Journal articles on the topic 'Painters Eleven'

Relying on post-Byzantine tradition, eleven painters from five generations of the Dimitrijevic-Rafailovic family, accompanied by Maksim Tujkovic, painted several thousand icons and several hundred iconostases between the late seventeenth and the second half of the nineteenth century. They worked in major Orthodox Christian monasteries in Montenegro, Kosovo and Metohija, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Dalmatia, but their works can mostly be found in modest village churches in the Bay of Kotor (Cattaro) and on the South Adriatic coast. The decoration of these churches was financially supported by the local population headed by elders. Along with a reconstruction of their biographies and a chronological overview of their major works, this paper seeks to trace stylistic changes in the Bay of Kotor school of icon-painting. While simply varying a thematic repertory established in earlier periods, the painters from the Bay of Kotor were gradually introducing new details and themes adopted from Western European Baroque art under indirect influences coming from the monastery of Hilandar, Corfu, Venice and Russia. This process makes this indigenous school of icon-painting, which spanned almost two centuries, comparable to the work of Serbian traditional religious painters (zografs) and illuminators active north of the Sava and Danube rivers after the Great Migration of the Serbs (1690). Despite differences between the two, which resulted from different cultural and historical circumstances in which Serbs lived under Ottoman, Venetian and Habsburg rules, similarities in iconography and style, which were inspired by an urge to counteract proselytic pressures, are considerably more important.

El hallazgo de dos series de grabados flamencos del siglo XVII sobre el tema El Credo, de los artistas Adrian Collaert (1560-1618) y Johan Sadeler (1550-1600), permiten confirmar la importante presencia de los grabados europeos en los talleres de pintura de la América Hispana y su influencia decisiva en la formación de nuestros artistas. Se analizan entonces bajo esta perspectiva, las once pinturas al óleo que conforman la Serie de los Artículos de El Credo, obra del pintor quiteño Miguel de Santiago (1603-1706) que se encuentran en la Catedral Primada de Bogotá desde la época colonial.Palabras clave: Grabados europeos, pintores coloniales, Miguel de Santiago, Quito, Santafé de Bogotá. From European Engraving to American Painting. El Credo Series From The Painter From Quito Miguel de Santiago AbstractThe discovery of two engraving Flemish series from 17th century about El Credo, from the artists Adrian Collaert (1560-1618) and Johan Sadeler (1550-1600), allows proving the presence of European engravings within the painting works in the Hispanic America and the great influence on our artists’ formation. Thus based on this, are analyzed the eleven oil paintings that constitute the Series of Goods from El Credo, from the painter from Quito Miguel de Santiago (1603-1706) that are from the colonial time in the Catedral Primada de Bogotá.KeywordsEuropean engravings, colonial painters, Miguel de Santiago, Quito, Santafé de Bogotá

This paper focuses on the funding and finances of <em>De nieuwe gids</em>, a late nineteenth-century periodical believed by many to be the archetypical Dutch cultural magazine. The editors of <em>De nieuwe gids</em> introduced new ways of running their business and had new ideas about their role as professional writers and painters, about the pitfalls of creating for money, and about the relationship between art and finance. The paper argues that they alleviated their uneasy relationship with money through different forms of patronage. The editors acquired a substantial capital from a consortium of eleven backers, and used this money for the continuation of the magazine as well as for the upkeep of those members of their group who had no other resources. They made sure that money was circulated and transferred in such a way that all members profited: artists without money could keep on writing and painting, and artists who did have money invested in the continuity of the group as a whole and in their own place within it. This patronage system was remarkably successful, probably because it did not affect the artistic prestige or credibility of the editors, nor of the benefactors involved.

AbstractA century ago the Rijksprentenkabinet in Amsterdam acquired a 19th-century album containing 56 rapid sketches in black chalk after 17th-century, mostly Dutch paintings (Note 1). The sketches, which are numberd, have the names of the painters wrillen on them in the artist's own hand. They were first published in 1895 (Note 2) by E. W. Moes, who concluded that they were by a Delft artist, and C. Hofstede de Groot, who convincingly attributed them to Leonaert Bramer (1596-1674) and identified two of the paintings in question. Since then various other paintings have been identified (Notes 5, 7, 8, 11 and 12), notably by A. Blankert, who has made his findings available for the present publication, and other drawings belonging to the series have been found, Frits Lugt leading the way here (Notes 9 and 10). The present study, the first to be undertaken in depth since 1895, has brought to light three more sketches after paintings by Bramer himself (cat. nos.9-11) and one probably after Wouwerman (cat. no.65), while seven more paintings have been identified and one of the sketches without a name has proved to be after a painting by Antonio Maria Viani. Two lists of the sketches so far found are given here: that of State I reproduces the original order, that of State II gives the artists in alphabetical order as they appear in the catalogue published here. These sketches are of exceptional documentary value, since they have not only given us the names of some previously unknown painters, such as M. de Berch, J. Garbaal, P. Monincx and A. Pick, but they have also revealed unexpected aspects of some well-known ones, e.g. a still life by P. van Groenewegen, a Dutch landscape by J.B. Weenix and a genre piece of a very Utrecht character by L. de Jongh. Moreover, the sketches afford a fine glimpse of collecting in Holland in the 17th century, a subject otherwise known uirtually only from non-visual documents. On the back of one of the drawings (cat. no.6) appears a list of the owners of the pictures sketched (Fig. I), possibly written by Bramer himself. This is reproduced here in an amplified version of Moes' transcription, with one completely new name yielded by the present study. The styles given in the list suggest that the men concerned appear in it in order of their social standing. The first, Simon Graswinckel (c.1611-71), was a member of a wealthy Delft family of brewers and regents. He owned a great deal of property in and around Delft, but is reported by his brothers-in-law to have spent his time in gaming-houses and taverns (Note 30). His will of 1663 is known, but no paintings are mentioned in it. The second man on the list was probably a Van Beresteijn, another family from the wealthy upper echelons of Delft society. His precise identity came to light in a roundabout way via the inventory of 28 February 1652 of Adriaen van Vredenburg, in which are listed a number of paintings that were very probably sketched by Bramer (Note 32), notably one of Jezebel, this mention and Bramer's sketch being virtually unique indications of this subject in Dutch 17th-century painting. Vredenburg does not appear in the list of owners of the paintings, but on his death his property went to his stepdaughter, whose guardian he had been and who married Theodorus van Beresteijn in November 1652. Antonie van Bronchorst is known only from the commission he gave Bramer in 1653 to painl frescoes in his house (Note 34), while Capitein van der Bon..., Nicolaas van der Werch and Johan Persijn have not yet been traced in the Delft archives. Willem de Langue (1599-1666), on the other hand, was a lawyer and a connoisseur of paintings unparalleled in Delft in the mid 17th century (Note 36). He himself made the inventories of the paintings in important estates and he numbered many artists among his clientele (Note 37). Portraits of him and his wife by Van Vliet are known (Note 38), while he also appears as an officer in a militia piece of 1648 by Jacob Willemsz Delff (Fig. 2). Abraham de Cooge (before 1600-after 1680) was the most versatile person in the list, being an engraver, painter, dealer in tulip bulbs, organs and paintings and pottery manufacturer (Note 39). He was registered in the Guild of St. Luke in Delft in 1632 and two paintings by him are known (Note 40). In 1646 Leonaerl Bramer made illustrations to the picaresque novel Lazarilo de Tormes for him (Note 17). In the 1650's De Cooge was increasingly involved in art-dealing and that on no small scale. He also had representatives in Antwerp, so was probably among the biggest art-dealers in the Northern Netherlands. Adam Pick (c. 1622-before 1666) enrolled in the Guild of St. Luke in Delft in 1642 (Note 43) and was active in the town up to the early 1650's as a painter of landscapes, genre pieces and still lifes (Fig.3) and also as the keeper of the Toelast ( Wine Cask) inn. He probably moved to Leiden, where he is mentioned in 1654 as a vintner, in 1653, perhaps as a consequence of the death of his first wife in 1652, f or he certainly sold the inn that year. The inventory of their joint property drawn up in 1653 includes a list of paintings, which tally with nos.8(?) -98 in the State I list. Only one painting by Pick is known (Fig.3), plus the sketch by Bramer after another (cat. no.44). Reinier Jansz Vermeer (1591-1652, Note 46), the father of Johannes, started out as a silk weaver, but appears in 1629 as an innkeeper and in 1631 was registered in the Guild of St. Luke in Delft as an art-dealer. From then on he came into frequent contact with local painters, Bramer included, but his dealing was probably only a sideline of his innkeeping. He died in October 1652. The last owner on the list is Bramer himself, who returned to Delft in 1628 after a lengthy period in France and Italy (1614-27, Note 49). He played a leading part in the Guild of St. Luke and was among the most successful painters in Delft around the middle of the 17th century. Later in life, however, he was often in financial difficulties (Note 50). He was one of the very few Dutch fresco painters (Note 51), as well as a painter of history and genre pieces and a prolific draughtsman and illustrator (Note 52), while just one document provides evidence of his dealing in paintirtgs (Note 54). The presence of works by Bramer himself among the sketches seems to rule out the theory that he made them as an aide mémoire for his own use (Note 15), while their very rapid character makes it unlikely that they were produced for one of the owners as an art-object. It also seems highly improbable that the collectors/owners would have wanted their collections of paintings sketched together in one book. The most acceptable suggestion appears to be that they were made in connection with a forthcoming sale of pictures, particularly as three of the owners listed were involved in art-dealing, while in the cases of Vermeer, Pick and Van Beresteijn there was every reason for paintings from their collections being sold around the end of 1652 or beginning of 1653: Vermeer's death left his family in dire financial straits, Pick will probably have sold his pictures (as he did his inn) before moving to Leiden and Van Beresteijn will probably have wanted to realize some money on his wife's inheritance. Thus the dates of Vermeer's burial in October 1652 and Pick's inventory of March 1653 would seem to provide crucial clues to the dating of the sketches, which were probably made in rapid succession, to judge from the unity of style, despite the great diversity of the models, and the straightforward consecutive numbering. Presumably the intention was to bring these pictures from Delft collections together for a sale (Note 18) and Bramer was commissioned to make sketches in advance (or even to make a certain selection, Note 19) possibly to give an idea of what was on offer to collectors or dealers elsewhere (which might explain the 'inking in' of the painters' names originally written in chalk on five of the drawings, cat. nos. 17, 35, 36, 47 and 64). Bramer made such chalk inscriptions on ten of the drawings (Note 20), probably while sketching them. Afterwards he inscribed and numbered all of them in ink (Note 5). Notes in another 17th-century hand appear on cat. nos.22 and 24. The sheets may all have been of the same size originally, but have since been cut down, often wholly or partly along the framing lines around the sketch. This may well have been done by Bramer himsef or the dealer he made them for. Just over half of them remained together and were stuck into the present album in the 19th century. There are no portraits among the sketches and only two stll lifes and two marine paintings, but eleven Italianate landscapes and 22 history paintings. Thus the subjects differ somewhat from the categories arrived at by Montiasfor mid 17th-century Delft from his study of inventories (Note 56). The preference for history pieces is probably to be explained by the high social standing of the owners. The majority of the pictures were very modern for that time and of the 41 artists, 28 were still alive in 1652-3 and eight of them were only 35 or younger. Bramer's material contradicts Montlas' conclusion that Delft collectors showed a preference for local painters (Note 58), whose work amounted to 40-50% of that listed in the inventories. Of Bramer's 41 painters, only thirteen were from Delft (Note 59) and only five are found in Montias' list of the most common painters in Delft inventories. Thus the pictures sketched by Bramer fall outside the 'normal Delft pattern' and evince a less provincial taste. However, the collectors were still not among the leading figures of their day in this field by comparison with, for example, Boudewijn de Man of Delft (Note 62), whose collection included works by Goltzius, Bloemaert, Rubens, Rembrandt and Ter Brugghen in 1644. The pictures sketched by Bramer were presumably to be brought together for public auction and the sketches may very probably have been made with an eye to the sale catalogue. While sale catalogues are known in the second half of the 17th century, they only relate to very important collections, which makes these sketches very unusual as a documentation of a sale of pictures from average well-to-do collectors and dealers. The collection of sketches as such certainly has no parallel at this period (Note 64).

