldwide average. Although a basic conceptual understanding exists that the increasing global frequency of the strongest tropical cyclones is related with the increasing temperature and SLR, this relationship is insufficiently understood. Moreover the precise, complex environmental, economic, social, and health impacts are currently unclear. SLR, storms and changing precipitation patterns increase flood risks, in particular in urban areas. Part of the current scientific debate is on how urban agglomeration can be made more resilient to flood risks. Where originally mainly technical interventions dominated this discussion, it becomes increasingly clear that proactive special planning, flood defense, flood risk mitigation, flood preparation, and flood recovery are important, but costly instruments. 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Green gram (Vigna radiata) is considered the chief legume in Pakistan. Thus, current study was conducted to examine the ameliorating effect of phytohormones pre-treatments under salt stress on proteome profile of green gram by sodium-dodecyl-sulphate-polyacrylamide gel electrophoresis (SDS-PAGE). The soluble green gram seedlings proteins were resolved on 4% stacking and 12% resolving gels. The SDS-PAGE resolved 24 polypeptide bands ranging from 200 to 17kDa. Among these, 12 out of 24 bands of proteins were essentials house-keeping or growth proteins of green grams. While, 120, 114.6, 51.8, 29.1, and 22.8 kDa bands were over-expressed under 50 to 350mM salt with phytohormones treatments. The others 104.5 kDa, 99.8 kDa, 95.3 kDa, 91.0 kDa, 55 kDa, 46 kDa, and 17kDa bands were related to the GAᴣ, IAA, and SA induced tolerance. Overall 120 kDa, 114.6 kDa, 104.5 kDa, 99.8, 95.3 kDa, 51.8 kDa, 29.1 kDa and 22.8kDa bands were first time identified in the current study. The information retrieved from NCBI protein database, the resolved peptides were principally belonging to 7S and 8S vicilin, 2S, 8S, 11S, and 16.5S globulins. It is determined that seed priming with SA enhanced tolerance in green gram by rapidly synthesizing stress alleviating peptides.Key word: Cluster analysis, dendrogram, mungbean, salt stress, SDS-PAGEINTRODUCTIONVarious world-wide health concerning organization recommended the use of high graded plant protein such as legumes to prevent the risk of metabolic disorder (Hou et al., 2019). Legumes are most important protein crop on the earth. Among the legumes, the green gram is the major pulses. Its seeds are rich in superior quality storage protein, which account 85% of the total protein while, another 15% have not been broadly studied (Yi-Shen et al., 2018). The soluble storage protein comprises of 60% globulins, 25% albumin and 15% prolamins. Globulins are further divided into 3.4% basic-type (7S), 7.6% legumin-type (11S), and 89% vicilin-type (8S) (Mendoza et al., 2001; Itoh et al., 2006). Other than proteins, the green gram seeds also contain starch, fiber, phenolic compound, saponins, vitamins, calcium zinc, potassium, folate, magnesium, manganese and very low in fat that made it meager man’s meat (Hou et al., 2019). It is also a good source of green manure and fodder (El-Kafafi et al., 2015). Its root has ability to fix 30 to 50 Kg/ha atmospheric nitrogen in the soil which is essential for maintaining soil fertility (Chadha, 2010). The green gram is the valuable and the major Rabi pulse crop of Pakistan. Its cultivation area in 2016-2017 was about 179,000 hectares with seed yield of 130,000 tones. In comparison during 2017-2018, it was cultivated on 161,800 hectares land with 118,800 tones seed yield (GOP, 2018). One of the reasons of this 9% decrease in both land and productivity is the shortage of irrigated land due to soil salinity. The salinity induce oxidative bust in the mungbean cells, caused by responsive oxygen species (ROS) such as hydrogen peroxide, singlet oxygen, hydroxyl radical and superoxide radical. The ROS create hindrance in various metabolic processes of plant via interacting with macromolecules like proteins (Alharby et al., 2016). However, phytohormones like gibberellic acid (GAᴣ), indole acetic acid (IAA), and salicylic acid (SA) take part in the biosynthesis of salt tolerance proteins under salinity. These salt tolerance proteins acclimate plants under salinity stress. Application of biotechnology plays a significant role in agriculture (Khan et al., 2017). Therefore, production of particular proteins under salt stress is a specific response of cell which can be analyzed by sodium dodecyl sulphate polyacrylamide gel electrophoresis (SDS-PAGE). SDS-PAGE is the simple, valid, and cost-effective biochemical marker (Mushtaq et al., 2018). This marker has been widely used to determine the extent of evolutionary variations in crops (El-Kafafi et al., 2015).OBJECTIVES The present study was directed first time with the aim to investigate the toxic effect of sodium chloride (0-350 mM) and stress acclimation by pre-treatment of GAᴣ, IAA, and SA on the proteome profile of NM-92 cultivar of a Pakistani green gram.MATERIALS AND METHODSThe present study was replicated thrice in the plant laboratory of Department of Genetics, Faculty of Science, and University of Karachi. The seeds of mung bean cultivar NM-92 were acquired from National Agricultural Research Centre (NARC), Islamabad. These freshly collected 15 seedsˉ1 treatment / replication were divided into two sets. The first was named as sodium chloride (SC) stress treatments were imbibed in sterile distilled water (DW) whereas, second set soaked in gibberellic acid (GAᴣ) (BDH Chemicals, England), indole acetic acid (IAA) (Fluka, Switzerland), and salicylic acid (SA) (J.T. Baker, Holland) in the separate beaker for 24 hours under dark condition. After 24 hours, given ample time to both the sets at room temperature. After recovery, all 20 treatments were sown in the 150 X 30 mm sized petri-dishes containing 0, 50, 150, 250, and 350 millimolar (mM) sodium chloride solution (Fisher Scientific, UK) for 72 hours.Protein extraction: Protein extraction was done by taking 0.3g of seedlings in an ice chilled mortar and crushed by adding 600µL 0.2 M Tris-HCl buffer having pH 7.5 contained 5% SDS (w/v) and 5% 2-mercaptoethanol (v/v). The homogenate was incubated at 0oC for 30 min., boiled in the water bath for 3 min. at 100oC. Samples were centrifuged in Heraeus Biofuge D-37520, Germany for 30 min. at 8000 rpm. The protein supernatant was saved at below 0°C for quantitative and qualitative determination with minor modifications. The total soluble protein content of the samples was estimated via “Bovine Serum Albumin (BSA) standard curve” and explicit in µg protein milligramˉ1 fresh weight of mung seedlings.Bovine serum albumin standard curve (2000 μg/mL): Total protein standard curve was made by dissolving 0.05g of Bovine Serum Albumin (BSA) in 25mL of distilled water. Ten serial dilutions were made from 0.1 mL to 1mL by BSA solution then performed Lowry. A standard curve of total proteins was plotted by taking BSA absorbance at Y-axis and 2000 μg BSA / mL at X-axisSample preparation for SDS-PAGE: For qualitative assessment of total proteins; the 35μL of saved protein supernatant was combined with 15μL of sample diluting buffer (SDB). The SDB was made up of 0.0625 M Tris-HCl pH 6.8 with 2% of SDS, 10% of glycerol, 0.003% of bromophenol blue dye and 5% of 2-mercaptoethanol. Boil the 50μL protein SDB supernatant at 100oC in water bath for 3 min., centrifuged at 6000 rpm for 4 min. The supernatant was loaded on SDS-PAGE gel with the given formulae. The SDS- PAGE: Total proteins were fractionated via SDS-PAGE with 4% stacking and 12% resolving gel. The resolving gel of 12% was made by taking 6mL solution A, 1.8 mL 3 M Tris 1 M HCl buffer pH 8.8, 144μL 10% SDS, 5.74 mL sterile distilled water, 720μL 1.5% ammonium persulphate (APS) in deionized water and 10μL TEMED. While, stacking was composed of 1.25mL of solution A, 2.5mL of 0.5M Tris 1M HCl buffer pH 6.8, 100μL 10% SDS, 1.8 mL of distilled water, 500μL 1.5% APS and 12μL TEMED. Solution A was prepared by conjoining 30% acrylamide and 0.8% N, N’-methylene-bisacrylamide in deionized water. To avoid polymerization in the beaker; the prepared solution was quickly poured into the 3 mm thick gel plates after adding TEMED. The stacking was lined over resolving gel, then combs were inserted between the gel plates of SCIE-PLAS TV-100 separation system, UK, and allowed to polymerize for ½ an hour. After polymerization gel was placed in the tank which were filled with Tris-Glycine buffer (electrode buffer) pH 8.4 then combs were removed. The electrode buffer contained 0.3% Tris, 1.41% Glycine and 0.1% SDS in 2000mL d/w. The gel was pre-run for 15 min. at 60 volts and 120 mA currents. The prepared SDS-PAGE samples were loaded in wells with BlueStepTM Broad Range Protein Marker, AMRESCO, USA as standard and run at 60 volts & 120 mA for about 45 min. When samples entered in resolving gel, and then gave 100 volts and 200 mA currents for around 2.5 hours. Furthermore, electrophoresis was carried out at a constant watt.The Gel was washed with 30% ethanol on Uni Thermo Shaker NTS-1300 EYELA, Japan at the constant shaking for 30 min. Then gels were placed in 10% glacial acetic acid in 50% methanol solution (Fixative) for 24 hours. SDS Gel was stained until protein bands were visible thereat placed as 5% of Methanol in 7.5% acetic acid glacial solution to destain the bands background. SDS-PAGE stain composed of 0.125% coomassie brilliant blue R-250 dissolved in 40% of Methanol and 7% acetic acid glacial solution. The stain was stirred on Magnetic stirrer & hot plate M6/1, Germany for 6-10 hours before used. Photographs were taken by Sanyo digital camera VPC-T1284BL and bands were scored through numbering pattern. Gels preserved in 10% acetic acid solution at 4°C.Interpretation of bands and data analysis: The total soluble protein bands relative mobility calculated by below formulae and Dendrogram was constructed via SPSS v. 20Where,F=(Migrated distance of protein