Relevant bibliographies by topics / Painting, Italian – 17th century

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Academic literature on the topic 'Painting, Italian – 17th century'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 3 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Painting, Italian – 17th century"

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Pepper, D. Stephen, Elizabeth Cropper, and Charles Dempsey. "An Exchange on the "State of Research in Italian 17th-Century Painting"." Art Bulletin 71, no. 2 (June 1989): 305. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3051201.

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Pepper, D. Stephen, Elizabeth Cropper, and Charles Dempsey. "An Exchange on the “State of Research in Italian 17th-Century Painting”." Art Bulletin 71, no. 2 (June 1989): 305–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00043079.1989.10788502.

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Pichugina, Olga K. "DEVELOPMENT OF IMITATION METHODS IN THE PAINTING PRACTICE OF THE 16th-17th CENTURY ITALIAN MASTERS." Architecton: Proceedings of Higher Education, no. 4(72) (December 28, 2020): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.47055/1990-4126-2020-4(72)-18.

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The article explores the imitation methods in Italian Renaissance and Baroque painting, which were widespread in the forms of copying, replication, compilation and imitation. Italian art inherited the practice of imitation from the era of Antiquity and the Middle Ages. It was the basis of apprenticeship and organization of work in art studios. Model imitation and, at the same time, search for stylistic originality from the second half of the 15th century led to the spreading of replication, compilation, imitation and emulation techniques. The practice of imitation was continued by the 17th century Italian masters in the form of self-copying. Thus, the processes of imitation in the form of copying, replication, and compilation during the Renaissance and Baroque were a major component of everyday artistic practice and produced a significant impact on its theoretical comprehension and continuation at the subsequent stages of development.
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Cohen-Willner, Saskia. "Een schilderij van Jacopo Palma il Giovane in een vroeg zeventiende-eeuwse Amsterdamse verzameling." Oud Holland - Quarterly for Dutch Art History 113, no. 4 (1999): 175–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187501799x00346.

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AbstractIn this article a drawing by Palma il Giovane, now owned by the Staatliche Graphische Sammlung in Munich, is identified as a study for a painting by the same artist. The present whereabouts of this painting, which early on in the 17th century was in the collection of the Amsterdam merchant and art-lover Hendrick van Os, are unknown. Identification of the drawing was facilitated by the lengthy description of this work in Karel van Mander's biography of Palma Giovane in the Italian Lives of his Schilderboeck (Haarlem 1604). Van Mander describes the painting as showing Venus, Juno and Minerva seated at a table, while the angry Discord has just thrown the apple of discord in their midst. His description of the Van Os painting conforms perfectly, almost down to the smallest detail, with the Munich drawing. Van Mander, during his entire stay in Italy, never visited Venice. For his notion of Venetian painting he relied largely on the information he received from visitors to Venice and its surroundings or on Venetian works he had seen elsewhere, either in other Italian cities or in the Netherlands. For his description of Palma Giovanc's artistic skills Van Mander could rely on his firsthand knowledge of the painting owned by Hendrick van Os.
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Korol’kova, Ol’ga A. "The work of Pieter Post in the context of the development of classicism in Dutch painting of the 17th century." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg State University of Culture, no. 2 (47) (2021): 164–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.30725/2619-0303-2021-2-164-168.

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The author studied the pictorial heritage of the Dutch artist and architect of the 17th century Pieter Post. In the scientific works of Russian art critics, the master’s work is mentioned in the context of his collaboration with the famous architect Jacob van Campen, even though Post is no less significant in the history of art. This article proposes to concentrate on the analysis of the artist’s canvases, tracing the evolution of his creative manner, which was formed under the influence of the art of the Italians and landscape painters of Holland, which is especially noticeable in the first paintings of Post. With the development of skill, the artist acquires his own style, characterized by an attempt to symmetrically build a composition, the predominance of line over color, the specificity of the interpretation of the human figure, which is due to the spread of the ideas of classicism in Dutch art. The main part of the artistic heritage of Pieter Post is made up of architectural monuments created in the classicist style, however, based on the study of the master’s painting, one can trace the stages of the formation of classicism in Holland in the 17th century and the formation the individual style of Post.
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Tracz, Szymon. "Italian Inspiration for the Painting Decorations by Maciej Jan Meyer from the First Half of the Eighteenth Century in Szembek Chapel at the Cathedral in Frombork." Perspektywy Kultury 30, no. 3 (December 20, 2020): 151–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.35765/pk.2020.3003.11.