Igor Rončević has been painting for a very long time with the consciousness that his painterly signature can be constructed from a series of disparate fragments, and so his collage paintings are composed of elements or stylistic details thanks to which his canvas has become a place where ambivalent worlds meet - an ntersection of their paths. Rončević is therefore, a painter of ludic individualism, but, at the same time, painter with wide erudition and above all, a curious pirit, who, in a unique way - in different clusters of itations - applies and joins together experiences from he entire history of art. In his works we have for some ime observed the meetings of some of at first sight rreconcilable contrasts - the experiences of Pop art, European and American abstraction, experiences of gestural and lyrical provenance, different traces and tyles of figuration... All this heterogeneous material has been relativized in his interpretation, often even in blasphemous combinations; in a conspicuously easy and organic way, these combinations merge into a unique whole consisting of forms and meanings which are difficult to decipher. Analysis of Rončević’s paintings reveals the absence of a specific rational system that accumulates the building blocks of a painting - a mental landscape - but not the absence of a peculiar talent for creating compositional balance in a painting.The basic building block in the cycle Dulčić’s fragments is the line - stripes, that is linear, ribbon-like shapes, curved lines which meander on the surface of the canvas, and in the painted area, lines freely applied with a finger in fresh paint. The basic ludic element is colour, and the cartography of the canvas is a road with innumerable directions. The painter, treating the surface of the canvas as a field of total action, creates networks of interlacing multicoloured verticals, lively blue, blue-green and brown hues, coloured without an apparent system or principle, and also of varying width but, despite the seemingly limited starting points of his painting, he creates situations rich in interesting shifts and intriguing pictorial and colouristic happenings. The painter’s main preoccupation is the interaction of ‘neon’ colours (obviously a reference to the twentieth-century’s ‘neon’ enthusiasts), which has been achieved with a simple composition consisting of a knot of interwoven ribbons of intense colours which belong to a different chromatic register in each painting. Streams of complementary or contrasting colours, which spread out across the painted field like the tributaries of a river, subject to confluence, adopting features of the neighbouring colour, sharing the light and darkness of a ‘neon’. Although the impression implies the opposite, the application of colours, their touching and eventual interaction are strictly controlled by the skill of a great colourist. Dulčić’s fragments display Rončević’s fascinating power of unexpected associative perception. The painter now reaches for the excess of colour remaining on his palette from the work on previous paintings. He applies the colour to the canvas with a spatula in a relief impasto, and he revives the dried background with a lazure glaze of a chosen colour. On a saturated but still obviously ‘neon’ grid, the painter - evenly, like a collage detail - applies islands of open colour on the surface of the painting, which he finally paints with a brush, applying vertical white lines over the colour. These shapes of an associative and metaphorical nature are an integral part of the semantic scaffolding of composition but, without particular declarative frameworks and associative attributes, we can never precisely say what they actually represent although they are reminiscent of many things, such as seeds, bacteria, cellular microcosm, unstable primitive forms of life, the macrocosm of the universe, the structures of crystals, technical graphs, calligraphy, secret codes... The linear clarity of the drawing makes motifs concrete and palpable, possessing volume, in fact, possessing bulging physicality. In new paintings, the personal sign of the artist, which arrived in the painting from the activity of the conscious and the unconscious, has been replaced with small shapes, most similar to an oval, which look like separate pieces attached to the surface of the painting and which are reminiscent of specific painterly and artistic tendencies. Their monochrome surfaces are filled with verticals which are particles of the rational or, to put it better, from the constructivist stylistic repertoire, reminiscent, for example, of Daniel Buren’s verticals. Two divergent components - the abstract and the rational - stylistically and typologically separate, but chronologically parallel - pour into an evocative encounter which reveals a nostalgia towards two-dimensional painting. Experiences of posters and graphic design, gestural abstraction, abstract expressionism, lyrical abstraction and everything else that can be observed in this cycle of paintings are a homage to global modern painting, while the islands on the paintings pay tribute to the constructivist section of the twentieth-century avant-garde. The contents of Rončević’s paintings are also reminiscent of the rhythmicality of human figures in Dulčić’s representations of the events on Stradun, town squares, beaches, dances... In addition, to Rončević, as a Mediterranean man - in his formative years - Dulčić was an important painter and, if we persist in searching for formal similarities in their ‘handwritings’, we will find them in the hedonism of painterly matter and the sensuality of colour, luxuriant layers, the saturation of impasto painting, gestural vitality, but mostly in the Mediterranean sensibility, the Mediterranean sonority of colour, their solarity, the southern light and virtuosity of their metiérs. Like Dulčić, Rončević is also re-confirmed as a painter of impulses, of lush, luscious and extremely personalized matter, of layers of pigments, of vehement and moveable gestures, of fluid pictorialism…* * *Let us also say in conclusion that Rončević does not want to state, establish or interpret anything but to incessantly reveal possibilities, their fundamental interchangeability and arbitrariness, and following that, a general insecurity. With the skill of an experienced master painter, he also questions relationships with eclecticism and the aesthetics of kitsch; for example, he explores how far a painter can go into ornamentalization, decorativeness and coquetry without falling into the trap of kitsch but to maintain regularly the classy independence of a multilayered artifact and to question the very stamina of painting. He persistently reveals loyalty to the traditional medium of painting, the virtuosity of his métier and a strong individual stamp, strengthening his own position as a peculiar and outstandingly cultivated painter, but he also exhibits the inventiveness which makes him both different and recognizable in a series of similar painting adventures.

The paper is devoted to the chronology of the genesis of the iconostasis and the choros of the monastery of Piva and to the attribution of some of their icons. It presents the hitherto unpublished Deesis row which formed part of the original altar screen and was painted sometime between 1586 and 1604. The Deeisis and the somewhat younger Crucifix (1606) were mounted on the old iconostasis above the despotic icons painted by Longin in 1573/1574. At least one of the two-sided icons from the subsequently made choros (1610/1611) is not his work. For the new carved wooden iconostasis (1638/1639) the Serbian painter Jovan painted the despotic icons and the icon of the Descent of the Holy Spirit in the upper tier. A disciple of his painted the other eleven icons of the Great Feasts.

AbstractThe Delft artist Leonaert Bramer (1596-1574) appears to have been intensively involved in the decoration of Delftware. Hitherto four separate examples were known, mostly dating from the 1650s and 1660s (figs.1, 2, 4, 6). The article presents ten (perhaps eleven) new examples of 'Bramer ware' (figs. 8, 9, 11, 13, 15, 17, 19, 21, 23(?), 26; see also note 19) produced between possibly as early as 1630 and 1670. Furthermore, eight of his designs have been found in the archives of the Koninklijke Tichelaar Makkum pottery; the compositions were 'pounced' onto the pottery, i.e. stencilled by dusting powder through a pricked paper pattern (figs. 24, 25, 27, 28, 29, 31, 32). Two early series of drawings by Bramer from the 1630s (most of them in London-scenes from the Old Testament-and Bremenscenes from the New Testament), or derivations from them, seem to have frequently served as patterns for pottery painters (figs. 3-21). Oddly, one of these compositions, Joseph cast into the well by his brothers (fig. 10), occurs on a dish decorated with grotesques which is often regarded as Haarlem work (fig. 11). The use of a Delft artist's composition, combined with the fact that Marion van Aken-Fehmers (Haags Gemeentemuseum, The Hague) has traced a similar grotesque dish bearing the mark of the Delft pottery 'De Porceleyne Bijl' (see note 18), clearly shows that I laarlem did not have a monopoly on grotesques. A total of ten pounces are kept at Makkum: four drawings by Bramer (figs. 24, 25, 27, 29; two pricked repeats of the composition Jacob's Dream: fig. 28) and four pricked stencils (figs. 31, 32). Stylistically, the drawings can be dated to the late 1650s. All ten are pricked along the outlines; the four original drawings are 'matrixes', the others were used as stencils. The composition of Judah and Tamar (fig. 25) is virtually identical with Bramer's version of twenty years earlier. The Judah and Tamar pounce was used until well into the 18th century, judging by a plate dated 1783 in Paris (fig. 26). The coarse manner of painting demonstrates that the use of a pricked paper pattern based on the design of a professional artist was no guarantee for the quality of the result, which depends enti rely on the pottery painter. This accounts for the frequently mediocre standard of the painting on most plates. Nevertheless, a few plates and dishes display painting of such high quality and a manner so similar to Bramer's that it is not unlikely that they were painted by the Delft artist himself (figs. 2, 6, 21). 'Bramer ware' is unmarked. However, on grounds of circumstantial evidence three potteries can be identified where Bramer ware might have been produced: 'De Porceleyne Fles', 'De Grieksche A' and 'De Dissel'. 'De Dissel', where Abraham de Cooge worked, is a likely candidate, in view of a large series of drawings which Bramer made for De Cooge in 1646 (see note 7). In the past, much surprise has been evinced at the gap between the artists of Delft and the potters and decorators of pottery. Despite the heyday of both painting and the pottery industry in Delft in the mid-17th century, and despite the fact that artists and potters were members of the same guild, they seem to have operated quite separately. The material assembled here has brought artists and potters a little closer to each other.