band)/(Migrated distance of dye front)Slop=(Log MW of protein marker lower limit band–log〖MW of protein marker upper limit band )/(RF protein marker lower limit band –RF of protein marker upper limit band)RESULTS:The total soluble proteins extracted from green gram were perceived by SDS-PAGE Blue StepTm broad range biochemical markers. The protein-based marker was used to evaluate the toxic effect of sodium chloride along with pre-treatments of GAᴣ, IAA, and SA on proteome assay. In the current work, seedlings total soluble proteome resolved 24 polypeptide bands ranging from 200 to 17.1 kDa were recognized by using SDS-PAGE. The figure 1 showed Dendrogram assay, which classified the 20 treatments of SC, GAᴣ, IAA and SA into two major clusters where, the cluster I was the largest one (figure 1). Cluster I consisted of 15 treatments that further divided into I-A, and I-B. The pre-treatments of SC50+SA, SC150+SA, SC250+SA, and SC350+IAA were grouped together into C-1 of sub-cluster I-A. The C-2 of sub-cluster I-A, pre-treatment SC350+SA was most diverse among 20 treatments. The C-1 treatments showed 99% homology when compared with each other while, it was 97% similar with C-2. The sub-cluster I-B comprised another 10 treatments, SC0+GAᴣ, SC50+GAᴣ, SC150+GAᴣ, SC250+GAᴣ, SC350+GAᴣ, SC0+IAA, SC50+IAA, SC150+IAA, SC250+IAA, and SC0+SA that were also 99% similar for total proteins. Sub-cluster I-B pre-treatments was exhibiting 94% homology with the sub-cluster I-A. The second cluster was the smallest one that was divided into two sub-clusters, II-A and II-B. The II-A was comprised of SC50, SC150, and SC250 while, sub-cluster II-B consisted of SC0 and SC350. Within each sub-cluster, pre-treatments expressed 99% homology whereas, II-A was 97 different from II-B. Furthermore, cluster I showed 75% similarities with cluster II (figure 1). The seedlings storage proteome profile of green gram was shown in table 1.The results showed that 120kDa, 114.6 kDa, 51.8 kDa, 29.1 kDa and 22.8 kDa proteins bands were not induced at 0 mM SC, GAᴣ, IAA, and SA. The table 1 depicted the presence of 120 kDa and 114.6 kDa bands only at 350 mM SC level with all phytohormones treatments. Similarly, 51.8 kDa protein bands were appearing at 150SC, 250SC and 350SC stress with phytohormones. Based on the information collected from the NCBI protein database, this peptide was related to the 8S globulin alpha subunits. The two other, 7S globulins sub-units having 29.1kDa and 22.8 kDa molecular weights bands were synthesized under 50mM, 150mM, 250mM, 350mM SC stress with phytohormones. Concerning protein polypeptide of molecular weight 104.5 kDa, 99.8 kDa, 91.0 kDa, 55.0 kDa, and 46.0 kDa, those were induced by GAᴣ, IAA and SA at 0 to 350 mM SC. While, 17kDa protein band was appearing in SA, and IAA treated samples and 95.3kDa band was only present in SA treatment. Other 12 protein bands were present in all treatments proved as house-keeping proteins of green gram (table 1).DISCUSSIONThe SDS-PAGE profiling for proteome is the reliable and applied biochemical approach that has been used as biochemical marker in various crop differentiation, and characterization. In the current study, first time SDS-PAGE was utilized to investigate the impact of GAᴣ, IAA, and SA pre-soaking on green gram under salt toxicity. The salt toxicity adversely affects all seed, seedling, and plant metabolic process (Parveen et al., 2016). At salt toxicity, the endogenous GAᴣ, IAA, and SA levels markedly decrease (El-Khallal et al., 2009). In such condition, exogenous application of GAᴣ, IAA, and SA enhance seedlings survival rate by increasing synthesis of seed storage proteins. Likewise, our Dendrogram characterization based on 20 treatments showed significant diversity under 0 to 350 mM SC stress. The salicylic acid treatments were grouped together except SC0+SA treatment, exhibiting a close relationship, which proved its acclimating role under salt stress. These findings will help plant breeder toward enhancing food quality and quantity of green gram in future breeding programme on saline sodic land.The SDS-PAGE assay revealed 200. kDa, 109.4 kDa, 77 kDa, 68 kDa, 49 kDa, 38 kDa, 33 kDa, 26 kDa, 24 kDa, 22 kDa, 21 kDa and 19 kDa fractions as essential green gram proteins. Among these, 68 kDa, 49 kDa, 33 kDa, 26 kDa, 24 kDa and 21 kDa peptides were seed biotinylated isoform protein (Riascos et al., 2009), putative NADH-ubiquinone oxidoreductase subunit H (Gostinčar et al., 2019), heat shock protein 33 (Hamidian et al., 2015), globulin protein, seed coat / maturation protein (Dhaubhadel et al., 2005), and protein for dimerization. While, 22 kDa proteins belonged to the class of prolamin alpha zein Z1C1_2, Z1C1_4, and Z1C1_8 precursors, and 19kDa peptide was related with Z1A1_2, Z1A2_2, and Z1B_6 precursors (Miclaus et al., 2011). Further, the 91 kDa peptide is sucrose synthase SS1 protein, and 77kDa protein is the NADPH-cytochrome P450 reductase (Wang et al., 2004). Also, the phosphatase-associated two other proteins having 46 and 55 kDa molecular weight were reported earlier in Mucuna pruriens. Hameed et al. (2012) and Malviya et al. (2008) found 55 and 46kDa peptides as 7S vicilin small sub-units and 17kDa as 11S globulins sub-unit in the studied Vigna radiata. Some other molecular weight proteome such as 68 kDa and 49kDa are 7S vicilin, 33kDa is 8S vicilin, 38 and 26kDa 8S globulins, 24kDa 11S globulins, and 22kDa 16.5S globulins. These proteins required for germination and seed establishment of green gram plant (Hameed et al., 2012).The vast accumulation of 23kDa and 22kDa peptides under salt stress by salicylic acid, were reported previously in the mangrove Bruguiera parviffora and Zea mays (El-Khallal et al., 2009). Correspondingly, El-Kafafi et al. (2015) reported the presence of 115kDa, 23kDa, and 22kDa bands in the salt tolerant lines of green gram. These proteomes induced under salt stress may play a pivotal part in the stress acclimation and osmotic adjustment. Similarly, the induction of 104 kDa and 100kDa MW polypeptide by SC stress in the salt tolerant genotypes of green gram indicated the functional role of phytohormones in various metabolic and defense response El-Kafafi et al. (2015); Alharby et al. (2016), El-Khallal et al. (2009), Qados (2010). Ali et al. (2007), Alharby et al. (2016), and El-Kafafi et al. (2015) observed 17kDa, 26kDa, 33kDa and 77kDa bands involving in salt tolerance and can be considered as a positive biochemical marker for salt stress. Further, 26 kDa MW peptide also functions as osmotin under the salt stress that involved in enhancing the accumulation of glycine betaine and proline in the cells. Hence, proteome assay of green gram showed that GAᴣ, IAA, and SA could regulate the expression of salt stress proteins that are anticipated to play a crucial part in the salt tolerance mechanism. Likewise, the involvement of phytohormones in the induction of changes in the proteome profile pattern was attributed to their part in managing cell division by regulating some genes of apical meristems.CONCLUSIONFinally, the results revealed the presence of the ten new bands with MW of 200kDa, 120 kDa, 114.6 kDa, 109.4kDa, 104.5kDa, 99.8kDa, 95.3kDa, 51.8kDa, 29.1kDa and 22.8kDa have not reported previously under salt stress with phytohormones treatments in green gram. Furthermore, it was observed that phytohormones alleviate the negative impact of salt stress on green gram by enhancing synthesis of salt defense polypeptides. Hence, higher accumulation of proteins was observed in salicylic acid treated seedlings. Thus, present work recommended the pre-soaking of phytohormones to overcome the toxic impact of sodium chloride on green gram. 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In the aftermath of the 1918 election Law believed ‘Lloyd George can be Prime Minister for life if he wants’. In the event, the government survived only four turbulent years. Although 1922 was to be a critical year for the Coalition, the year began auspiciously. For all the problems during 1921, by December the fortunes and confidence of the coalition leadership were greater than for some time. A week after signing the Irish Treaty, the government claimed something of a diplomatic triumph with the four-power treaty in Washington covering Pacific and Far Eastern questions. Thereafter progress was also swiftly made with regard to naval disarmament (finally signed on 6 February 1922). Two days after the Pacific agreement, the Commons debate on the Irish Treaty provided the government with its first notable parliamentary success for some months. For the moment even Law broke the ominous silence he had maintained throughout the negotiations to declare his approval. While in the longer term the Irish Treaty was to prove both ‘Lloyd George's greatest achievement, but … also the greatest single cause of his overthrow’, in December 1921 it had undoubtedly restored the government's fortunes and renewed its sense of policy direction. Moreover, although relations with France had been gravely aggravated by the unilateral Angora agreement with the Turks in November 1921 and even more by French obstructionism at Washington, even Anglo-French relations provided some substance for hope. The ‘conversations’ with Briand in London from 18–22 December thus set in motion a process which led, via Cannes and Genoa, to an attempt to resolve Anglo-French differences over German reparations. With Ireland settled, Washington still hailed a triumph and plans already in progress for a conference offering the prospect of European peace and the restoration of prosperity, the scene was set for an attempt to engineer indirectly that which could not be achieved by direct calls for ‘fusion’. Encouraged by McCurdy's grossly over-optimistic assessments of the prospects, some time before Christmas Lloyd George decided that circumstances were propitious for another coalition election. At a dinner held by Birkenhead after the Irish Treaty debate, the subject was discussed for the first time by the Coalition leaders.

