Academic literature on the topic 'Painting, Central American'

Bienal de Pintura del Caribe y Centroamérica. III Bienal de Pintura del Caribe y Centroamérica: [exhibition] del 12 de octubre al 12 de enero de 1997. Museo de Arte Moderno, 1997.

Bienal de Pintura Centroamérica y Panamá (1992 Museos del Banco Central de Costa Rica). Bienal de Pintura Centroamérica y Panamá. Museo de Arte Costarricense, 1992.

Bienal, de Pintura del Istmo Centroamericano (1st 1998 Guatemala Guatemala). I Bienal de Pintura del Istmo Centroamericano. Fundación Paiz, 1998.

Bienal de Pintura del Istmo Centroamericano (2d 2000 (San José, Costa Rica). 2a Bienal de Pintura del Istmo Centroamericano. Centro Costarricense de Ciencia y Cultura, 2000.

Uriarte, María Teresa, author of foreword, ed. The Murals of Cacaxtla: The Power of Painting in Ancient Central Mexico. University of Texas Press, 2015.

The Highwaymen murals: Al Black's concrete dreams. University Press of Florida, 2009.

Woods, Anna. Healing waters : the Mayan series : paintings and stories = Ts'aakal ja'oob = Agus milagrosas. Shoreline, 1995.

The ancient Americans: A reference guide to the art, culture, and history of pre-Columbian North and South America. Sharpe Reference, 2001.

Baker, Shane A. Rock art of Clear Creek Canyon in central Utah. Brigham Young University, 1999.

Marianela, Forconesi, Glasser Barbara, and IACA World Awareness Childrenʼs Museum., eds. Argentina: Marianela Forconesi's painting "My father's farm". PowerKids Press, 1997.

Mitchell, Peter. "North America II: The Central and Northern Plains." In Horse Nations. Oxford University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198703839.003.0010.

"the context of evidence from other spheres. This evidence of manipulation may correspond to increasing concern with the production of corporate descent groups, lineages or other communities or sub-groups as suggested by Robb (1994a: 49ff) for southern Italy and by others dealing with the Neolithic elsewhere (e.g. Chapman 1981 ; Thomas & Whittle 1986). This suggests different spatialities to those described for the earlier Epipalaeolithic burials, as does the evidence in much of Neolithic southern Italy for separation of activities such as not only the procurement but also the consumption of wild animals. Remains of these are extremely rare at most settlement sites, but evidenced at other locations whether associated with 'cults' e.g. the later Neoltihic (Serra d'Alto) hypogeum at Santa Barbara, (PUG: Geniola 1987; Whitehouse 1985; 1992; 1996; Geniola 1987), or at apparently more utilitarian hunting sites e.g. Riparo della Sperlinga di S. Basilio (SIC: Biduttu 1971; Cavalier 1971). One interpretation may wish to link these to newly or differently gendered zones or landscapes (see below). ART, GENDER AND TEMPORALITIES In southern Italy there is a rich corpus of earlier prehistoric cave art, parietal and mobiliary, ranging from LUP incised representations on cave walls and engraved designs on stones and bones; probable Mesolithic incised lines and painted pebbles; and Neolithic wall paintings in caves (Pluciennik 1996). Here I shall concentrate on two caves in northwest Sicilia; a place where there is both LUP (i.e. from c. 18000-9000 cal. BC) and later prehistoric art, including paintings in caves from the Neolithic, perhaps at around 6000 or 7000 years ago. These are the Grotta Addaura II, a relatively open location near Palermo, and the more hidden inner chamber of the Grotta del Genovese on the island of Levanzo off north west Sicilia. These are isolated, though not unique examples, but we cannot talk about an integrated corpus of work, or easily compare and contrast within a widespread genre, even if we could assign rough contemporaneity. Grotta dell'Addaura II Despite poor dating evidence for the representations at this cave, material from the excavations perhaps suggests they are 10-12000 years old (Bovio Marconi 1953a). Many parts of the surface show evidence of repeated incision, perhaps also erasure as well as erosion, producing a palimpsest of humans and animals and other lines, without apparent syntax. Most of the interpretations of this cave art have centred on a unique 'scene' (fig. 3) in which various masked or beaked vertical figures surround two horizontal ones, one (H5) above the other (H6), with beak-like penes or penis-sheaths, and cords or straps between their buttocks and backs. These central figures could be flying or floating, and have been described as 'acrobats'. Bovio Marconi (1953a: 12) first suggested that the central figures were engaged in an act of homosexual copulation, but later preferred to emphasise her suggestion of acrobatic feats, though still connected with a virility ritual (1953b). The act of hanging also leads to penile erection and ejaculation; and in the 1950s Chiapella (1954) and Blanc (1954; 1955) linked this with human sacrifice, death and fertility rites. All of these interpretations of this scene are generally ethnographically plausible. Rituals of masturbation (sometimes of berdaches, men who lived as women) are recorded from North America, where the consequent dispersal of semen on ground symbolised natural fertility (Fulton & Anderson 1992: 609, note 19). In modern Papua New Guinea ritual fellatio was used in initiation ceremonies as a way of giving male-associated sexual power to boys becoming men (Herdt 1984) and this ethnographic analogy has been used by Tim Yates (1993) in his interpretation of rock art in Scandinavia, which has figures with penes, and figures without: he argues in a very unFreudian manner that to be penis-less is not necessarily a female prerogative." In Gender & Italian Archaeology. Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315428178-18.