AbstractIn this article a newly researched biography and a fresh look at the small oeuvre of the Haarlem painter Franchoys Elaut - hitherto called 'Elout' in art-historical literature - are presented. Franchoys Elaut was born in August Ι589 into a family that had moved from Ghent to Haarlem, probably some five years earlier. Biographical research is complicated by the fact that between Ι585 and Ι698 ten or eleven persons of the same name, all members of the same family, were registered in Haarlem. Nothing is known about the painter's training and early activity. He may not have started out as a painter; his earliest known work dates from Ι627 (fig. 2), and was therefore painted when he was about thirty-eight. The following year, however, Samuel Ampzing praised Elaut's still lifes in his book about Haarlem. Also in Ι627 a Francois Elaut - probably the painter - was registered as a musketeer in a company of the civic guard and was a witness at the baptism of Frans Hals' son Reinier. In Ι628 Franchoys Elaut married Anneke Jans; daughters were baptised in Ι629 and Ι632. Our painter probably fell victim to the plague that afflicted Haarlem in Ι635: his burial is registered as having taken place on September 22 of that year and in the books of the Haarlem guild for Ι637 he is noted as 'dead'. Art-historical literature has always presented Elaut as a painter of still lifes only, but he produced works in other genres as well. In The Hague a 'tronie', a head of an old man, signed with his monogram and dated Ι632, has surfaced on two occasions (fig. 5). Two such works by Elaut appear to have been offered for sale in Haarlem as early as Ι63Ι, together with five still lifes by the artist. Additionally, two genre paintings in the manner of Dirck Hals, one of which is now in Munich, can be attributed to Franchoys Elaut (fig. 7). Both paintings are in keeping with Haarlem traditions of the time. Of the still lifes hitherto ascribed to Elaut, only two signed examples can be established securely as his work (figs. Ι and 2). These can be supplemented by two more still lifes, one of which- monogrammed and dated Ι630, but unfortunately in poor condition - surfaced quite recently (fig. 3). The other was on the market several times this century as a work by Pieter Claesz. (fig. 4). Both in his still lifes and genre pieces Franchoys Elaut showed himself to be an eager and able follower of the latest stylistic developments and an artist whose works, according to Ampzing's testimony, must have commanded a certain amount of respect in seventeenth-century Haarlem.

In 1704 the Indo-Persian Sufi and poet Mirzā ʿAbdul Qādir ʿBīdil’ completed an autobiography entitled The Four Elements (Chahār ʿunṣur). Into the fourth “Element” of this text he set an account of a portrait of himself painted around 1677 by Anūp Chhatr, a painter famous for his portraits in the imperial Mughal ateliers of the time. Initially refusing his painter-acquaintance permission to paint him, Bīdil finally yields and is astonished at how the resulting portrait duplicates him like a mirror. After marveling at it for a decade, he falls ill. His friends visit him in his sickbed and one of them, leafing through his anthology of texts, comes upon the painting. He exclaims at how faded it is. Bīdil himself can barely make it out on the page. When he recovers his health, he opens the anthology to examine the faded portrait and is astonished and shocked, as his friends are, to see that it has recovered its brilliant colors. He tears the painting up.This essay reads this ekphrastic account of self-transformation as an autobiographical and iconoclastic interpretation, playing on philosophical, literary and painterly traditions of visuality, in particular Ibn ʿArabi’s (d. 1240, Andalusia) theory of the imagination. Among the questions that will be pursued are: what understandings of self and self-transformation did Bīdil renew by this interpretation? How is this episode a focusing of concerns that pervade all of The Four Elements? What kind of reader and reading practices did this autobiography assume? And, finally, does an understanding of Bīdil’s iconoclastic self-transformation—turning on this episode—prepare us to better understand his works in other genres?

AbstractAry Scheffer (1795-1858) is so generally included in the French School (Note 2)- unsurprisingly, since his career was confined almost entirely to Paris - that the fact that he was born and partly trained in the Netherlands is often overlooked. Yet throughout his life he kept in touch with Dutch colleagues and drew part of his inspiration from Dutch traditions. These Dutch aspects are the subject of this article. The Amsterdam City Academy, 1806-9 Ary Scheffer was enrolled at the Amsterdam Academy on 25 October 1806, his parents falsifying his date of birth in order to get him admitted at the age of eleven (fifteen was the oficial age) . He started in the third class and in order to qualify for the second he had to be one of the winners in the prize drawing contest. Candidates in this were required to submit six drawings made during the months January to March. Although no-one was supposed to enter until he had been at the Academy for four years, Ary Scheffer competed in both 1808 and 1809. Some of his signed drawings are preserved in Dordrecht. (Figs. 1-5 and 7), along with others not made for the contest. These last in particular are interesting not only because they reveal his first prowess, but also because they give some idea of the Academy practice of his day. Although the training at the Academy broadly followed the same lines as that customary in France, Italy and elsewhere (Note 4), our knowledge of its precise content is very patchy, since there was no set curriculum and no separate teachers for each subject. Two of Scheffer's drawings (Figs. 2 and 3) contain extensive notes, which amount to a more or less complete doctrine of proportion. It is not known who his teacher was or what sources were used, but the proportions do not agree with those in Van der Passe's handbook, which came into vogue in the 18th century, or with those of the canon of a Leonardo, Dürer or Lebrun. One gets the impression that what are given here are the exact measurements of a concrete example. Scheffer's drawings show him gradually mastering the rudiments of art. In earlier examples the hatching is sometimes too hasty (Fig. 4) or too rigidly parallel (Fig.5), while his knowledge of anatomy is still inadequate and his observation not careful enough. But right from the start he shows flair and as early as 1807 he made a clever drawing of a relatively complex group (Fig. 6) , while the difficult figure of Marsyas was already well captured in 1808 and clearly evinces his growing knowledge o f anatomy, proportion , foreshortening and the effects of light (Fig. 7). The same development can be observed in his portrait drawings. That of Gerardus Vrolik (1775-1859, Fig.8), a professor at the Atheneum Illustre (the future university) and Scheffer' s teacher, with whom he always kept in touch (Note 6), is still not entirely convincing, but a portrait of 1809, thought to be of his mother (Fig.9, Note 7), shows him working much more systematically. It is not known when he left the Academy, but from the summer of 1809 we find him in France, where he was to live with only a few breaks from 1811 to his death. The first paintings and the Amsterdam exhibitions of 1808 and 1810 Ary Scheffer's earliest known history painting, Hannibal Swearing to Avenge his Brother Hasdrubal's Death (Fig. 10) Notes 8-10) was shown at the first exhibition of living masters in Amsterdam in 1808. Although there was every reason for giving this subject a Neo-Classical treatment, the chiaroscuro, earthy colours and free brushwork show Scheffer opting for the old Dutch tradition rather than the modern French style. This was doubtless on the prompting of his parents,for a comment in a letter from his mother in 1810 (Note 12) indicates that she shared the reservations of the Dutch in general about French Neo-Classicism. (Note 11). As the work of a twelve to thirteen year old, the painting naturally leaves something to be desired: the composition is too crowded and unbalanced and the anatomy of the secondary figures rudimentary. In a watercolour Scheffer made of the same subject, probably in the 1820's, he introduced much more space between the figures (Fig. 11, Note 13). Two portraits are known from this early period. The first, of Johanna Maria Verbeek (Fig. 12, Note 14), was done when the two youngsters were aged twelve. It again shows all the characteristics of an early work, being schematic in its simplicity, with some rather awkward details and inadequate plasticity. On the other hand the hair and earrings are fluently rendered, the colours harmonious and the picture has an undeniable charm. At the second exhibition of works by living masters in 1810, Ary Scheffer showed a 'portrait of a painter' (Fig. 13), who was undoubtedly his uncle Arnoldus Lamme, who also had work in the exhibition as did Scheffer's recently deceased father Johan-Bernard and his mother Cornelia Scheffer-Lamme, an indication of the stimulating surroundings in which he grew up. The work attracted general attention (Note 16) and it does, indeed, show a remarkable amount of progress, the plasticity, effects of light, brushwork and colour all revealing skill and care in their execution. The simple, bourgeois character of the portrait not only fits in with the Dutch tradition which Scheffer had learned from both his parents in Amsterdam, but also has points in common with the recent developments in France, which he could have got to know during his spell in Lille from autumn 1809 onwards. A Dutchman in Paris Empire and Restoration, 1811-30 In Amsterdam Scheffer had also been laught by his mother, a miniature painter, and his father, a portrait and history painter (Note 17). After his father's death in June 1809, his mother, who not only had a great influence on his artistic career, but also gave his Calvinism and a great love of literature (Note 18), wanted him to finish his training in Paris. After getting the promise of a royal grant from Louis Napoleon for this (Note 19) and while waiting for it to materialize, she sent the boy to Lille to perfect his French as well as further his artistic training. In 1811 Scheffer settled in Paris without a royal grant or any hope of one. He may possibly have studied for a short time under Prudhon (Note 20) , but in the autumn of 1811 he was officially contracted as a pupil of Guérin, one of the leading artists of the school of David, under whom he mastered the formulas of NeD-Classicism, witness his Orpheus and Eurydice (Fïg.14), shown in the Salon of 1814. During his first ten years in Paris Scheffer also painted many genre pieces in order, so he said, to earn a living for himself and his mother. Guérin's prophecy that he would make a great career as a history painter (Note 21) soon came true, but not in the way Guérin thought it would, Scheffer participating in the revolution initiated by his friends and fellow-pupils, Géricault and Delacroix, which resulted in the rise of the Romantic Movement. It was not very difficult for him to break with Neo-Classicism, for with his Dutch background he felt no great affinity with it (Note 22). This development is ilustrated by his Gaston de Foix Dying on the Battlefield After his Victory at Ravenna, shown at the Salon of 1824, and The Women of Souli Throwing Themselves into the Abyss (Fig.15), shown at that of 1827-8. The last years of the Restoration and the July Monarchy. Influence of Rembrandt and the Dutch masters In 1829, when he seemed to have become completely assimilated in France and had won wide renown, Scheffer took the remarkable step of returning to the Netherlands to study the methods of Rembrandt and other Dutch old masters (Note 23) . A new orientation in his work is already apparent in the Women of Souli, which is more harmonious and considered in colour than the Gaston dc Foix (Note 24). This is linked on the one hand to developments in France, where numbers of young painters had abandoned extreme Romanticism to find the 'juste milieu', and on the other to Scheffer's Dutch background. Dutch critics were just as wary of French Romanticism as they had been of Neo-Classicism, urging their own painters to revive the traditions of the Golden Age and praising the French painters of the 'juste milieu'. It is notable how many critics commented on the influence of Rembrandt on Scheffer's works, e.g. his Faust, Marguérite, Tempête and portrait of Talleyrand at the Salon of 1851 (Note 26). The last two of these date from 1828 and show that the reorientation and the interest in Rembrandt predate and were the reasons for the return to the Netherlands in 1829. In 1834 Gustave Planche called Le Larmoyeur (Fig. 16) a pastiche of Rembrandt and A. Barbier made a comparable comment on Le Roi de Thule in 1839 (Note 27). However, as Paul Mantz already noted in 1850 (Note 28), Scheffer certainly did not fully adopt Rembrandt's relief and mystic light. His approach was rather an eclectic one and he also often imbued his work with a characteristically 19th-century melancholy. He himself wrote after another visit to the Netherlands in 1849 that he felt he had touched a chord which others had not attempted (Note 29) . Contacts with Dutch artists and writers Scheffer's links with the Netherlands come out equally or even more strongly in the many contacts he maintained there. As early as 1811-12 Sminck-Pitloo visited him on his way to Rome (Note 30), to be followed in the 1820's by J.C. Schotel (Note 31), while after 1830 as his fame increased, so the contacts also became more numerous. He was sought after by and corresponded with various art dealers (Note 33) and also a large number of Dutch painters, who visited him in Paris or came to study under him (Note 32) Numerous poems were published on paintings by him from 1838 onwards, while Jan Wap and Alexander Ver Huell wrote at length about their visits to him (Note 34) and a 'Scheffer Album' was compiled in 1859. Thus he clearly played a significant role in the artistic life of the Netherlands. International orientation As the son of a Dutch mother and a German father, Scheffer had an international orientation right from the start. Contemporary critics and later writers have pointed out the influences from English portrait painting and German religious painting detectable in his work (Note 35). Extracts from various unpublished letters quoted here reveal how acutely aware he was of what was likely to go down well not only in the Netherlands, but also in a country like England, where he enjoyed great fame (Notes 36-9) . July Monarchy and Second Empire. The last decades While most French artists of his generation seemed to have found their definitive style under the July Monarchy, Scheffer continued to search for new forms of expression. In the 1830's, at the same time as he painted his Rembrandtesque works, he also produced his famous Francesca da Rimini (Fig. 17), which is closer to the 'juste milieu' in its dark colours and linear accents. In the 1840's he used a simple and mainly bright palette without any picturesque effects, e.g. in his SS. Augustine and Monica and The Sorrows of the Earth (Note 41), but even this was not his last word. In an incident that must have occurred around 1857 he cried out on coming across some of his earlier works that he had made a mistake since then and wasted his time (Note 42) and in his Calvin of 1858 (Fig. 18) he resumed his former soft chiaroscuro and warm tones. It is characteristic of him that in that same year he painted a last version of The Sorrows of the Earth in the light palette of the 1840's. Despite the difficulty involved in the precise assessment of influences on a painter with such a complex background, it is clear that even in his later period, when his work scored its greatest successes in France, England and Germany, Scheffer always had a strong bond with the Netherlands and that he not only contributed to the artistic life there, but always retained a feeling for the traditions of his first fatherland. Appendix An appendix is devoted to a study of the head of an old man in Dordrecht, which is catalogued as a copy of a 17th-century painting in the style of Rembrandt done by Ary Scheffer at the age of twelve (Fig.19, Note 43). This cannot be correct, as it is much better than the other works by the twelve-year-old painter. Moreover, no mention is made of it in the catalogue of the retrospective exhibition held in Paris in 1859, where the Hannibal is given as his earliest work (Note 44). It was clearly unknown then, as it is not mentioned in any of the obituaries of 1858 and 1859 either. The earliest reference to it occurs in the list made bv Scheffer's daughter in 1897 of the works she was to bequeath to the Dordrecht museum. A clue to its identification may be a closely similar drawing by Cornelia Scheffer-Lamme (Fig. 20, Note 46), which is probably a copy after the head of the old man. She is known to have made copies after contemporary and 17th-century masters. The portrait might thus be attributable to Johan-Bernard Scheffer, for his wife often made copies of his works and he is known from sale catalogues to have painted various portraits of old men (Note 47, cf. Fig.21). Ary Scheffer also knew this. In 1839 his uncle Arnoldus Lamme wrote to him that he would look out for such a work at a sale (Note 48). It may be that he succeeded in finding one and that this portrait came into the possession of the Scheffer family in that way, but Johan-Bernard's work is too little known for us to be certain about this.