Issue attention – or media attention – refers to the number of pages or airtime minutes devoted to a given issue, in this chase, climate change. Research has shown that there are different actors and events that are substantial divers of issue attention to climate change, such as international events (e.g., the Conferences of the Parties (COPs) to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC)), scientific reports, extreme weather events, but also movies (e.g., An Inconvenient Truth) and concerts (e.g., Anderson, 2009; Brossard, Shanahan, & McComas, 2004; Djerf-Pierre, 2012; Liu, Lindquist, & Vedlitz, 2011; Schäfer, Ivanova, & Schmidt, 2014). Field of application/theoretical foundation: Drivers of issue attention are a fundamental part of climate change-related media coverage. Content analyses identify what triggers media coverage about climate change by examining important drivers (e.g., Brossard et al., 2004; Liu et al., 2011; Schäfer et al., 2014). The variable “drivers of issue attention” is often applied in agenda-setting studies and is used to determine factors, such as actors or events, that place certain topics, and in this case, climate change-related issues, prominently on the media and/or audience agenda (e.g., Anderson, 2009; Djerf-Pierre, 2012). References/combination with other methods of data collection: Using time series regression analysis, studies investigate the influence of various factors on media attention for climate change and global warming (e.g., Liu et al., 2011; Schäfer et al., 2014). Example studies: Anderson (2011); Brossard et al. (2004); Djerf-Pierre (2012); Liu et al. (2011); Schäfer et al. (2014) Information on Schäfer et al., 2014 Authors: Mike S. Schäfer, Ana Ivanova & Andreas Schmidt Research question: Which factors influence media attention for climate change between 1996 and 2010? Object of analysis: The study calculates the monthly amount of climate change-related coverage in two leading newspapers for Australia, Germany and India: Sydney Morning Herald (N = 9,543 articles), The Australian (N = 13,892 articles), Süddeutsche Zeitung (N = 6,889 articles), Frankfurter Allgemeine (N = 5,861 articles), The Hindu (N = 5,710 articles) and Times of India (N = 2,553 articles) Time frame of analysis: 1996 to 2010 Info about variable Variables: Drivers of issue attention Factual indicators or problem indicators: Factual and baseline information indicators such as greenhouse gas (GHG) concentrations in the earth’s atmosphere or average temperatures including long-term developments as well as short-term extreme weather conditions Focusing events: High-profile international events that push concern above the noise threshold of other issues such as the United Nations Conferences of the Parties (COP) or G8 summits Social feedback: Communication of stakeholders and pressure groups on societal matters, such as citizen complaints, interest group pressures or opinion polls Level of analysis: Monthly mean issue attention: The number of articles mentioning climate change as a proportion of the absolute number of articles published in a given newspaper by month Variables and values: Factual indicators or problem indicators International extreme weather events: Heat waves, wildfires, droughts, storms, storm surges and floods with the indicators death toll, number of people affected, estimated damage (US$ million). Each indicator of all event types was standardized separately; afterwards a monthly index summarizing the three indicators for events of all types and in all countries was constructed. Source: EM-DAT, The International Disaster Database (emdat.be/) Domestic extreme weather events: Same variable as international extreme weather events, but restricted to domestic disasters. Domestic temperature: Mean value of the monthly average temperature at the two places of publication. Source: NCEP/NCAR reanalysis Focusing events International political events: UNFCCC Conferences of the Parties (share of conference days in a month), United Nations Conferences on Environment and Development (1 = event, 0 = no event), EU summits (1 = event, 0 = no event), Asia Pacific Partnership on Clean Development and Climate summits (1 = event, 0 = no event), G8 summits (1 = event, 0 = no event), Ministerial meetings of the Gleneagles dialogue (1 = event, 0 = no event) International scientific/political events: Publication of IPCC assessment reports (1 = event, 0 = no event) Cultural events: International and national premiere of selected movies (An Inconvenient Truth, The Day after Tomorrow, The Great Climate Swindle) on climate change and the Live Earth concert (1 = event, 0 = no event) Social feedback Domestic political activity: Composite index of number of parliamentary papers and parliamentary debates on climate change (India: only parliamentary debates; Germany: parliamentary debates only from November 2005 onwards) International ENGO activity: Mean value index of number of press releases issued by Greenpeace International and WWF International Domestic ENGO activity: Mean value index of number of press releases issued by national Greenpeace branch and a second ENGO (Australia: Australian Conservation Fund; Germany: BUND; India: Center for Science and Environment) International scientific publication activity: Mean value index of number of research articles on climate change in Science and Nature Domestic scientific publication activity: Number of research articles published by domestic scientists and refereed in ISI Web of Knowledge Domestic business activity: Mean value index of number of press releases issued by big, carbon-intensive national companies from the energy, automotive and resource sectors (Australia: AGL Energy, Origin Energy, True Energy, BHP Billiton; Germany: e.on Energie, RWE, EnBW, Vattenfall, BEE, VDA; India: Tata Power, Reliance Infrastructure, Hindalco, Indian Oil) Reliability: - Codebook: Table 2 in Schäfer et al. (2014) References Anderson, A. (2011). Sources, media, and modes of climate change communication: the role of celebrities. Wiley Interdisciplinary Reviews: Climate Change, 2(4), 535–546. DOI: 10.1002/wcc.119. Brossard, D., Shanahan, J., & McComas, K. (2004). Are issue-cycles culturally constructed? A comparison of French and American coverage of global climate change. Mass Communication & Society 7(3), 359-377. DOI: 10.1207/ s15327825mcs0703_6. Djerf-Pierre, M. (2012). When attention drives attention: Issue dynamics in environmental news reporting over five decades. European Journal of Communication 27(3), 291-304. DOI: 10.1177/0267323112450820. Liu, X., Lindquist, E., & Vedlitz, A. (2011). Explaining media and congressional attention to global climate change, 1969-2005: An empirical test of agenda-setting theory. Political Research Quarterly, 64(2), 405–419. DOI: 10.1177/1065912909346744. Schäfer, M. S., Ivanova, A., & Schmidt, A. (2014). What drives media attention for climate change? Explaining issue attention in Australian, German and Indian print media from 1996 to 2010. The International Communication Gazette 76(2), 152-176. DOI: 10.1177/1748048513504169.

Abstract The 6th Asian Conference on Environmental, Industrial and Energy Engineering (EI2E 2022) in conjunction with the 2022 6th International Conference on Environmental and Energy Engineering (IC3E 2022) were co-organized by the Asia Pacific Institute of Science and Engineering (APISE) and the International Society for Environmental Information Sciences (ISEIS). Due to recent pandemic, it was finally held as an online conference via Tecent Meeting Software on May 20, 2022. The decision to hold the virtual conference was made in compliance with many restrictions that were imposed by countries around the world. These restrictions were made to minimize the risk of spreading the COVID-19. Some people suggest to postpone the conference, however, we prefer to use online meeting because of reasons:(1) Most of the authors want to publish their articles as scheduled, as some of them need it before graduation;(2) We don’t know when it will be good enough to hold the conference as usual. The online conference was a great success. The participants were from a number of countries (Canada, India, Chile, Saudi Arabia, Germany, Uzbekistan, China, etc.) with diverse backgrounds, forming a coherent environment for facilitating tremendous learning, sharing and collaborating opportunities Energy and environment are closely interrelated. Energy development is associated with many environmental concerns, where effective approaches for emission minimization are desired. At the same time, a number of innovative technologies for mitigating pollutant/carbon emissions and managing the related risks are being developed. EI2E 2022 is targeted on providing opportunities to bring together the related researchers to share their most recent research achievements in these fields, and thus promote more advanced research. On the behalf of the conference organizing committee, I would like to express my great appreciation to the three keynote speakers (40 minutes each, including Q&A). In addition, the conference included two oral and one poster sessions. In the oral sessions, each presentation was allotted 15 minutes. At the end of each session, the participants were engaged in discussions for future collaborations. A group photo was taken at the conference. List of Conference Chair, Committees, Conference Co-Chairs are available in this pdf.

Damien Foster1, Nikolaos G. Fytas1, Charo del Genio1, Ran Holtzman1, Abhishek Kumar1, Susanne Horn1, Alban Potherat1, Martin Weigel2, and Taras Yavors’kii1 1 Centre for Fluid and Complex Systems, Coventry University, Coventry CV1 5FB, United Kingdom 2 Institut für Physik, Technische Universität Chemnitz, 09107 Chemnitz, Germany E-mail: martin.weigel@physik.tu-chemnitz.de The 32nd IUPAP Conference in Computational Physics was held online August 2-5, 2021 with organizational support from Coventry University. The Conference in Computational Physics series of meetings is held annually under the auspices of the International Union of Pure and Applied Physics (IUPAP) at international locations alternating typically between Europe, the Americas, and the Asian and Pacific regions. It covers all areas of the computational sciences with a relation to physical applications, making it the largest and leading recurrent international meeting in computational physics. Typical topics covered include statistical mechanics and complex systems, soft matter and biophysics, materials and nano-science, fluid dynamics, quantum manv-body physics, quantum computing, lattice field theory, astrophysics, gravitation and cosmology, novel hardware and software, computational physics education, machine learning and algorithms as well as geophysics and porous media. The format combines plenary overview lectures with a broad range of topical parallel sessions featuring invited impact talks as well as oral contributions and poster sessions, complemented by discussion sessions. The organisation of the 2020 meeting was given to the present group of organisers for a meeting to be held in physical presence in Coventry. It was planned for August 2020, but with the advent of the Coronavius pandemic it was decided in April 2020 to postpone the meeting to 2021 with the hope of holding it on site. We were quite confident back then that the meeting could be held face-to-face in 2021, but the virus proved to be more persistent than we had envisaged, such that CCP2021 was held entirely online. While this disappointed some, it also offered a number of opportunities to explore new forms of scientific and social interaction. We used a virtual conference centre constructed in Gather Town that included spaces for poster sessions and exhibition space for sponsors as well as many opportunities for formal and informal discussions among participants. All oral presentations were delivered on Zoom, with the vast majority of talks delivered live and a handful of pre-recorded videos. To support discussions revolving around the presentations, we also ran a discussion space on Slack with channels for each session and a common discussion forum. All oral presentations were recorded and made available to registered participants on the conference website at https://ccp2021.complexity-coventry.org. The conference featured 425 registrations, with 296 fully completed, coming from a wide range of countries, with the most represented being Japan, the United Kingdom, the United States of America, Germany, India, France, Russia and China. The program consisted of 15 plenary speakers, listed below, as well as 33 invited talks, 100 contributed talks and 72 poster contributions. The scientific sessions were complemented by cultural presentations as well as the award session for the IUPAP Young Scientist Prizes in Computational Physics which for 2020 and 2021 were awarded to Zhijun Wang and Prineha Narang, respectively. In total, these contributions led to a very exciting program, and the technical setup allowed for a rather interactive meeting. Although the actual experience might not quite have matched up to that of a traditional face-to-face conference, it was felt by many that this meeting format also has its upsides as it is more inclusive, more ecological, more diverse, and more family friendly that the traditional one. All authors of accepted contributions to the conference were invited to submit a full paper to the proceedings. These papers are collected in the present volume, covering all major areas represented at the conference and thus providing an excellent representation of where computational physics research stands today. We would like to thank all participants of the conference, all contributors to the scientific program and all authors of papers in this proceedings volume. Finally, we would like to acknowledge support for the conference by the IUPAP, the European Physical Society (EPS), the Institute of Physics (IOP), Coventry University, Technische Universität Chemnitz, the European Physical Journal (EPJ), Computation (MDPI), Entropy (MDPI), and MapleSoft. List of titles Local organising Committee, International advisory board, Program Committee, Plenary Speakers, Invited Speakers are available in this Pdf.