AbstractIn 1906, on the occasion of the Rembrandt jubilee, Jozef Israels bore witness to his lifelong admiration of Rembrandt and his art, conjuring up a picture of the master working on the Night Watch. The vision he evoked was of a painter in the throes of creation, 'dipping his broadest brushes deep into the paint of his large palette' in order to give more power and relief to certain areas of the painting. The author contends that this description is not consistent with what really went on in 17th-century studios. Numerous arguments support the hypothesis that up into the 19th century palettes were not only much smaller than the 19th-century ones envisioned by Jozef Israels, but that they did not usually carry the complete range of available oil-based pigments. On thc contrary, painters adhered to the diehard tradition of loading their palettes with a limited number of tints suitable for painting a certain passage. Support for this proposition comes from various directions. The most important sources are paintings of studio scenes and self-portraits of painters with their palettes. Examination of the depicted palettes, an examination conducted on the actual paintings, has yielded plausible grounds for assuming that painters strove for verisimilitude in their renderings of palettes. This is borne out by the surprising consistency of the examined material. On certain 15 th and 16th-century representations of St. Luke painting the Madonna, his palette is seen to contain only a few shades of blue, with occasionally white and black. Other palettes on which a greater variety of colours are depicted are incomplete, representing the range needed for the parts of the painting which were the most important and most diflicult to paint - the human skin. Texts by De Mayerne and Beurs gave rise to this assumption. One of the chief duties of the apprentice was to prepare his master's palettes. According to a dialogue in the late 17th-century Volpato manuscript, the master's mere indication of which part of the painting he was going to work on sufficed for the apprentice to prepare the palette. This implies that a specific number of pigments were necessary for the depiction of a particular element of reality. The idea is supported by the countless recipes for the depiction of every part of the visible world which have been handed down to us, notably in Willem Beurs' book but in other sources too. The implication is that the method of a 17th-century artist differed fundamentally from that of artists of the second half of the 19th century and the 20th century. Whereas there are substantial grounds for assuming that painters of the latter period tended to work up an entire painting more or less evenly, painters of earlier centuries executed their work - over an underdrawing or an underpainting in sections, on a manner which is best compared with the 'giornate' in fresco painting. This kind of method does not necessarily mean that a painter did not proceed from a tonal conception of an entire painting. Indeed, Rembrandt's manner of underpainting shows that his aims did not differ all that much from, say, Jozef Israels. Technical and economic circumstances are more likely the reason why painters continued to work in sections in the Baroque. With regard to the economic aspect: grinding pigments was a lengthy operation and the resulting paint dried fast. Consequently, no more pigments were prepared than necessary, so as to avoid waste. With regard to the technical aspect: before the development of compatible tube paints, whose uniformity of substance and behaviour are guaranteed by all manner of means, painters had to take into account the fact that every pigment had its own characteristics and properties; some pigments were not amenable to mixing, others were transparent by nature, other opaque, etc. This is best illustrated by paintings of the 15th and 16th centuries. However, the tradition persisted into the 17th century and was also carried on by Rembrandt, as scientific research has shown. Neutron-activating radiographic examination reveals that certain pigments only occur in isolated areas (as far as these pigments were not used in the monochrome undcrpainting). Scrutiny of paint samples has moreover revealed that a layer of paint does not as a rule contain more than two to five, or in very exceptional cases six, pigments. Having been made aware of this procedure, however, we can also observe it in stylistic characteristics of the painting, and we realize that for the aforesaid reasons a late Rembrandt is more akin to a Raphael than to a Jozef Israels. In the 19th-century discussion of the relationship of style and technique, figures like Semper contended that this relationship was an extremely close one. Riegl, proceeding from the concept of 'Kunstwollen', regarded technique as far less important, more as the 'frictional coefficient' in the realization of a style; while not denying technique's effect on style, Riegl did not consider its influence to be as crucial as Semper did. Paul Taylor's recent research into the concept of 'Houditng' have demonstrated the extent to which aspects as tone and colour served to create an illusion of space in the 17th century, the chief priority being the painting as a tonal and colouristic entity. If we assume that the working principles of a 15th and a 17th-century painter did not fundamentally differ, it becomes clear that the pictorial 'management' involved in attuning tones and colours so convincingly as to produce the tonal unity so typical of Baroque painting, was quite an achievement. The technical and economic limitations mentioned above in connection with the palette may thus be seen as exemplifying Riegl's view of technique as a frictional coefficient in achieving pictorial ends.

Among but few icons brought back home by hajjis from their pilgrimage to Jerusalem (hence the name jerusalems) preserved in Belgrade, the one that stands out for its peculiarity and relatively early origin is the 1819 icon kept in Ružica Church in Kalemegdan. The most important element of the icon is the depiction of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem. This paper presents and analyses numerous peculiarities of this depiction, before all by comparing its iconography and style with the usual kind of the Jerusalem pilgrimage icons of the same age. Th icon painter's method is additionally analysed through the theoretical prism of palimpsest and gloss, recently developed in art-historical studies. It has been concluded that the depiction is basically similar to that on other icons dating from after the 1808 fire in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, but bearing an array of specificities that could be ascribed to the reinterpretation of architectural elements of the Jerusalem Church which the icon painter depicts to underline its holiness. The analysis points to a local Palestinian master as the author of the icon.

The British Museum possesses, and displays as a group, three elegant white-ground kylikes potted around the middle of the fifth century by Sotades, and painted by that skilled, inventive and intelligent miniaturist dubbed by Beazley ‘The Sotades Painter’. First impressions suggest, and further investigation confirms, that the three make up a coherent set, designed and executed according to a pre-conceived plan. This paper will have something to say about the nature of that plan, but most of it will necessarily be occupied with a prior, and fundamental, problem: for the dramatic and very individual scene illustrated on one of the cups has so far resisted all attempts at interpretation, and I have a new proposal to make. The acid test of that identification will be whether it turns out to form an appropriately complementary element to the other two scenes, and whether all three taken together make sense as a mid-fifth century cultural ensemble.

In the Monastery of Our Saviour and St. Andronicus in Moscow, skeletal remains of clerics and of (possibly) famous icon painters were discovered. The bones were radiocarbon dated, and concentrations of trace elements in bone tissues were measured. From tombs 1–4, the 14C dates obtained from human bones (likely monks) and from associated wood date to the 14th–15th centuries AD, as expected. Trace element concentrations indicate signs of fasting. Tomb 5 contained 2 burials; these could belong to the famous icon painters Rublev and Chernyi. Indeed, the bones show high concentrations of lead, zinc, and copper, which is typical for remains of artists and metallurgists. The 14C dates of the 2 skeletons, however, differ by 200 yr, and seem to be too old for Rublev and Chernyi. At this stage, it is not clear if the burials can be assigned to these painters.

<p>Nature is a theme that is always present in the development of art in the world, both Western and Asian arts, such as China and Indonesia. The visualization can be a literal or abstract representation. Nature can be an additional element to a painting to convey depth, or perspective. However, the depiction of nature in a painting can also be the main focus of a work of art. In Indonesia itself, there is an Art Village, precisely Jelekong Art Village, where hundreds of people work as painters and some have made nature the main focus of their work. The uniqueness of the Jelekong painter's work lies in the method used and the materials used. So that the authors are interested in further researching the uniqueness of this Jelekong technique. The purpose of this research is to examine the comparison of natural visualization techniques and aspects of Jelekong painting which represent nature in terms of methods and materials. The samples in this study were paintings by Jelekong artists and Western artists. The qualitative descriptive method is considered the most appropriate for analyzing Jelekong painting. The result of this research is that the superiority of the art technique of Ugong painting is the sponge technique created by one of its residents. This technique can create shadow, middle tone, and highlight in a painting. Jelekong's paintings can become the identity of the community in cultivating the local potential of the region</p>

During the Ottoman Empire, which was established in Anatolia after the Seljuks, many developments were made in the name of art for 600 years. Especially thanks to the Ottoman Empire's value to the artist and art, very good works have been produced in many fields. In addition to branches such as calligraphy, illumination, miniature and marbling, fabrics, carpets and rugs, which attract the attention of the whole world in the field of textile, were also woven. The art of weaving experienced its brightest period in terms of weaving technique, color and pattern in the Ottoman Empire. It is understood that weaving, which continued to be produced traditionally in Ottoman cities, continued its existence as an important cultural element and sector. The clothes of the Ottoman sultans kept after their death and the qualities of the fabrics used in the palace convey very important information at the point of understanding the importance of weaving. The diversity and richness of the weavings and textiles produced in many documents belonging to the period can be clearly seen. In this context, this rich weaving and textile diversity has taken an important place in Turkish culture. Especially this rich variety of weaving and textiles has been painted by many painters in almost every period and has gained an important place in terms of conveying information about their periods. In this study, some of Halil Pasha's paintings in which he displayed an objective and objective approach with a realistic style, some of which are in an orientalist style, are discussed as subject. In the study, will focus on Halil Pasha's life, his understanding of art and the textiles and clothing he depicted in some of his paintings. The textiles and clothes in the paintings were discussed in terms of characteristics such as color, pattern, and texture. Key Words: Textile, weaving arts, clothing, painting, carpet.

‘Desire’ is a sense of longing or hoping for a person, object, or outcome. The same thought is expressed by emotions such as ‘craving.’ When a person desires something or someone, his sense of longing is excited by the enjoyment or the thought of the item or person. He wants to take actions to obtain his or her goal. ‘Subjectivity’ on the other hand is a philosophical concept related to consciousness, personhood, reality and truth. It applies to an individual who possesses conscious experiences, such as perspective, feelings, beliefs and desires. This study is aimed to present sex, desire, and subjectivity of the protagonist Maria in Paulo Coelho’s novel Eleven Minutes. Maria is born in a humble family in a small village of Brazil and dreams of an adventurous life but ends up as a prostitute. It is only after meeting with Ralf Hart, a painter that she understands the meaning of love, beauty, sex and life. She falls in love with him and realizes that he is the person who sees her inner light and wants not her body but her company.

Landscape painting in Peru typically does not receive much attention from critical dis-course, even though the adoption of the Flemish landscape by Andean viceregal painters became a distinctive feature of Peruvian painting of the second half of the 17th century. Considered a consequence of a change in the artistic taste of viceregal society, the landscape was perceived as a secondary element of the composition. In this article, we will analyze the inclusion of the Flemish landscape in Andean religious painting from another critical perspective that takes into account different spiritual processes that colonial religiosity goes through. We analyze how the influence of the Franciscan and Jesuit mysticism created a fertile ground where landscape painting could develop in Peru. The Andean viceregal painters found in the landscape an effective way to visualize suprasensible spiritual experiences and an important device for the development in Peru of a painting with visionary characteristics.

Three cinquecento polychrome wood-carved altars have been preserved on the island of Lopud near Dubrovnik, the most monumental of which is situated in the parish church of Our Lady of Šunj. Its retable was constructed to resemble a classical aedicule, with an intricately carved frame and a central figural depiction of the Assumption of the Virgin, complemented by a complex iconographic programme in the symmetrically arranged adjoining scenes. Filling the small cassettes of the predella are reliefs of the Annunciation and Christ as the Man of Sorrows, together with perspectively rendered narrative scenes of the Last Supper and the Washing of the Feet, while in the pediment is a frontal depiction of the Coronation of the Virgin by the Holy Trinity. In the narrow side wings between the columns and pilasters are four bas-reliefs of local patron saints depicted half-turned towards the central image, and thus achieving an overall plastic harmony for a demanding content. In terms of space, the main scene is well-developed through a pronounced sculptural modelling of the figures of the eleven apostles in the round, the most prominent of which is that of St Peter, placed in the foreground and turned to face the nave of the church, while the others are consumed by the miraculous assumption of the Virgin into heaven. She is followed high up by a pair of small angels and several tiny symbolical cherubim heads, all of which helps to achieve an extremely convincing religious scene. Its attractiveness is significantly heightened by the all’antica realism and pedantic Roman-inspired modelling which highlight the skill of a highly trained and talented master wood carver, which leaves no doubt that this is a special work of art, and indeed, the most beautiful carved wood retable in the east Adriatic which has survived to date. In this first complete study of the altar, the author traces historical records in which it is mentioned without the exact year of its creation, origin or carver being cited. He dispels the tradition that the altar was brought from England, supposedly from the Chapel of Henry VIII, and explains this tradition as having been based on the discovery of an alabaster altar, a typical product of late Gothic workshops at Nottingham, several examples of which exist in Dalmatia. From the seventeenth-century records, on the other hand, we learn that the altar in the church of the „Madonna del Sugni” (a vernacular Italo-Croatian transformation of the word Assunta) was dedicated in 1572. An examination of comparative material establishes that the altar’s compositional scheme draws upon altarpieces painted by Alvise Vivarini around 1480, while its morphological features find their closest parallel in the activities and mannerisms of the Venetian workshop of Paolo Campsa, who worked from the 1490s to the early 1550s, and who sold his works in the wide area under the government of La Serenissima. The Republic of Venice profited a great deal from this export, while its urban centre’s innumerable wooden altars disappeared following subsequent changes of fashion. A group of securely attributed works shows that Paolo Campsa frequently borrowed formulas and idioms from Venetian painters of the older generation; analogies with two of Vivarini’s altar paintings confirm that he repeated this technique on the Lopud altar, even though altars as complex as this are not found in the surviving oeuvre of this artist. An overview of the extremely numerous works attributed to this fecund wood carver has not led to a secure attribution of this scenically developed altar to his hand. However, an analytical observation points to significant similarities with individual figures considered by scholars of Renaissance wooden sculpture to be products of his workshop - more a factory, in fact - or of his circle which, without a doubt, Paolo stamped with his mark. Apart from the assumption that there are master wood carvers who have not been identified, or formally and clearly differentiated, who followed his teachings and mannerisms, this paper opens the possibility of locating more exactly the place of the altar’s creation. Since Campsa’s workshop was active even after his death, it can be assumed that the altar was made in the 1560s or 1570s, and that it was transported and assembled on the island of Lopud for its dedication of 1572. Furthermore, the author observes the meaning of the subsequent addition of the background, which was painted once the altar reached its destination; it shows a summarized depiction of the scenery of Lopud and a tiny settlement with a precisely and proportionately drawn sailing ship docked at the island’s bay. The background reveals that the nature of the work was votive and, by identifying the layers of local historical circumstance and by combining them with the relevant written sources, it can be connected to the activities of the distinguished ship owner Miho Pracat, the richest citizen of the Republic of Dubrovnik during the cinquecento. Two more wooden sculptures can be added to Miho Pracat’s donation to his home island: the figures of St Catherine and St Roch which were also made in Venice and which had originally belonged to a small altar of his family in the local church of St Francis, known from archival records. This altar was composed of an older polychrome triptych, now unfortunately lost, and which, together with a pair of side statues, formed a piece resembling a number of altarpieces from Paolo Campsa’s workshop. Thus, the analysis of these works of art reveals key components of visual culture, and a peculiar mosaic of sixteenth-century artistic production in a peripheral community of the small island of Lopud under the government of the Republic of Dubrovnik.

Dendrochronological Dating of Icons from the Museum of the Folk Building in SanokDendrochronological analysis was carried out for 13 historic icons from the collection of the Museum of the Folk Building in Sanok, painted on fir and spruce boards. Eleven sequences of the annual growth rings produced from the analysed fir boards were absolutely dated against the fir dendrochronological standard for S Poland, constructed by E. Szychowska-Krąpiec. Most of the analysed objects date back to the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, only one board was dated to the midnineteenth century. The dendrochronological analyses carried out prove broad possibilities of dating objects of the iconographic art painted on panels from fir wood, originating from south-eastern Poland and adjacent areas.

The article describes thought core of design made for publication project “Altai in the Works of Scientists and Travelers, the 18th the Beginning of the 20th Century” by Shishkov Altai Regional Universal Scientific Library (Barnaul, Russia), the basic element of which became colors and surface type of the Altaian semiprecious stones. Reproduction of little known pictural works made in portrait genre, rare landscape water-colors, esquisses by Russian and foreign painters lived around this time are also used in artistic design of five-volume issue. On the issue’s editorial board’s idea, selection of illustrations should help to a reader to trace a dynamics of interests took by domestic and foreign researchers and travelers in Altai.