Abstract Introduction National hip fracture audits share a common heritage in the work of Rikshöft and the Standardised Audit of Hip Fracture in Europe. However, as more countries develop audit programmes and these evolve to address local needs, divergence in the data they collect compromises their scope for learning from clinical, audit and quality improvement work in other nations. Method In 2021 we compared all ten established national hip fracture audits: England/Wales/Northern Ireland; Scotland; Australia/New Zealand; Ireland; Germany; the Netherlands; Sweden; Norway; Denmark; Spain. We tabulated all questions included in each, and cross-referenced them against the 32 questions of the minimum common dataset (MCD) defined by the global Fragility Fracture Network (FFN) in 2014. We identified those consistently used in most national audits, and additional fields that might need to form part of a revised MCD. Any MCD must meet the needs of both developed and developing countries. We presented these findings at the Asia-Pacific FFN meeting, and used an online questionnaire to capture feedback from different countries. A draft revision was presented at the Global FFN conference in September 2021, with feedback again used to finalise this revised MCD. Results We tabulated a total of 215 possible questions. Only 72 (34%) were used in >1 national audit, and only 32 (15%) by more than half of audits. Adherence to the 2014 MCD was disappointing; all 32 fields were used by at least one audit, but 5/32 only by one audit. Only 21/32 (65%) were used in the majority, and only three (anaesthetic grade, operation and date/time of surgery) by all ten established audits. Discussion This revised MCD will help aspirant nations establish new audit programmes, facilitate the integration of novel analytic techniques and greater multinational collaboration, and serve as an internationally-accepted standard for monitoring and improving hip fracture services.

Today's universities are transforming into the entrepreneurial university model. Along with that is a strong innovation in governance towards autonomy and associated with entrepreneurship, innovation and creativity. The article presents research results on the model of the entrepreneurial university and the advanced university governance in terms of structure and management methods to adapt to this model in the world. Through the review of studies on the current situation, the article contributes a number of policy proposals to meet the requirements of university governance innovation for Vietnamese public universities in the context of transition to a model of entrepreneurial university. Keywords University, Entrepreneurial university, University governance, Vietnam public universities. References [1] D.V. Toan, 2020, Factors Affecting Third Mission Implementation and The Challenges for Vietnam’s Universities in The Transitioning Period. 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Aaboen, Explaining incubators using firm analogy, Technovation 29(10) (2009) 657-670.[13] M. Abreu, V. Grinevich, The nature of academic entrepreneurship in the UK: widening the focus on entrepreneurial activities, Res. Policy 42(2) (2013) 408-422.[14] E. Rasmussen, S. Mosey, M. Wright, The influence of university departments on the evolution of entrepreneurial competencies in spin-off ventures. Res. Policy 43(1) (2014) 92-106.[15] H. Etzkowitz, The Triple Helix: University-Industry-Government Innovation in Action, Taylor and Francis, London, 2008. [16] D.B. Audretsch, From the entrepreneurial university to the university for the en-trepreneurial society, J. Technol. Transfer. 39(3) (2014) 313–321.[17] B.R. Clark, Creating Entrepreneurial Universities: Organizational Pathways of Transformation, Issues in Higher Education, Elsevier, Oxford: IAU Press and Pergamon, New York 1998. [18] B. 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Introduction“From every kind of man obedience I expect; I’m the Emperor of Japan.” (“Miyasama,” from Gilbert and Sullivan’s musical The Mikado, 1885)This commentary is facilitated by—surprisingly resilient—oriental stereotypes of an imagined Japan (think of Oscar Wilde’s assertion, in 1889, that Japan was a European invention). During the Victorian era, in Britain, there was a craze for all things oriental, particularly ceramics and “there was a craze for all things Japanese and no middle class drawing room was without its Japanese fan or teapot.“ (V&A Victorian). These pastoral depictions of the ‘oriental life’ included the figures of men and women in oriental garb, with fans, stilt shoes, kimono-like robes, and appropriate headdresses, engaging in garden-based activities, especially tea ceremony variations (Landow). In fact, tea itself, and the idea of a ceremony of serving it, had taken up a central role, even an obsession in middle- and upper-class Victorian life. Similarly, landscapes with wild seas, rugged rocks and stunted pines, wizened monks, pagodas and temples, and particular fauna and flora (cranes and other birds flying through clouds of peonies, cherry blossoms and chrysanthemums) were very popular motifs (see Martin and Koda). Rather than authenticity, these designs heightened the Western-based romantic stereotypes associated with a stylised form of Japanese life, conducted sedately under rule of the Japanese Imperial Court. In reality, prior to the Meiji period (1868–1912), the Emperor was largely removed from everyday concerns, residing as an isolated, holy figure in Kyoto, the traditional capital of Japan. Japan was instead ruled from Edo (modern day Tokyo) led by the Shogun and his generals, according to a strict Confucian influenced code (see Keene). In Japan, as elsewhere, the presence of feudal-style governance includes policies that determine much of everyday life, including restrictions on clothing (Rall 169). The Samurai code was no different, and included a series of protocols that restricted rank, movement, behaviour, and clothing. As Vincent has noted in the case of the ‘lace tax’ in Great Britain, these restrictions were designed to punish those who seek to penetrate the upper classes through their costume (28-30). In Japan, pre-Meiji sumptuary laws, for example, restricted the use of gold, and prohibited the use of a certain shade of red by merchant classes (V&A Kimono).Therefore, in the governance of pre-globalised societies, the importance of clothing and textile is evident; as Jones and Stallybrass comment: We need to understand the antimatedness of clothes, their ability to “pick up” subjects, to mould and shape them both physically and socially—to constitute subjects through their power as material memories […] Clothing is a worn world: a world of social relations put upon the wearer’s body. (2-3, emphasis added)The significant re-imagining of Japanese cultural and national identities are explored here through the cataclysmic impact of Western ideologies on Japanese cultural traditions. There are many ways to examine how indigenous cultures respond to European, British, or American (hereafter Western) influences, particularly in times of conflict (Wilk). Western ideology arrived in Japan after a long period of isolation (during which time Japan’s only contact was with Dutch traders) through the threat of military hostility and war. It is after this outside threat was realised that Japan’s adoption of military and industrial practices begins. The re-imagining of their national identity took many forms, and the inclusion of a Western-style military costuming as a schoolboy uniform became a highly visible indicator of Japan’s mission to protect its sovereign integrity. A brief history of Japan’s rise from a collection of isolated feudal states to a unified military power, in not only the Asian Pacific region but globally, demonstrates the speed at which they adopted the Western mode of warfare. Gunboats on Japan’s ShorelinesJapan was forcefully opened to the West in the 1850s by America under threat of First Name Perry’s ‘gunboat diplomacy’ (Hillsborough 7-8). Following this, Japan underwent a rapid period of modernisation, and an upsurge in nationalism and military expansion that was driven by a desire to catch up to the European powers present in the Pacific. Noted by Ian Ferguson in Civilization: The West and the Rest, Unsure, the Japanese decided […] to copy everything […] Japanese institutions were refashioned on Western models. The army drilled like Germans; the navy sailed like Britons. An American-style system of state elementary and middle schools was also introduced. (221, emphasis added)This was nothing short of a wide-scale reorganisation of Japan’s entire social structure and governance. Under the Emperor Meiji, who wrested power from the Shogunate and reclaimed it for the Imperial head, Japan steamed into an industrial revolution, achieving in a matter of years what had taken Europe over a century.Japan quickly became a major player-elect on the world stage. However, as an island nation, Japan lacked the essentials of both coal and iron with which to fashion not only industrial machinery but also military equipment, the machinery of war. In 1875 Japan forced Korea to open itself to foreign (read: Japanese) trade. In the same treaty, Korea was recognised as a sovereign nation, separate from Qing China (Tucker 1461). The necessity for raw materials then led to the Sino-Japanese War (1894–95), a conflict between Japan and China that marked the emergence of Japan as a major world power. The Korean Peninsula had long been China’s most important client state, but its strategic location adjacent to the Japanese archipelago, and its natural resources of coal and iron, attracted Japan’s interest. Later, the Russo-Japanese War (1904–05), allowed a victorious Japan to force Russia to abandon its expansionist policy in the Far East, becoming the first Asian power in modern times to defeat a European power. The Russo-Japanese War developed out of the rivalry between Russia and Japan for dominance in Korea and Manchuria, again in the struggle for natural resources (Tucker 1534-46).Japan’s victories, together with the county’s drive for resources, meant that Japan could now determine its role within the Asia-Pacific sphere of influence. As Japan’s military, and their adoption of Westernised combat, proved effective in maintaining national integrity, other social institutions also looked to the West (Ferguson 221). In an ironic twist—while Victorian and Continental fashion was busy adopting the exotic, oriental look (Martin and Koda)—the kimono, along with other essentials of Japanese fashions, were rapidly altered (both literally and figuratively) to suit new, warlike ideology. It should be noted that kimono literally means ‘things that you wear’ and which, prior to exposure to Western fashions, signified all worn clothing (Dalby 65-119). “Wearing Things” in Westernised JapanAs Japan modernised during the late 1800s the kimono was positioned as symbolising barbaric, pre-modern, ‘oriental’ Japan. Indeed, on 17 January 1887 the Meiji Empress issued a memorandum on the subject of women’s clothing in Japan: “She [the Empress] believed that western clothes were in fact closer to the dress of women in ancient Japan than the kimonos currently worn and urged that they be adopted as the standard clothes of the reign” (Keene 404). The resemblance between Western skirts and blouses and the simple skirt and separate top that had been worn in ancient times by a people descended from the sun goddess, Amaterasu wo mikami, was used to give authority and cultural authenticity to Japan’s modernisation projects. The Imperial Court, with its newly ennobled European style aristocrats, exchanged kimono silks for Victorian finery, and samurai armour for military pomp and splendour (Figure 1).Figure 1: The Meiji Emperor, Empress and Crown Prince resplendent in European fashions on an outing to Asukayama Park. Illustration: Toyohara Chikanobu, circa 1890.It is argued here that the function of a uniform is to prepare the body for service. Maids and butlers, nurses and courtesans, doctors, policemen, and soldiers are all distinguished by their garb. Prudence Black states: “as a technology, uniforms shape and code the body so they become a unit that belongs to a collective whole” (93). The requirement to discipline bodies through clothing, particularly through uniforms, is well documented (see Craik, Peoples, and Foucault). The need to distinguish enemies from allies on the battlefield requires adherence to a set of defined protocols, as referenced in military fashion compendiums (see Molloy). While the postcolonial adoption of Western-based clothing reflects a new form of subservience (Rall, Kuechler and Miller), in Japan, the indigenous garments were clearly designed in the interests of ideological allegiance. To understand the Japanese sartorial traditions, the kimono itself must be read as providing a strong disciplinary element. The traditional garment is designed to represent an upright and unbending column—where two meters of under bindings are used to discipline the body into shape are then topped with a further four meters of a stiffened silk obi wrapped around the waist and lower chest. To dress formally in such a garment requires helpers (see Dalby). The kimono both constructs and confines the women who wear it, and presses them into their roles as dutiful, upper-class daughters (see Craik). From the 1890s through to the 1930s, when