Flexible and transparent electrodes were fabricated with spray coating technique from paints based on multiwalled carbon nanotubes with the addition of graphene platelets. The work presents the influence of graphene platelets on the paints rheology and layers morphology, which has a strong connection to the electrooptical parameters of the electrodes. The paints rheology affects the atomization during spray coating and later the leveling of the coating on the substrate. Both technological aspects shape the morphology of the electrode and the distribution of nanoparticles in the coating. All these factors influence the sheet resistance and roughness, which is linked to the optical transmission and absorbance. In our research the electrode was applied as a transparent and elastic heating element with 68% optical transmission at 550 nm wavelength and 8.4 kΩ/□ sheet resistance. The elastic heating element was tested with a thermal camera at the 3 diverse supply voltages −20, 30, and 60 VDC. The test successfully confirmed and supported our proposed uses of elaborated electrodes.

ABSTRACT The focus of this paper is on analysis, comparison and research on the colorful low-temperature, lead-containing overglazes on glazed porcelain body and on the enamel glazes on the metal body of the Qing Dynasty by adopting several analytical methods. Analysis and tests on the element, boron in overglaze on glazed porcelain body and enamel glaze on metal body, were performed using laser induced breakdown spectroscopy (LIBS), and the results showed that Cloisonné enamel, painted enamel and Falangcai samples contained boron, while Famille Rose (Fencai) samples did not contain boron. Meanwhile, such analysis methods as laser ablation inductively coupled plasma mass spectrometry (LA-ICP-MS), energy dispersive X-ray spectroscopy (EDXRF), Micro-Raman, stereomicroscope and Confocal laser scanning microscopy (CLSM) were used to test and observe the element composition, crystal composition and microstructure of the samples. The results illustrated that matrix glaze of Cloisonné enamel, painted enamel and Falangcai was the same. The yellow glaze was a lead-alkali glass and other color glazes were boron-lead-alkali glass, while all color glazes of Famille Rose were lead-alkali glass. Colorful low-temperature overglaze on glazed porcelain body and enamel glaze on metal body had a common practice and technology in the use of opacifiers and colorants. Compared to painted enamel, the painting technique of Famille Rose was more complicated, and effect was apparently praised as being superior.

Introduction. Given article considers R. Schumann’s “Zwei Venetianische Lieder” / “Two Venetian Songs” (ор. 25, №17–18) on poems by T. Moore, in F. Freiligrath translation. Often the creation of the Venice ambience in art works was due to trips and impressions on this city. In 1829, R. Schumann, as a student of Heidelberg University, went on a trip to Switzerland and Italy during his study vacation. One of the cities on the travel map was Venice. R. Schumann “resurrected” the city ambience only eleven years after in the “Zwei Venetianische Lieder” (“Two Venetian Songs”), which became part of the song cycle “Myrthen” (1840). How do these two vocal miniatures, that are one of the first in the composer’s vocal creativity, reflect the individual style of his writing? Do they correlate with the nature of the “true” Schumann, who is known for his famous works, such as the cycle “A poet’s Love”? Objective. The purpose of the article is to comprehend composer methods of Venice image embodiment in “Zwei Venetianische Lieder” in the context of creative tradition of the Austro-German romantic song. Methods used in the research: 1) historical method, allowing to comprehend the selected material in the perspective of the development of Austro-German song of the 19th century; 2) intonational method, which involves the study of vocal melody in terms of melodic reactions to figurative content; 3) genre method, caused by the features of chamber vocal lyrics; 4) stylistic method, corresponding to a specific opus consideration in the general context of the composer’s creative work. The results of the study. “Zwei Venetianische Lieder” were grown up in the artistic climate of its era. The popularity of traveling in the circles of well-educated youth was a practical realization of spiritual impulses and the inner need to push the boundaries of the information space for awareness of the nature of self-own identity through a meeting with a different culture and worldview. Italy, and the entire Mediterranean areal, as the cradle of the Christian humanist culture, was a center of attraction for the German romantics. The creation of the artistic and aesthetic archetype of Italy and Venice by J. W. Goethe in “Italian Travels” and “Epigrams” has created a tradition of perception these themes not only in German literature, but also in music. R. Schumann was one of the first to respond to this creative idea. He was also the first among German composers to turn to the “poetic” Venice of the Englishman Thomas Moore and initiated the appearance of a series “Venetianische Lieder” in Austro-German music of the 19th century. A number of authors were involved in the creation of this series – F. Mendelssohn Bartholdi, A. Fesca, С. Dekker, and others. The melancholic mood of the many “Venetianisches Gondellied” written by German composers was the result of the process of mythologizing the image of Venice. The creative people (poets, writers, composers, painters) were involved in this process. They perceived this city through the prism of artistic relations, associations, and sought in its canonical symbols (channels, gondolas, sea, mirror, mask) new semantic dimensions, means of the expression of self-reflection. “Zwei Venetianische Lieder” from the song cycle “Myrthen” by R. Schumann stand apart on this list as not only the first, but also as the works distinguished by its originality. 1840 year is considered as the “song year” in the composer’s work. In this year 138 songs and the best of song cycles were written by the composer: “Liederkreis” ор. 24, “Myrthen” ор. 25, “Liederkreis” ор. 39, “Frauenliebe und Leben” ор. 42, “Dichterliebe”, ор. 48. After the “piano decade” (1829–1839) Schumann’s appeal to the song came a surprise, in particular, for the author himself. This led to the change in his musical aesthetics, to the revision of the hierarchy entrenched in the consciousness, about the primacy of music over other arts and the instrumental music over the vocal. Although the cycle “Myrten” op. 25 (1840) is one of the first in the vocal works by R. Schumann, it is distinguished by the maturity of style writing. R. Schuman’s psychological sensitivity to the poetic word is conveyed in the intonational nature of the songs, careful selection of harmonic means, finely tuned tonal plans that can emphasize both, contemplation and rebelliousness. Musical and poetic integrity is also ensured by the increased importance of the accompaniment and the piano part in whole that include the expressive instrumental introductions and postludes aimed at revealing of an image. Conclusion. The study of R.Schumann’s “variations” on Thomas Moore’s “Venice” as a separate scientific topic makes it possible to realize the scale of the creative competition established by the outstanding composer in his “Zwei Venetianische Lieder” from the vocal cycle “Myrthen”.

As one of the pre-eminent British painters of the twentieth century, John Piper secured his legacy with his depictions of swirling seas, grand country houses, and secluded churches. However his contribution to the theatre is less well known. This paper aims to address this lacuna, focusing on his scenographic contribution to two modernist performances: Stephen Spender's Trial of a Judge (1938) and Edith Sitwell's Façade (1942). I aim to present Piper as a vital force in a British avant-garde theatre scene and to reimagine his canon of work as inherently theatrical. This theatrical element unites his diverse oeuvre, from his most abstract geometric collages to his most quintessentially English landscapes. This paper resurrects two often overlooked performances, and sheds new light on the cross-disciplinary nature of British modernist art and the importance of theatrical motifs for a thorough understanding of Piper's work.

Abstract Rabbi Nahman’s philosophical and literary work has generated great interest among artists in various fields over the course of the last few decades, an interest of such degree and power that it has no equal in the traditional Jewish world. In this article, I will discuss one element of Rabbi Nahman’s spiritual world that may explain to some degree the attraction of his work to painters and other artists who deal with visual arts, which is the important role of visions in his spiritual world and in his writings. I will also demonstrate how Rabbi Nahman uses the tools of visual imagery not only in his literary work but also in his philosophical work, as compiled in his two-volume book of sermons, Likutei Moharan (Collected Teachings of the Master), published in 1806 and 1811. I will then discuss the connection between the narrative and visual layers of Rabbi Nahman’s work and worldview.

Sohrab Sepehriis concidered as one of the geniuses of Persian poetry by creating the artistic and mythical themes. The present study is a descriptive-analyticeone which data has been collected on the basis on “library method” and the word “Loneliness” has been accurately studied in Sohrab Sepehri complete poetical work with the psychological approach to language.In this research, Sohrab Sepehri`s complete poetical worka in the book named “hasht ketab” have been scrulinized according to Leech view (1969).The author seeks to answer these questions: what items has Sohrab Sepehri benefited from to present the element “loneliness”on the basis of psycholinguistics? And which of his books has presented the highest frequency of the element “loneliness”? This research illustrates the fact that Sohrab Sepehri has benefited from “Sense of Words” and due to the fact that he has also been a skillful painter besides being an out standing poet, it is speculated that he has also used the element “color of words”. The results indicate the element of loneliness has been found to be a very significant item in Sohrab Sepehri`s poetical works, but the frequency of presenting this element overweighs in one of his books named “Death of color”.

The aim of the article is to present the relationship between food and politics based on the example of Peter’s Greenaway film The Cook, the Thief, his Wife, and her Lover. This particular Greenaway’s film is compelling for the purposes of the presented analysis, as he is an accredited painter and he uses food as references to historic paintings. In my article, I analyse the role of food (as an element of scenography in Greenaway’s film) as a means of explaining political and social problems presented. I will reference to history of art, political and social situation, as well as approach to food in the upper class in Great Britain in ’80s of the 20th century

Decorated pottery dating from the Epiclassic through Early Postclassic (ca. A.D. 650-1150) was selected for chemical characterisation of pottery slips and paints. Specimens include pottery types commonly occurring across the Basin of Mexico and Tula, Hidalgo. Recipes for slips and paints require training and first-hand knowledge of specialised techniques in production. A high degree of similarity of recipes across the region suggests widespread knowledge in the preparation and use of paint and slip. Distinct patterns in rare elements suggest differentiation in locally available pigments, and clays reflect regionally available sources of materials and differences in recipes. Particleinduced X-ray emission (PIXE) is a nondestructive method of identifying concentrations (in ppm) for 18 chemical elements. Data collection was conducted by the author using the Arizona State University (ASU) ion beam analysis of materials (IBeAM) laboratory. A sample of 136 pottery sherds was chosen and PIXE was conducted on red, black, white paints and slips. Specimens were chosen from a larger sample previously assessed for compositional characterisation of ceramic paste using instrumental neutron activation analysis (INAA). Results indicate that variation in red paints are high in iron-oxide and vary by pottery type. Black paint in Aztec I pottery is high in iron (Fe) and manganese (Mn), indicating a Fe-Mn paint recipe. Cream coloured slips vary by region and pottery type. PIXE characterisation identifies the chemical element concentrations contributing to the colourant pigments, the clay matrix in the binding materials, and trace indicators of localised impurities in clays and minerals contributing to paints and slips.

El presente ensayo aborda la iconografía de San Martín representada por pintores y escultores peruanos y extranjeros. Vemos como los artistas reconocieron en San Martin el haber sido quien proclamó la independencia del Perú. Este aspecto de orador fue la cualidad que lo distinguió y que fue apropiada por Leguía cuando este se asoció con la figura de San Martin y se proclamó como el fundador de la Patria nueva. Palabras Clave: Iconografía de San Martin, Augusto B. Leguía, Daniel Hernández, arte y política, Carlos Baca Flor, pintura y escultura peruana en el oncenio Abstract This essay seeks to investigate the iconography of José de San Martín (1778-1850) as shown in his portrayal by Peruvian and foreign painters and sculptors. We see how these artists acknowledged San Martín as the one who proclaimed the independence of Peru. This rhetorical aspect was the key element that distinguished him and this same element would later be appropriated by Augusto B. Leguía (1863-1932), when the latter one associated himself with the figure of San Martín and proclaimed himself the founder of the “Patria Nueva”. Keywords: Iconography of José de San Martín, Augusto B. Leguía, Daniel Hernández, art and politics, Carlos Baca Flor, Peruvian painting and sculpture during the Oncenio (1919-1930)

Self-pierce riveting (SPR) is a sheet material joining technique which is suitable for joining dissimilar materials, as well as coated and pre-painted materials. Published work relating to finite element analysis of SPR joints is reviewed in this paper, in terms of process, static strength, fatigue strength, vibration characteristics and assembly dimensional prediction of the SPR joints. A few important numerical issues are discussed, including material modelling, meshing procedure, failure criteria and friction between substrates and between rivet and substrate. It is concluded that the finite element analysis of SPR joints will help future applications of SPR by allowing system parameters to be selected to give as large a process window as possible for successful joint manufacture. This will allow many tests to be simulated that would currently take too long to perform or be prohibitively expensive in practice, such as modifications to rivet geometry, die geometry or material properties. The main goal of the paper is to review recent progress in finite element analysis of SPR joints and to provide a basis for further research.

The motion equation of boom system of pump truck carrying concrete flow is set up based on the coupled vibration theory of cantilevered pipe and the finite element theory. Dynamic stress history of boom system with parameters of dip angle α=0°is simulated combining MATLAB simulation analyses with ANSYS finite element model. The feasibility of this method is verified through field experiment. Stress histories are simulated by adjusting parameter of dip angle as follows: α=20°,52°and 80°.Great stress points are painted on the Goodman Fatigue Limit Diagram measured by experiment. And then fatigue strength assessment of boom system is done. The research method can be used for the design calculation of similar products.

Paintings convey the composition and characteristics of artists; therefore, it is possible to feel the intended style of painting and emotion of each artist through their paintings. In general, basic elements that constitute traditional paintings are color, texture, and composition (formative elements constituting the paintings are color and shape); however, color is the most crucial element expressing the emotion of a painting. In particular, traditional colors manifest the color containing historicity of the era, so the color shown in painting images is considered a representative color of the culture to which the painting belongs. This study constructed a color emotional system by analyzing colors and rearranged color emotion adjectives based on color combination techniques and clustering algorithm proposed by Kobayashi as well as I.R.I HUE & TONE 120 System. Based on the embodied color emotion system, this study confirmed classified emotions of images by extracting and classifying emotions from traditional Korean painted images, focusing on traditional painted images of the late Joseon Dynasty. Moreover, it was possible to verify the cultural traits of the era through the classified emotion images.

During 1984–86 and 1995–2016 winter surveys five stork species were observed in 12 study zones of the river Chambal in the Ganga tributary system. Comparative temporal and spatial analyses of stork distribution are presented from two broad stretches of the river, 205km of Pali-Rajghat in the upstream and 230km of Rajghat-Pachhnada in the downstream. Different species show different distribution patterns. Study zones IV+V comprising 113km in the upstream and XI+XII comprising 75km in the downstream accounted for 66% of total stork sightings. About 56% of total sightings were recorded downstream of Rajghat. The Painted Storks Mycteria leucocephala comprised 52% of total stork sightings. Eleven districts adjoining river Chambal recorded low rainfall prior to 2008 when sighting of storks abruptly increased, particularly in the downstream. It is important to continue the monitoring of water birds in the National Chambal Sanctuary as it could lead to initiating conservation interventions in habitats in the region which experience extreme ecological conditions and fluctuations in populations.

AbstractThe article is a contribution to the iconology of sixteenth-century landscape-painting, and sets out to examine in particular the con nection between the antithethical iconography of the figural clc ment in landscapes by Joachim Patinir, Herri met dc Bles and Jan van Amstel, and Pieter Bruegel's Christ Bearing the Cross in Vienna. Also presented and elucidated is the thesis that in this painting Bruegel anticipated with many details the subjective element in the sixteenth-century beholder's interpretation, and that this subjective element in the reading of the image was anchored in the 'collective' imagery of early sixteenth-century landscape-paint ing. The author endeavours to demonstrate that the manner of reception prompted bv Bruegel's Christ Bearing the Cross is comparable with that required of the beholder of Jan van Amstcl's Landscape with Christ Bearing the Cross in Stuttgart. The uncertainty of the beholder faced with the question of whether a particular subjective interpretation of an individual detail or certain anecdote is 'correct' should not only be seen as a problem for the twentieth-century iconologist but is inherent in the actual painting, and must be judged as a positive element, intended by the painter, in the reception of the image. The beholder's personal insight and judgement in issues of good and evil are the true subject of these paintings.

Background. The cavalry was the primary armed force of Poles and their legendary ancestors from ancient times, especially in historical formations. It also functions as an element of national history in culture in its various areas. Problem. How this fragment of the old Polish military culture manifests itself in high and mass culture, in the world of film, in the city space, in pictures and numismatic values, and how is it displayed in the field of martial arts cultivated today? Method. The answers will be formulated based on an analysis of 30 selected works of art, value or cultural artefacts and illustrated with examples. Examples include films of Polish cinematography (Teutonic Knights, The Deluge, Hubal and others), a series of commemorative medals and paintings by outstanding Polish painters that inspired the authors of these medals. Therefore, both great paintings by outstanding artists (Jan Matejko, Wojciech Kossak etc.), monuments and films, and small graphic forms (coins, medals). Results and conclusions. This Polish tradition of military culture manifests itself even today in high culture (painting, literature) and mass culture (films, songs), in urban space (monuments), and the artistic qualities of medals. It is also cultivated in the Polish martial art practised today – in teaching one of the schools. It is about horse fencing in Signum Polonicum.

There is my developing experience as a painter going blind which is unusual and interesting and as you know I am interested in that. But I am equally interested, possibly more interested in a conception of what figurative art can be as a way of mining new experience and in some sense or other recording it so it’s communicable. Now essentially all my drafts [of this paper] are trying to put those two together and it seems at first like a paradox, but it’s a paradox that I think I can perfectly resolve… and it’s what I want to do… the third element which is very hard to separate from the other two, is the perceptual learning applied to the perceptual systems, made possible through consciousness… That does require an analysis to do with things to do with the anatomy of the eye and the brain, which most people haven’t got a clue about but which is absolutely crucial.

Acoustic emission monitoring was completed on a painted aerospace grade steel landing gear component undergoing fatigue loading until rupture. A post-test linear location analysis of the collected signals revealed eleven groups where high activity (greater than 2000 hits) occurred within a defined location, three of which corresponded in location to the position of fracture and final rupture of the specimen. Feature data, such as amplitude, rise-time, energy etc. were used to describe the identified signals in each group. A dimension reduction through principal component analysis of the feature data of all groups was performed. Results showed that high amplitude signals associated with four groups of signals arising from noise could be separated from the fracture groups. However four groups not associated with noise or the known positions of the fracture groups were not separable from the signals attributed to fractures. The paint layer of the specimen was removed and a magnetic particle investigation was completed that showed these four groups coincided with regions of additional fracture in the component.

How we understand the emergence and development of motor behavior and skillfulness has itself developed over the last 50 years. In reflecting on the history of motor development, it is important to recognize that these ‘reflections’ are much like the painter’s “pentimento.” That is, the ‘canvas’ we paint today of what our science was decades ago is actually a painting with many layers—each representing where our views have changed along the journey. I do not “repent” with these reflections, as suggested by the term, pentimento, but rather I seek to bring a developmental perspective to our scientific inquiries into motor development with an element of a revisionist’s approach. What were the key discoveries and the seminal papers that influenced our canvas of motor development that we view today? Almost three decades ago, we (Clark & Whitall, 1989) outlined an historical framework for the field of motor development. Today, we can look back at that framework and the ensuing science and consider where we have been and what we have learned and ask: What does the pentimento of our motor development canvas reveal?

This article subjects the account of Ahaz in 2 Chronicles to a synchronic literary analysis in light of the Vorlage in Kings in order to demonstrate that the “chaotic writing” that marks it forms part of the effect the Chronicler is attempting to create. By displacing and interpolating verses, he thereby paints a picture of Ahaz as a vile sinner who transgresses by nature rather than a rational tactician. This impression is heightened by the placement of the account of the Judahites’ capture and return at the centre of the narrative. The logical, coherent, sequential nature of this unit—constructed on the basis of a complication, crisis, falling action, and resolution—contrasts sharply with the rough-edged, broken pericopae on either side of it. It thus accentuates the chaos and confusion of the narrative as a whole.

Fernando Benadon (2016) shines a strong objective light onto slight but noticeable timing perturbations in Afro-Cuban drumming practice, coining the term near-unisons to describe non-simultaneous attacks that are perceived as such, but that are also perceived to correspond to the same point on an abstract isochronous grid. I speculate that these data uncover an aspect of the music that will most likely be perceived qualitatively rather than quantitatively—an element of style rather than one of structure—but that the quantitative approach taken here is a crucial first step toward the stylistic analysis of genre-specific microtiming that is generally painted over with the broad brushes of participatory discrepancy or groove.