Japan again enters a period of militarism, the myth of the kimono again changes as it is integrated into the build-up towards World War II.Decades later, when Japan re-established itself as a global economic power in the 1970s and 1980s, the kimono was re-authenticated as Japan’s ‘traditional’ garment. This time it was not the myth of a people descended from solar deities that was on display, but that of samurai strength and propriety for men, alongside an exaggerated femininity for women, invoking a powerful vision of Japanese sartorial tradition. This reworking of the kimono was only possible as the garment was already contained within the framework of Confucian family duty. However, in the lead up to World War II, Japanese military advancement demanded of its people soldiers that could win European-style wars. The quickest solution was to copy the military acumen and strategies of global warfare, and the costumes of the soldiery and seamen of Europe, including Great Britain (Ferguson). It was also acknowledged that soldiers were ‘made not born’ so the Japanese educational system was re-vamped to emulate those of its military rivals (McVeigh). It was in the uptake of schoolboy uniforms that this re-imagining of Japanese imperial strength took place.The Japanese Schoolboy UniformCentral to their rapid modernisation, Japan adopted a constitutional system of education that borrowed from American and French models (Tipton 68-69). The government viewed education as a “primary means of developing a sense of nation,” and at its core, was the imperial authorities’ obsession with defining “Japan and Japaneseness” (Tipton 68-69). Numerous reforms eventually saw, after an abolition of fees, nearly 100% attendance by both boys and girls, despite a lingering mind-set that educating women was “a waste of time” (Tipton 68-69). A boys’ uniform based on the French and Prussian military uniforms of the 1860s and 1870s respectively (Kinsella 217), was adopted in 1879 (McVeigh 47). This jacket, initially with Prussian cape and cap, consists of a square body, standing mandarin style collar and a buttoned front. It was through these education reforms, as visually symbolised by the adoption of military style school uniforms, that citizen making, education, and military training became interrelated aspects of Meiji modernisation (Kinsella 217). Known as the gakuran (gaku: to study; ran: meaning both orchid, and a pun on Horanda, meaning Holland, the only Western country with trading relations in pre-Meiji Japan), these jackets were a symbol of education, indicating European knowledge, power and influence and came to reflect all things European in Meiji Japan. By adopting these jackets two objectives were realised:through the magical power of imitation, Japan would, by adopting the clothing of the West, naturally rise in military power; and boys were uniformed to become not only educated as quasi-Europeans, but as fighting soldiers and sons (suns) of the nation.The gakuran jacket was first popularised by state-run schools, however, in the century and a half that the garment has been in use it has come to symbolise young Japanese masculinity as showcased in campus films, anime, manga, computer games, and as fashion is the preeminent garment for boybands and Japanese hipsters.While the gakuran is central to the rise of global militarism in Japan (McVeigh 51-53), the jacket would go on to form the basis of the Sun Yat Sen and Mao Suits as symbols of revolutionary China (see McVeigh). Supposedly, Sun Yat Sen saw the schoolboy jacket in Japan as a utilitarian garment and adopted it with a turn down collar (Cumming et al.). For Sun Yat Sen, the gakuran was the perfect mix of civilian (school boy) and military (the garment’s Prussian heritage) allowing him to walk a middle path between the demands of both. Furthermore, the garment allowed Sun to navigate between Western style suits and old-fashioned Qing dynasty styles (Gerth 116); one was associated with the imperialism of the National Products Movement, while the other represented the corruption of the old dynasty. In this way, the gakuran was further politicised from a national (Japanese) symbol to a global one. While military uniforms have always been political garments, in the late 1800s and early 1900s, as the world was rocked by revolutions and war, civilian clothing also became a means of expressing political ideals (McVeigh 48-49). Note that Mahatma Ghandi’s clothing choices also evolved from wholly Western styles to traditional and emphasised domestic products (Gerth 116).Mao adopted this style circa 1927, further defining the style when he came to power by adding elements from the trousers, tunics, and black cotton shoes worn by peasants. The suit was further codified during the 1960s, reaching its height in the Cultural Revolution. While the gakuran has always been a scholarly black (see Figure 2), subtle differences in the colour palette differentiated the Chinese population—peasants and workers donned indigo blue Mao jackets, while the People’s Liberation Army Soldiers donned khaki green. This limited colour scheme somewhat paradoxically ensured that subtle hierarchical differences were maintained even whilst advocating egalitarian ideals (Davis 522). Both the Sun Yat Sen suit and the Mao jacket represented the rejection of bourgeois (Western) norms that objectified the female form in favour of a uniform society. Neo-Maoism and Mao fever of the early 1990s saw the Mao suit emerge again as a desirable piece of iconic/ironic youth fashion. Figure 2: An example of Gakuran uniform next to the girl’s equivalent on display at Ichikawa Gakuen School (Japan). Photo: Emerald King, 2015.There is a clear and vital link between the influence of the Prussian style Japanese schoolboy uniform on the later creation of the Mao jacket—that of the uniform as an integral piece of worn propaganda (Atkins).For Japan, the rapid deployment of new military and industrial technologies, as well as a sartorial need to present her leaders as modern (read: Western) demanded the adoption of European-style uniforms. The Imperial family had always been removed from Samurai battlefields, so the adoption of Western military costume allowed Japan’s rulers to present a uniform face to other global powers. When Japan found itself in conflict in the Asia Pacific Region, without an organised military, the first requirement was to completely reorganise their system of warfare from a feudal base and to train up national servicemen. Within an American-style compulsory education system, the European-based curriculum included training in mathematics, engineering and military history, as young Britons had for generations begun their education in Greek and Latin, with the study of Ancient Greek and Roman wars (Bantock). It is only in the classroom that ideological change on a mass scale can take place (Reference Please), a lesson not missed by later leaders such as Mao Zedong.ConclusionIn the 1880s, the Japanese leaders established their position in global politics by adopting clothing and practices from the West (Europeans, Britons, and Americans) in order to quickly re-shape their country’s educational system and military establishment. The prevailing military costume from foreign cultures not only disciplined their adopted European bodies, they enforced a new regime through dress (Rall 157-174). For boys, the gakuran symbolised the unity of education and militarism as central to Japanese masculinity. Wearing a uniform, as many authors suggest, furthers compliance (Craik, Nagasawa Kaiser and Hutton, and McVeigh). As conscription became a part of Japanese reality in World War II, the schoolboys just swapped their military-inspired school uniforms for genuine military garments.Re-imagining a Japanese schoolboy uniform from a European military costume might suit ideological purposes (Atkins), but there is more. The gakuran, as a uniform based on a close, but not fitted jacket, was the product of a process of advanced industrialisation in the garment-making industry also taking place in the 1800s:Between 1810 and 1830, technical calibrations invented by tailors working at the very highest level of the craft [in Britain] eventually made it possible for hundreds of suits to be cut up and made in advance [...] and the ready-to-wear idea was put into practice for men’s clothes […] originally for uniforms for the War of 1812. (Hollander 31) In this way, industrialisation became a means to mass production, which furthered militarisation, “the uniform is thus the clothing of the modern disciplinary society” (Black 102). There is a perfect resonance between Japan’s appetite for a modern military and their rise to an industrialised society, and their conquests in Asia Pacific supplied the necessary material resources that made such a rapid deployment possible. The Japanese schoolboy uniform was an integral part of the process of both industrialisation and militarisation, which instilled in the wearer a social role required by modern Japanese society in its rise for global power. Garments are never just clothing, but offer a “world of social relations put upon the wearer’s body” (Jones and Stallybrass 3-4).Today, both the Japanese kimono and the Japanese schoolboy uniform continue to interact with, and interrogate, global fashions as contemporary designers continue to call on the tropes of ‘military chic’ (Tonchi) and Japanese-inspired clothing (Kawamura). References Atkins, Jaqueline. Wearing Propaganda: Textiles on the Home Front in Japan, Britain, and the United States. Princeton: Yale UP, 2005.Bantock, Geoffrey Herman. Culture, Industrialisation and Education. London: Routledge & K. Paul, 1968.Black, Prudence. “The Discipline of Appearance: Military Style and Australian Flight Hostess Uniforms 1930–1964.” Fashion & War in Popular Culture. Ed. Denise N. Rall. Bristol: Intellect/U Chicago P, 2014. 91-106.Craik, Jenifer. Uniforms Exposed: From Conformity to Transgression. Oxford: Berg, 2005.Cumming, Valerie, Cecil Williet Cunnington, and Phillis Emily Cunnington. “Mao Style.” The Dictionary of Fashion History. Eds. Valerie Cumming, Cecil Williet Cunnington, and Phillis Emily Cunnington. Oxford: Berg, 2010.Dalby, Liza, ed. Kimono: Fashioning Culture. London: Vintage, 2001.Davis, Edward L., ed. Encyclopaedia of Contemporary Chinese Culture. London: Routledge, 2005.Dees, Jan. Taisho Kimono: Speaking of Past and Present. Milan: Skira, 2009.Ferguson, N. Civilization: The West and the Rest. London: Penguin, 2011.Foucault, Michel. Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. Trans. Alan Sheridan. London: Penguin, 1997. Gerth, Karl. China Made: Consumer Culture and the Creation of the Nation, Cambridge: East Asian Harvard Monograph 224, 2003.Gilbert, W.S., and Arthur Sullivan. The Mikado or, The Town of Titipu. 1885. 16 Nov. 2015 ‹http://math.boisestate.edu/gas/mikado/mk_lib.pdf›. Hillsborough, Romulus. Samurai Revolution: The Dawn of Modern Japan Seen through the Eyes of the Shogun's Last Samurai. Vermont: Tuttle, 2014.Jones, Anne R., and Peter Stallybrass, Renaissance Clothing and the Materials of Memory. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2000.Keene, Donald. Emperor of Japan: Meiji and His World, 1852-1912. New York: Columbia UP, 2002.King, Emerald L. “Schoolboys and Kimono Ladies.” Presentation to the Un-Thinking Asian Migrations Conference, University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand, 24-26 Aug. 2014. Kinsella, Sharon. “What’s Behind the Fetishism of Japanese School Uniforms?” Fashion Theory 6.2 (2002): 215-37. Kuechler, Susanne, and Daniel Miller, eds. Clothing as Material Culture. Oxford: Berg, 2005.Landow, George P. “Liberty and the Evolution of the Liberty Style.” 22 Aug. 2010. ‹http://www.victorianweb.org/art/design/liberty/lstyle.html›.Martin, Richard, and Harold Koda. Orientalism: Vision of the East in Western Dress. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1994.McVeigh, Brian J. Wearing Ideology: State, Schooling, and Self-Presentation in Japan. Oxford: Berg, 2000.Molloy, John. Military Fashion: A Comparative History of the Uniforms of the Great Armies from the 17th Century to the First World War. New York: Putnam, 1972.Peoples, Sharon. “Embodying the Military: Uniforms.” Critical Studies in Men’s Fashion 1.1 (2014): 7-21.Rall, Denise N. “Costume & Conquest: A Proximity Framework for Post-War Impacts on Clothing and Textile Art.” Fashion & War in Popular Culture, ed. Denise N. Rall. Bristol: Intellect/U Chicago P, 2014. 157-74. Tipton, Elise K. Modern Japan: A Social and Political History. 3rd ed. London: Routledge, 2016.Tucker, Spencer C., ed. A Global Chronology of Conflict: From the Ancient World to the Modern Middle East. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2013.V&A Kimono. Victoria and Albert Museum. “A History of the Kimono.” 2004. 2 Oct. 2015 ‹http://www.vam.ac.uk/content/articles/h/a-history-of-the-kimono/›.V&A Victorian. Victoria and Albert Museum. “The Victorian Vision of China and Japan.” 10 Nov. 2015 ‹http://www.vam.ac.uk/content/articles/t/the-victorian-vision-of-china-and-japan/›.Vincent, Susan J. The Anatomy of Fashion: Dressing the Body from the Renaissance to Today. Berg: Oxford, 2009.Wilde, Oscar. “The Decay of Lying.” 1889. In Intentions New York: Berentano’s 1905. 16 Nov. 2015 ‹http://virgil.org/dswo/courses/novel/wilde-lying.pdf›. Wilk, Richard. “Consumer Goods as a Dialogue about Development.” Cultural History 7 (1990) 79-100.

Introduction Within wellness circles, there has been growing concern over an increasing focus on Alternative Right (or Alt-right) conspiracy (see Aubry; Bloom and Moskalenko). Greene, referring to a definition provided by the Anti-Defamation League, defines the Alt-right as a loose political network characterised by its rejection of mainstream conservatism, embrace of white nationalism, and use of online platforms (33). The “wellness revolution”, on the other hand, which marked a split from the health care sector in which “thought leaders” replaced medical experts as authorities on health (Pilzer, qtd. in Kickbusch and Payne 275), combines New Age practices with ideological movements that emphasise the “interdependence of body, mind and spirit” (Voigt and Laing 32). It has been noted that there is overlap between the circulation of conspiracy theory and New Age mysticism (see Ward and Voas; Parmigiani). Influencers following the Paleo diet, or Palaeolithic diet, such as Australian celebrity chef and Paleo diet guru Pete Evans, have also come under fire for sharing conspiracy theories and pseudoscience (see Brennan). Johnson notes that the origins of the Paleo diet can be traced back to 1975, with the publication of Dr Walter Voegtlin’s book The Stone Age Diet. This text, however, has been largely disavowed by Paleo leaders due to Voegtlin’s “white supremacist, eugenicist, and generally unpalatable politics”. Nevertheless, it is interesting to consider how white nationalism and conspiracy theory may overlap within the wellness space. A specific example occurred in 2020, when Pete Evans shared an Alt-right conspiracy meme to his Facebook account. The ‘butterfly-caterpillar meme’ contained the image of a black sun, a symbol equated with the swastika (Goodrick-Clarke 3). Though Evans later commented that the sharing of the hate symbol was unintentional, and that he misunderstood the symbol, this case raised questions about the ability of wellness influencers to amplify white nationalist messaging. This essay is concerned with the question: what makes the wellness industry a target for the spreading of white nationalist ideas? It argues that the wellness industry and far-right ideology possess a pre-occupation with bodily purity which makes it more likely that white nationalist material carrying this message will be spread via wellness networks. Through a critical examination of the media surrounding Evans’s sharing of the butterfly-caterpillar meme, this case study will examine the ideological aspects of the Paleo diet and how they appeal to a white nationalist agenda. Focussing on the Australian context, this essay will theorise the spreadability of memes in relation to white nationalist symbolism. It contends that the Paleo diet positions foods that are not organic as impure, and holds a preference for positive messaging. Alt-right propaganda packaged in a positive and New Age frame poses a danger in that it can operate as a kind of contagion for high-profile networks, exponentially increasing its spreadability. This is of particular concern when it is considered that diet can have an impact on people’s actions outside of the online space: it impacts what people consume and do with their bodies, as evidenced by calls for eating disorders created by algorithmic repetition to be considered a ‘cyber-pathy’. This creates the conditions for the wellness industry to be targeted using memes as recruitment material for white nationalist groups. The Paleo Diet and the Sharing of a Neo-Nazi Meme Pete Evans is a famous Australian TV Chef from the hit series My Kitchen Rules, a show that ran from 2010-2020. The show followed pairs from different households as they cooked for Evans and his co-host Manu Feildel. During the show’s run, Evans also became known for spruiking the Paleo diet, producing several cookbooks and a documentary on the topic. According to Catie Gressier, who conducted a study of Paleo dieters in Melbourne, Paleo’s aim is “to eat only those foods available prior to the agricultural revolution: meat, fish, vegetables, nuts, seeds and a small amount of fruit” and that this framed as a more “authentic” diet (3). This is seen as an ideological diet as opposed to others which may consist of rules or eating restrictions. The Paleo diet stresses “real foods” or “organic foods as close to their real state as possible” (Ramachandran et al.). Studies find that the paleo diet can be very nutritious (Cambeses-Franco et al. 2021). However, it is important to note that the presence of multiple influencers and thought leaders in the field means that there can be several variations in the diet. This article will limit its examination to that of the diet promoted by Evans. A common rationale is that the human body is incompatible with certain mass-produced foods (like grains, pulses, and dairy products, sugar, salt, and modification practices (like food processing), and that these are the cause of many modern conditions (Cambeses-Franco et al. 2021). While growing concerns over unnatural additives in foods are warranted, it can be observed that in Evans’s case, the promotion of the Paleo diet increasingly blurred the line between pseudoscience and conspiracy. In his Paleo diet book for toddlers, Evans emphasised the importance of the ideological diet and suggested that parents feed their toddlers bone broth instead of breast milk, prompting a federal investigation by the health department (Brennan). This escalated in 2020 during the global pandemic. In January, Evans promoted the work of a prominent anti-vaccine advocate (Molloy). In April, his Biocharger device, which he claimed could cure coronavirus, earned him a hefty fine from the Therapeutic Goods Administration (White). In November, several months after My Kitchen Rules was cancelled, Evans posted an Alt-right political cartoon with the image of a black sun, a symbol equated with the swastika (Goodrick-Clarke 3), to his Facebook account (Gillespie). In later news reports, it was also pointed out that the black sun symbol was emblazoned on the backpack of the Christchurch shooter (see Sutton and Molloy) who had targeted two mosques in Christchurch, New Zealand, killing 51 people and injuring 40. Initially, when a user on Facebook pointed out that the meme contained a black sun, Evans responded “I was waiting for someone to see that” (Evans, qtd. in Gillespie). Evans eventually recanted the image, writing: sincere apologies to anyone who misinterpreted a previous post of a caterpillar and a butterfly having a chat over a drink and perceived that I was promoting hatred. I look forward to studying every symbol that have ever existed and research them thoroughly before posting. Hopefully this symbol ❤️ resonates deeply into the hearts of ALL! (Evans, qtd. in Gillespie). The post was later deleted. In December of 2020, Evans’s Facebook page of around 1.5 million followers was removed due to its sharing of conspiracy theories and misinformation about the coronavirus (Gillespie). However, it should be noted that the sharing of the caterpillar-butterfly meme was different from the previous instances of conspiracy sharing, in that Evans stated that it was unintentional, and it included imagery associated with neo-Nazi ideology (the black sun). Evans’s response implies that, while the values of the Paleo diet are framed in terms of positivity, the symbols in the butterfly-caterpillar meme are associated with “promoting hatred”. In this way, Evans frames racism as merely and simplistically an act of hatred, rather than engaging in the ways in which it reinforces a racial hierarchy and racially motivated violence. According to Hartzell (10), white nationalists tend to position themselves as superior to other races and see themselves as protectors of the “white race”. “White” in this context is of European descent (Geary, Schofield and Sutton). There are conspiracy theories associated with this belief, one of which is that their race is under threat of extinction because of immigration from ‘undesirable’ countries of origin. This can also be observed in the Alt-right, which is a white nationalist movement that was created and organised online. According to Berger, this movement “seeks to unify the activities of several different extremist movements or ideologies”. This is characterised by anti-immigrant sentiment, conspiracy theories, and support for former US President Donald Trump. It can be argued, in this case, that the symbol links to a larger conspiracy theory in which whiteness must be defended against some perceived threat. The meme implies that there is an ‘us’ versus ‘them’, or ‘good’ versus ‘evil’, and that some people are ‘in the know’ while others are not. Spreadable Memes An important aspect of this case study is that this instance of far-right recruitment used the form of a meme. Memes are highly spreadable, and they have very complex mechanisms for disseminating ideas and ideology. This can have a dramatic impact if that ideology is a harmful one, such a white supremacist symbol. While the digital meme, an image with a small amount of text, is common today, Richard Dawkins originally used the term meme to describe the ways in which units of culture can be spread from person to person (qtd. in Shifman 9). These can be anything from the lyrics of a song to a political idea. Jeff Hemsley and Robert Mason (qtd. in Shifman) see virality as a “process wherein a message is actively forwarded from one person to other, within and between multiple weakly linked personal networks, resulting in a rapid increase in the number of people who are exposed to the message” (55). This also links to Jenkins, Ford, and Green’s notions of spreadability (3-11), a natural selection process by which media content continues to exist through networked sharing, or disappears once it stops being shared. Evans’s response indicates that he merely shared the image. Despite the black sun imagery, a Make America Great Again (MAGA) hat is clearly present. A political presence, and one that is associated with white nationalism, is present despite Evans’s attempts to frame the meme in the language of innocence and positivity. This is not to say Evans is extremist or supports a white nationalist agenda. However, in much the same way that sharing of imagery may not necessarily indicate agreement with its ideological messaging, this framing creates a way in which wellness influencers may avoid criticism (Ma 1). Furthermore, the act of sharing the meme, regardless of intention, amplifies its message exponentially. The Paleo Diet, the Far Right and Purity This overlap between wellness and white nationalist ideology is not new. In Jules Evans’s exploration of why QAnon is popular with New Age and far-right followers, she points to the fact that many Nazi leaders – Hitler, Hess, Himmler – “were into alternative medicine, organic and vegetarian diets, homeopathy, anti-vaxxing, and natural healing”. Similarly, Bernhard Forchtner and Ana Tominc argue that a natural diet which focussed on food purity was favoured by the Nazis (421). In their examination of the German neo-Nazi YouTube channel Balaclava Küche they argue add that “present-day extreme right views on environment and diet are often close to positions found in contemporary Green movements and foodie magazines” (422). Like neo-Nazi preoccupations with food, the Paleo diet’s ideology has its basis in the concept of purity. Gressier found that the Paleo diet contains an “embedded moralism” that “filters into constructions of food as either pure or polluting” (1). This is supported by Ramachandran et al.’s study, which found that the diet “promoted ‘real food’ – or the shift to consuming organic whole foods that are as close to their natural state as possible, with an avoidance of processed foods”. This framing of the food as real creates a binary – if one is real, the other must not be. Another example can be seen in Pete Evans’s Webpage, which lists about 33 Paleo recipes. The Butter Chicken recipe states: the paleo way of life is not meant to be restrictive, as you can see from this lovely butter chicken recipe. All the nasties have been replaced with good-quality ingredients that make it as good, if not better, than the original. I prefer chicken thighs for their superior flavour and tenderness. The term “nasties” here can be seen to create a dichotomy between real and fake, the west and the east. We see these foods are associated with impurity, the foods that are not “real foods” are positioned as a threat. It can be seen as an orientalist approach, othering those not associated with the west. As can be