The works of the sixteenth-century Venetian painter Jacopo Tintoretto (1518–94) present us with a radicalised idea of the cosmos that challenges both the humanist centring of the world on man and the hierarchy of divine authority that dominate the artistic traditions to which he is heir. In their place, Tintoretto confronts us with a ‘machinic’ staging of forces in which man, nature, religious figure and artificial element are integrated within an extended material plane. With this pictorial immanence, Tintoretto presents a ‘cosmic materialism’ unprecedented in Venetian painting. In this, his work gives provocative expression to Deleuze and Guattari's ontology of the artwork as ‘cosmic’ construction, and to their conception of the artist as ‘cosmic artisan’. Via readings of the art historical reception of Tintoretto's work by the art historian Arnold Hauser (1892–1978), and the artistic reception of Tintoretto's work by Paul Cézanne, I explore this expression, and attend to questions of modernity, temporality and art history as they are inflected in Deleuze and Guattari's thought.

Статья посвящена проблеме взаимоотношений литературы и фольклора на материале двух стихотворений русского поэта, литературного критика XIX в. П. А. Вяземского (1792-1878) « Еще тройка» (1834) и «Памяти живописца Орловского» (между 1832 и 1837), в которых слиты воедино народно-песенная образность, традиционные фольклорные мотивы и проникновенный лиризм. Отмечается, что обращение Вяземского к фольклору глубоко органично и вполне закономерно для него, неразрывно соединено с его пониманием народности литературы, поэзии природной, самобытной, а не заимствованной. Делается вывод, что связь рассмотренных в статье стихотворений Вяземского с устным народным творчеством нашла выражение в широком и функционально разнообразном использовании поэтики народных песен, пословиц и поговорок, а также мифологических персонажей русского фольклора. Применяя фольклорные образы и мотивы, Вяземский меньше всего заботится о соблюдении местного, национального колорита, так называемого couleur locale (фр.). Введение поэтических формул русского фольклора всегда обусловлено идейно-художественным замыслом, содержанием и образным строем стихотворения. Именно органичная, нерасторжимая и глубокая связь творчества Вяземского с русской национальной стихией, литературными и народнопоэтическими традициями обеспечила его произведениям непреходящую ценность и эстетическую значимость. The article considers the problem of the relationship between literature and folklore based on two poems by the 19th-century Russian poet and literary critic P. A. Vyazemsky (1792-1878), “Another Troika” (1834) and “In Memory of the Painter Orlovsky” (between 1832 and 1837). The poems merge folk song imagery, traditional folk motifs and heartfelt lyricism. The author notes that Vyazemsky’s appeal to folklore is deeply organic and quite natural for him, inextricably linked with his understanding of the national character of literature, nature poetry, and originality. The author demonstrates that the connection of Vyazemsky’s poems with oral folk art manifests itself in an extensive and functionally diverse use of the poetics of folk songs, proverbs and sayings, as well as in references to mythological characters of Russian folklore. Using folk images and motifs, Vyazemsky downplays the depiction of local, national color (so-called “couleur locale”). The introduction of poetic formulas of Russian folklore is due to the poet’s ideological and artistic design and corresponds to the poem’s content and image structure. It is the organic, indissoluble and deep connection of Vyazemsky’s poetry with the Russian national element - literary and folk poetic traditions - that provides his works with enduring value and aesthetic significance.

Thomas Alan Stephenson (1898–1961) was a greatly gifted marine biologist and artist. The British sea anemones (1928, 1935) and his essay on beauty in nature and art, Seashore life and pattern (1944), both of which he illustrated himself, are his best-known works. A participant with his wife Anne in the Great Barrier Reef Expedition of 1928–1929, the couple subsequently travelled world-wide studying rocky-shore zonation patterns, summarized eleven years after Stephenson's death in Life between tidemarks on rocky shores (1972). During those travels Stephenson painted marine organisms (mostly invertebrates and algae) and shorescapes, many of which were reproduced in books and scientific papers. His paintings represent a valuable artistic and scientific resource of international significance that deserves to be better known. Some are listed in the catalogues prepared for a memorial exhibition in 1964. Others were discovered from letters between Stephenson and museum curators, and yet more were identified from further diverse sources. Catalogued here are 99 paintings on various marine themes in watercolour, gouache or oil, of which 55 are known in institutional collections or in private hands; the rest could not be traced. Yet more marine biological artworks probably remain undocumented.

The sacred art of Jerzy Nowosielski, an outstanding Polish painter of the second half of the 20th century, is an example of the creative continuation of the Byzantine tradition in Poland, but also an embodiment of the debate with the painting tradition of the East and with the experience of the Church. Both in theory and in painting practice, the artist redefined the concept of the icon, attempting to expand its formula so that it not only spoke of the Kingdom, but also included the image of the earthly, imperfect reality of the pilgrim Church. In his designs of sacred interiors for churches of various Christian denominations, Nowosielski wanted to combine three theological disciplines and their respective ways of representation: Christology, sophiology and angelology. Beside a classical icon, called by the painter a “Christological- Chalcedonian” icon, Nowosielski demanded a “sophiological” icon, bringing into the space of a church an earthly, painful reality, traces of inner struggle and doubt – hence the presence of doloristic motifs in his icons. The “inspired geometry” also became a complement to the holy images; the artist noticed a huge spiritual potential in abstract painting, to which he eventually assigned the role of icon painting. The poetic concept of “subtle bodies” – abstract angels testifying to the reality of the spiritual world – drew from the early Christian theological thought, which argued about the corporeality of spiritual entities, from Byzantine angelology, the tradition of theosophy and occultism, but also from the art of the first avant-garde, especially that from Eastern Europe, which inherited the Orthodox cult of the image. Nowosielski’s bilingualism as a painter – practicing abstraction and figuration in tandem, including within the church – paralleled the liturgical practice of many religious communities using different languages to express different levels of reality: human affairs and divine affairs. The tradition of apophatic theology, proclaiming the truth about the “unrepresentability” of God, was also important in shaping Nowosielski’s ideas. For Nowosielski’s monumental art, the problem of the mutual relationship between painting and architecture proved crucial. The artist based his concept on the decisive domination of painting over architecture and the independence of monumental painting. His goal was the principle of creating a sacred interior as a holistic, comprehensive vision of space which leads the participants of liturgy “out of everyday life” and into a different, transcendent dimension, in which the painter saw the main purpose of sacred art. From his first projects from the 1950s till the end of his artistic practice Nowosielski tried to realize his own dream version of the “ideal church”. In many of his projects he introduced abstraction into the temple, covering the walls, vaults, presbyteries, sometimes even the floors with a network of triangular “subtle bodies”. Forced to compromise, he introduced sacred abstraction into murals, as accompanying geometries, or into stained glass windows. The interiors, comprehensively and meticulously planned, were supposed to create the effect of “passing through”, “rending the veil” – from behind which a new, heavenly reality dawned. In practice, it was not always possible to achieve this intention, but the artist’s aim was to create an impression of visual unity, a sense of “entering the painting”, of being immersed in the element of painting. Painting in space was supposed to unite a broken world, to combine physical and spiritual reality into an integral whole. When designing sacred interiors, Nowosielski used the sanctity of the icon, but also the pure qualities of painting which were to cause a “mystical feeling of God’s reality”. The aim of sacred art understood in such a way turned out to be initiation rather than teaching. In this shift of emphasis Nowosielski saw the only chance for the revival of sacred art, postulating even a shift of the burden of evangelization from verbal teaching to the work of charismatic art.

The Russian culture of the turn of the XX century is characterized by actualization of the prob-lems of intercultural dialogue. Thus, the analysis of the Silver age is impossible without considering the fact of such a dialogue as a cultural phenomenon. The problem of hispanism reception is considered in the aspect of creative genius in K. Bal-mont’s works. In the context of Balmont's symbolism, it is important to take into account his specific conceptualization of the artist's status and interpretation of creativity as dreaming. The task of the re-search is to study the implementation of this mental usus within the Spanish theme, the discourse of the painter as a genius-overman by Balmont, and the existentials of the poet's spiritual experience correlated with it. Spain by Balmont is primarily a country of great artists. He creates portraits-myths of the great Spaniards, almost overmen for him. In the article “Poetry of horror” Balmont calls Goya's “a poet-symbolist in painting”, and relates his genius with other representatives of world culture: Poe, Bosch, Teniers etc. Spanish artist is de-clared a predictor of a new art. Goya in Balmont’s interpretation is an actual genius-creator, artist of borderline, mystical experience. Goya’s grotesques are interpreted as a breakout to otherness. Artist's chimeras scare with credibility and live. Goya created an infernal world with the character of universality. Balmont calls “Capricious” a theodicy, as this hymn to the aesthetics of ugliness justifies the existence of evil. The poet highlights in Goya’s aesthetics something close to the era of the early ХХ century. Cultural fashion finds its source and consonance in Spaniard’s drawing (mysticism of terrible, “attraction” to demonism, themes of disease, suffering and dreams). Also, the great painter in the poet’s interpretation is a dreamer reflecting his prophetic dreams on canvas. If Goya’s dreams are marked by a dark, night element in the poet’s artistic metaphysics, the oneirism of Velasquez is marked as sunny. The artist’s mythological image is embodied in the rhyme “Velasquez”. Solar genius of Velasquez organically becomes one of the main figures in the artistic metaphysics of Balmont's poetic collection “Let's be like the Sun”. The last limit of the volitional effort called for in the title of the collection is specified with Velasquez’s image. By binary logic a dark genius should confront Velasquez-Sun. In the book this role is assigned to the painter José de Ribera, Goya’s analog in the context of Balmont’s works. A mythological image was created with reference to the stockpile of ancient myths, the antithesis of Prometheus and Epimetheus. Entering into a dialogue with the culture of Spain and creating myths of Spanish artists, Balmont was looking for a reflection of himself in the Spaniards. Regarding their heroes as the dreamers, he oneirically dreamed about the essence of the Spanish genius basing on his travel impressions but trusting much more his mythic-creative speculation and accentuating the central existentials of his experience.

AbstractTo determine the stress–strain curve of a ductile material up to the fracture from a tensile test, the necking contour is measured by an optical measurement technique. The radius of the minimal cross-sectional area and the radius of curvature are used as input for analytical necking corrections of the stress–strain curve, as well as for finite element inverse simulations. Due to the increasing surface roughness that develops during testing, a precise determination of the specimen contour is very challenging. This is crucial, since the second derivative is required for estimating the radius of curvature. A dedicated contour-tracking algorithm was developed to deal with the surface roughness and a specimen painted white with black background was found to provide enough contrast. The new algorithm was implemented in a software, which is made available as open source. Tests were made for an isotropic, commercially pure aluminum alloy and for an axisymmetric, peak aged AA6082 alloy, based on image recording by a digital camera and synchronized force measurements. Modeling by finite element simulations was performed to assess the accuracy of analytical corrections of the stress–strain curves by inverse modeling and for designing a robust contour-tracking algorithm.