observed in this Butter Chicken recipe that is “getting rid of the nasties”, it appropriates and ‘sanitises’ ingredients. In her article on the campaign to boycott Halal, Shakira Hussein points out that “ethnic food” presents as multiculturalism in the context of white chefs and homecooks, but the opposite is true if the roles are switched (91). Later in her essay “Halal Chops and Fascist Cupcakes”, she discusses the “weaponisation of food” and how specific white nationalist groups express disgust at the thought of consuming Muslim food. This ethnocentric framing of butter chicken projects a western superiority, replacing traditional ingredients with ‘familiar’ ingredients, making it more palatable to nationalistic tastes. Spreading Consumption I have established that the Paleo diet, with its emphasis on ‘real foods’, is deeply embedded with nationalist ideology. I have also discussed how this is highly spreadable in the form of a meme, particularly when it is framed in the language of positivity. Furthermore, I have argued that this is an attempt to escape criticism for promoting white nationalist values. I would like to turn now to how this spreadability through diet can have an impact on the physical actions of its followers through its digital communication. The Paleo diet, and how to go about following it as described by celebrity influencers, has an impact on what people do with their bodies. Hanganu-Bresch discusses the concept of orthorexia, a fixation with eating proper foods that operates as a cyber-pathy, a digitally propagated condition targeting media users. Like the ‘viral’ and ‘spreadable’ meme, this puritanical obsession with eating can also be considered both a spreadable condition and ideology. According to Hanganu-Bresch, orthorexia sees this diet as a way to overcome an illness or to improve general health, but this also begins to feel righteous and even holy or spiritual. This operates within the context of neoliberalism. Brice and Thorpe talk about women’s activewear worn in everyday settings, or ‘athleisure’, as a neoliberal uniform that says, ‘I’m taking control of my body and health’. To take this idea a step further, this uniform could be extended out into digital spaces as well in terms of what people post on their profiles and social media. This ideological aspect operates as not only a highly spreadable message, but one that is targeted at the overall health of its followers. It encourages not only the spreading of ideology, in this case, white nationalist ideology, but also the modification of food consumption. If this were then to be used as a vehicle to spread messages that encourage white nationalist ideology, it can be seen to be not only a kind of contagion but a powerful one at that. White nationalist iconography that is clearly associated with white supremacist propaganda has the potential to spread extremism. However, neoliberal principles of discipline and bodywork operate through “messages of empowerment, choice, and self-care” (Lavrence and Lozanski, qtd. in Brice and Thorpe). While racist extremism does not necessarily equate to neoliberal and ethnocentric values, a frame of growth, purity, and positivity create an overlap that allow extremist messaging to spread more easily through these networks. Conclusion The case of Pete Evans’s sharing of the butterfly-caterpillar meme exemplifies a concerning overlap between white nationalist discourse and wellness. Ideologically based diets that emphasise real foods, such as the Paleo diet, have a preoccupation with purity and consumption that appeals to white nationalism. They also share a tolerance for the promotion of conspiracy theory and tendency to create an ‘us’ versus ‘them’ dichotomy. Noting these points can provide insight into a potential targeting of the wellness industry to spread racist ideology. As research into spreadability shows, memes are extremely shareable, even if the user does not grasp the meaning behind the symbolism. This article has also extended the idea of the cyberpathy further, noting a weaponisation of the properties of the meme, for the purposes of radicalisation, and how these are accelerated by celebrity influence. This is more potent within the wellness industry when the message is packaged as a form of growth and positivity, which serve to deflect accusations of racism. Furthermore, when diet is combined with white nationalist ideology, it may operate like a contagion, creating the conditions for racism. Those exposed may not have the intention of sharing or spreading racist ideology, but its amplification contributes to the promotion of a racist agenda nevertheless. As such, further investigation into the far-right infiltration of the wellness industry would be beneficial as it could provide more insight into how wellness groups are targeted. Acknowledgements A previous version of this article was presented with Dr Shakira Hussein and Scheherazade Bloul at the Just Food Conference at New York University in June 2021. This article would not have been possible without their input and advice. Dr Shakira Hussein can be contacted at shussein@unimelb.edu.au and Scheherazade Bloul can be contacted at scherrybloul@gmail.com. References Aubry, Sophie. “‘Playing with Fire’: The Curious Marriage of Qanon and Wellness.” Sydney Morning Herald 27 Sep. 2020. 29 July 2020 <https://www.smh.com.au/lifestyle/health-and-wellness/playing-with-fire-the- curious-marriage-of-qanon-and-wellness-20200924-p55yu7.html>. Berger, J.M. “Trump Is the Glue That Binds the Far Right.” The Atlantic 29 Oct. 2018. 20 July 2021 <https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2018/10/trump-alt-right-twitter/574219/>. Bloom, Mia, and Sophia Moskalenko. Pastels and Pedophiles: Inside the Mind of QAnon. Stanford University Press, 2021. 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Permaculture is a creative design process that is based on ethics and design principles. It guides us to mimic the patterns and relationships we can find in nature and can be applied to all aspects of human habitation, from agriculture to ecological building, from appropriate technology to education and even economics. (permacultureprinciples.com)This paper considers permaculture as an example of counterculture in Australia. Permaculture is a neologism, the result of a contraction of ‘permanent’ and ‘agriculture’. In accordance with David Holmgren and Richard Telford definition quoted above, we intend permaculture as a design process based on a set of ethical and design principles. Rather than describing the history of permaculture, we choose two moments as paradigmatic of its evolution in relation to counterculture.The first moment is permaculture’s beginnings steeped in the same late 1960s turbulence that saw some people pursue an alternative lifestyle in Northern NSW and a rural idyll in Tasmania (Grayson and Payne). Ideas of a return to the land circulating in this first moment coalesced around the publication in 1978 of the book Permaculture One: A Perennial Agriculture for Human Settlements by Bill Mollison and David Holmgren, which functioned as “a disruptive technology, an idea that threatened to disrupt business as usual, to change the way we thought and did things”, as Russ Grayson writes in his contextual history of permaculture. The second moment is best exemplified by the definitions of permaculture as “a holistic system of design … most often applied to basic human needs such as water, food and shelter … also used to design more abstract systems such as community and economic structures” (Milkwood) and as “also a world wide network and movement of individuals and groups working in both rich and poor countries on all continents” (Holmgren).We argue that the shift in understanding of permaculture from the “back to the land movement” (Grayson) as a more wholesome alternative to consumer society to the contemporary conceptualisation of permaculture as an assemblage and global network of practices, is representative of the shifting dynamic between dominant paradigms and counterculture from the 1970s to the present. While counterculture was a useful way to understand the agency of subcultures (i.e. by countering mainstream culture and society) contemporary forms of globalised capitalism demand different models and vocabularies within which the idea of “counter” as clear cut alternative becomes an awkward fit.On the contrary we see the emergence of a repertoire of practices aimed at small-scale, localised solutions connected in transnational networks (Pink 105). These practices operate contrapuntally, a concept we borrow from Edward Said’s Culture and Imperialism (1993), to define how divergent practices play off each other while remaining at the edge, but still in a relation of interdependence with a dominant paradigm. In Said’s terms “contrapuntal reading” reveals what is left at the periphery of a mainstream narrative, but is at the same time instrumental to the development of events in the narrative itself. To illustrate this concept Said makes the case of novels where colonial plantations at the edge of the Empire make possible a certain lifestyle in England, but don’t appear in the narrative of that lifestyle itself (66-67).In keeping with permaculture design ecological principles, we argue that today permaculture is best understood as part of an assemblage of design objects, bacteria, economies, humans, plants, technologies, actions, theories, mushrooms, policies, affects, desires, animals, business, material and immaterial labour and politics and that it can be read as contrapuntal rather than as oppositional practice. Contrapuntal insofar as it is not directly oppositional preferring to reframe and reorientate everyday practices. The paper is structured in three parts: in the first one we frame our argument by providing a background to our understanding of counterculture and assemblage; in the second we introduce the beginning of permaculture in its historical context, and in third we propose to consider permaculture as an assemblage.Background: Counterculture and Assemblage We do not have the scope in this article to engage with contested definitions of counterculture in the Australian context, or their relation to contraculture or subculture. There is an emerging literature (Stickells, Robinson) touched on elsewhere in this issue. In this paper we view counterculture as social movements that “undermine societal hierarchies which structure urban life and create, instead a city organised on the basis of values such as action, local cultures, and decentred, participatory democracy” (Castells 19-20). Our focus on cities demonstrates the ways counterculture has shifted away from oppositional protest and towards ways of living sustainably in an increasingly urbanised world.Permaculture resonates with Castells’s definition and with other forms of protest, or what Musgrove calls “the dialectics of utopia” (16), a dynamic tension of political activism (resistance) and personal growth (aesthetics and play) that characterised ‘counterculture’ in the 1970s. McKay offers a similar view when he says such acts of counterculture are capable of “both a utopian gesture and a practical display of resistance” (27). But as a design practice, permaculture goes beyond the spectacle of protest.In this sense permaculture can be understood as an everyday act of resistance: “The design act is not a boycott, strike, protest, demonstration, or some other political act, but lends its power of resistance from being precisely a designerly way of intervening into people’s lives” (Markussen 38). We view permaculture design as a form of design activism that is embedded in everyday life. It is a process that aims to reorient a practice not by disrupting it but by becoming part of it.Guy Julier cites permaculture, along with the appropriate technology movement and community architecture, as one of many examples of radical thinking in design that emerged in the 1970s (225). This alignment of permaculture as a design practice that is connected to counterculture in an assemblage, but not entirely defined by it, is important in understanding the endurance of permaculture as a form of activism.In refuting the common and generalized narrative of failure that is used to describe the sixties (and can be extended to the seventies), Julie Stephens raises the many ways that the dominant ethos of the time was “revolutionised by the radicalism of the period, but in ways that bore little resemblance to the announced intentions of activists and participants themselves” (121). Further, she argues that the “extraordinary and paradoxical aspects of the anti-disciplinary protest of the period were that while it worked to collapse the division between opposition and complicity and problematised received understandings of the political, at the same time it reaffirmed its commitment to political involvement as an emancipatory, collective endeavour” (126).Many foresaw the political challenge of counterculture. From the belly of the beast, in 1975, Craig McGregor wrote that countercultures are “a crucial part of conventional society; and eventually they will be judged on how successful they transform it” (43). In arguing that permaculture is an assemblage and global network of practices, we contribute to a description of the shifting dynamic between dominant paradigms and counterculture that was identified by McGregor at the time and Stephens retrospectively, and we open up possibilities for reexamining an important moment in the history of Australian protest movements.Permaculture: Historical Context Together with practical manuals and theoretical texts permaculture has produced its foundation myths, centred around two father figures, Bill Mollison and David Holmgren. The pair, we read in accounts on the history of permaculture, met in the 1970s in Hobart at the University of Tasmania, where Mollison, after a polymath career, was a senior lecturer in Environmental Psychology, and Holmgren a student. Together they wrote the first article on permaculture in 1976 for the Organic Farmer and Gardener magazine (Grayson and Payne), which together with the dissemination of ideas via radio, captured the social imagination of the time. Two years later Holmgren and Mollison published the book Permaculture One: A Perennial Agricultural System for Human Settlements (Mollison and Holmgren).These texts and Mollison’s talks articulated ideas and desires and most importantly proposed solutions about living on the land, and led to the creation of the first ecovillage in Australia, Max Lindegger’s Crystal Waters in South East Queensland, the first permaculture magazine (titled Permaculture), and the beginning of the permaculture network (Grayson and Payne). In 1979 Mollison taught the first permaculture course, and published the second book. Grayson and Payne stress how permaculture media practices, such as the radio interview mentioned above and publications like Permaculture Magazine and Permaculture International Journal were key factors in the spreading of the design system and building a global network.The ideas developed around the concept of permaculture were shaped by, and in turned contributed to shape, the social climate of the late 1960s and early 1970s that captured the discontent with both capitalism and the Cold War, and that coalesced in “alternative lifestyles groups” (Metcalf). In 1973, for instance, the Aquarius Festival in Nimbin was not only a countercultural landmark, but also the site of emergence of alternative experiments in living that found their embodiment in experimental housing design (Stickells). The same interest in technological innovation mixed with rural skills animated one of permaculture’s precursors, the “back to the land movement” and its attempt “to blend rural traditionalism and technological and ideological modernity” (Grayson).This character of remix remains one of the characteristics of permaculture. Unlike movements based mostly on escape from the mainstream, permaculture offered a repertoire, and a system of adaptable solutions to live both in the country and the city. Like many aspects of the “alternative lifestyle” counterculture, permaculture was and is intensely biopolitical in the sense that it is concerned with the management of life itself “from below”: one’s own, people’s life and life on planet earth more generally. This understanding of biopolitics as power of life rather than over life is translated in permaculture into malleable design processes across a range of diversified practices. These are at the basis of the endurance of permaculture beyond the experiments in alternative lifestyles.In distinguishing it from sustainability (a contested concept among permaculture practitioners, some of whom prefer the notion of “planning for abundance”), Barry sees permaculture as:locally based and robustly contextualized implementations of sustainability, based on the notion that there is no ‘one size fits all’ model of sustainability. Permaculture, though rightly wary of more mainstream, reformist, and ‘business as usual’ accounts of sustainability can be viewed as a particular localized, and resilience-based conceptualization of sustainable living and the creation of ‘sustainable communities’. (83)The adaptability of permaculture to diverse solutions is stressed by Molly Scott-Cato, who, following David Holmgren, defines it as follows: “Permaculture is not a set of rules; it is a process of design based around principles found in the natural world, of cooperation and mutually beneficial relationships, and translating these principles into actions” (176).Permaculture Practice as Assemblage Scott Cato’s definition of permaculture helps us to understand both its conceptual framework as it is set out in permaculture manuals and textbooks, and the way it operates in practice at an individual, local, regional, national and global level, as an assemblage. Using the idea of assemblage, as defined by Jane Bennett, we are able to understand permaculture as part of an “ad hoc grouping”, a “collectivity” made up of many types of actors, humans, non humans, nature and culture, whose “coherence co-exists with energies and countercultures that exceed and confound it” (445-6). Put slightly differently, permaculture is part of “living” assemblage whose existence is not dependent on or governed by a “central power”. Nor can it be influenced by any single entity or member (445-6). Rather, permaculture is a “complex, gigantic whole” that is “made up variously, of somatic, technological, cultural, and atmospheric elements” (447).In considering permaculture as an assemblage that includes countercultural elements, we specifically adhere to John Law’s description of Actor Network Theory as an approach that relies on an empirical foundation rather than a theoretical one in order to “tell stories about ‘how’ relationships assemble or don’t” (141). The hybrid nature of permaculture design involving both human and non human stakeholders and their social and material dependencies can be understood as an “assembly” or “thing,” where everything not only plays its part relationally but where “matters of fact” are combined with “matters of concern” (Latour, "Critique"). As Barry explains, permaculture is a “holistic and systems-based approach to understanding and designing human-nature relations” (82). Permaculture principles are based on the enactment of interconnections, continuous feedback and reshuffling among plants, humans, animals, chemistry, social life, things, energy, built and natural environment, and tools.Bruno Latour calls this kind of relationality a “sphere” or a “network” that comprises of many interconnected nodes (Latour, "Actor-Network" 31). The connections between the nodes are not arbitrary, they are based on “associations” that dissolve the “micro-macro distinctions” of near and far, emphasizing the “global entity” of networks (361-381). Not everything is globalised but the global networks that structure the planet affect everything and everyone. In the context of permaculture, we argue that despite being highly connected through a network of digital and analogue platforms, the movement remains localised. In other words, permaculture is both local and global articulating global matters of concern such as food production, renewable energy sources, and ecological wellbeing in deeply localised variants.These address how the matters of concerns engendered by global networks in specific places interact with local elements. A community based permaculture practice in a desert area, for instance, will engage with storing renewable energy, or growing food crops and maintaining a stable ecology using the same twelve design principles and ethics as an educational business doing rooftop permaculture in a major urban centre. The localised applications, however, will result in a very different permaculture assemblage of animals, plants, technologies, people, affects, discourses, pedagogies, media, images, and resources.Similarly, if we consider permaculture as a network of interconnected nodes on a larger scale, such as in the case of national organisations, we can see how each node provides a counterpoint that models ecological best practices with respect to ingrained everyday ways of doing things, corporate and conventional agriculture, and so on. This adaptability and ability to effect practices has meant that permaculture’s sphere of influence has grown to include public institutions, such as city councils, public and private spaces, and schools.A short description of some of the nodes in the evolving permaculture assemblage in Sydney, where we live, is an example of the way permaculture has advanced from its alternative lifestyle beginnings to become part of the repertoire of contemporary activism. These practices, in turn, make room for accepted ways of doing things to move in new directions. In this assemblage each constellation operates within well established sites: local councils, public spaces, community groups, and businesses, while changing the conventional way these sites operate.The permaculture assemblage in Sydney includes individuals and communities in local groups coordinated in a city-wide network, Permaculture Sydney, connected to similar regional networks along the NSW seaboard; local government initiatives, such as in Randwick, Sydney, and Pittwater and policies like Sustainable City Living; community gardens like the inner city food forest at Angel Street or the hybrid public open park and educational space at the Permaculture Interpretive Garden; private permaculture gardens; experiments in grassroot urban permaculture and in urban agriculture; gardening, education and landscape business specialising in permaculture design, like Milkwood and Sydney Organic Gardens; loose groups of permaculturalists gathering around projects, such as Permablitz Sydney; media personalities and programs, as in the case of the hugely successful garden show Gardening Australia hosted by Costa Georgiadis; germane organisations dedicated to food sovereignty or seed saving, the Transition Towns movement; farmers’ markets and food coops; and multifarious private/public sustainability initiatives.Permaculture is a set of practices that, in themselves are not inherently “against” anything, yet empower people to form their own lifestyles and communities. After all, permaculture is a design system, a way to analyse space, and body of knowledge based on set principles and ethics. The identification of permaculture as a form of activism, or indeed as countercultural, is externally imposed, and therefore contingent on the ways conventional forms of housing and food production are understood as being in opposition.As we have shown elsewhere (2014) thinking through design practices as assemblages can describe hybrid forms of participation based on relationships to broader political movements, disciplines and organisations.Use Edges and Value the Marginal The eleventh permaculture design principle calls for an appreciation of the marginal and the edge: “The interface between things is where the most interesting events take place. These are often the most valuable, diverse and productive elements in the system” (permacultureprinciples.com). In other words the edge is understood as the site where things come together generating new possible paths and interactions. In this paper we have taken this metaphor to think through the relations between permaculture and counterculture. We argued that permaculture emerged from the countercultural ferment of the late 1960s and 1970s and intersected with other fringe alternative lifestyle experiments. In its contemporary form the “counter” value needs to be understood as counterpoint rather than as a position of pure oppositionality to the mainstream.The edge in permaculture is not a boundary on the periphery of a design, but a site of interconnection, hybridity and exchange, that produces adaptable and different possibilities. Similarly permaculture shares with forms of contemporary activism “flexible action repertoires” (Mayer 203) able to interconnect and traverse diverse contexts, including mainstream institutions. 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