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The Bishop of Warmia, Krzysztof Andrzej Jan Szembek from Słupów (1680– 1740), erected a domed reliquary chapel devoted to the Most Holy Savior and St. Theodore the Martyr (Saint Theodore of Amasea) at the cathedral in Frombork, also known as Szembek Chapel. The entire interior of the chapel is covered with frescoes dating from around 1735 by Maciej Jan Meyer (Mat­thias Johann Meyer) from Lidzbark Warmiński. Educated in Italy, the artist made polychrome decorations in the style of illusionistic architectural paint­ing known as quadrature. In the lower part of the chapel stand busts of saints and the entire figure of St. Theodore of Amasea; in the cupola of the dome is the adoration of the Holy Trinity and the Holy Cross by the Mother of God and the Saints. Using the comparative method, I discuss the decoration of the chapel in the context of quadrature painting, which was developing in Italy and then in Central Europe, especially at the end of the 17th and the first half of the 18th centuries. Influential artists who played an important role for Pol­ish quadratura techniques were Andrea Pozzo (1642–1709) and painters who came from Italy or studied painting there, such as Maciej Jan Meyer. I also show the prototype for the decoration of the chapel’s dome, namely, the fres­coes from 1664–1665 by Pietro Berrettini da Cortona in the dome of Santa Maria in Valicella in Rome, as well as for medallions with busts of saints mod­eled on the structure of the main altar from 1699–1700 in the Church of the Holy Cross in Warsaw, funded by Meyer’s first patron, Bishop Teodor Potocki, primate of Poland.
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Bauer, Aaron M., Alessandro Ceregato, and Massimo Delfino. "The oldest herpetological collection in the world: the surviving amphibian and reptile specimens of the Museum of Ulisse Aldrovandi." Amphibia-Reptilia 34, no. 3 (2013): 305–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685381-00002894.

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The natural history collection of the Bolognese polymath, encyclopedist, and natural philosopher Ulisse Aldrovandi (1522-1605) is regarded as the first museum in the modern sense of the term. It was intended as a resource for scholarship and a microcosm of the natural world, not simply a cabinet of curiosities. In addition to physical specimens, Aldrovandi’s zoological material included a large series of paintings of animals (Tavole di Animali) that were integral to the collection. Following Aldrovandi’s death, his collection was maintained by the terms of his will, but by the 19th century relatively little remained. We examined surviving herpetological components of the collection, comprising 19 specimens of ten species, as well as the corresponding paintings and associated archival material in the Museum of Palazzo Poggi, Museo di Zoologia, and Biblioteca Universitaria Bolognese in Bologna, Italy. Although the antiquity of some of these dried preparations is in question, many are documented in the Tavole di Animali and/or are mentioned in 17th century lists of the museum, verifying them as the oldest museum specimens of amphibians and reptiles in the world. Exotic species are best represented, including two specimens of Uromastyx aegyptia and several boid snakes – the first New World reptiles to be displayed in Europe. However, the Tavole di Animali suggest that the original collection was dominated by Italian taxa and that greater effort may have been made to conserve the more spectacular specimens. The Aldrovandi collection provides a tangible link to the dawn of modern herpetology in Renaissance Italy.
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Willemijn Fock, C. "werkelijkheid of schijn. Het beeld van het Hollandse interieur in de zeventiende-eeuwse genreschilderkunst." Oud Holland - Quarterly for Dutch Art History 112, no. 4 (1998): 187–246. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187501798x00211.

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AbstractOur ideas of what 17th century Dutch interiors looked like have been conditioned by the hundreds of paintings of interiors by Dutch genre painters. Even restorations and reconstructions in our own time (fig. 1) are influenced significantly by them. It is therefore of vital importance to our knowledge of the history of Dutch interior decoration to realise what we can or cannot believe, and to compare these genre interiors with other sources such as probate inventories, building specifications, plans, conditions of sale, contemporary descriptions such as travellers' reports, etc. It is the combination of these different types of information that enables them to supplement and correct each other. Since the fixed interior fittings are not usually mentioned in probate inventories, it is even more important to weigh all the available evidence by critical analysis. The scope of this article allows me to discuss only a few of the many features; I shall therefore restrict my comments to the fixed decorations and closely associated features. This discourse is therefore in part a comment on Peter Thornton's book Seventeenth Century Interior Decoration in England, France and Holland, who made extensive use of Dutch genre paintings but, unfortunately, could not compare them with inventories of Dutch burghers (other than with the published inventories of the princes of the House of Orange) or with other written Dutch sources. The main starting point is a well-known picture by Emanuel de Witte in the Museum Boijmans Van Beuningcn in Rotterdam, of which a second version is kept in Montreal (fig. 2-3); hardly any other genre interior has been so consistently used as a prototype for a Dutch 17th century interior. The room in the foreground shows a woman sitting at a virginal, a common feature in Dutch houses of the period, while on the left a man is sleeping in a bed; during this period, wealthier people were only just starting to differentiate between living-rooms and bedchambers, and a combination of the two functions was still quite common. The ceiling, however, shows that the tie-beams do not run parallel to the façade as they ought to, but perpendicular to it. This is clearly an instance of artistic licence, so that the horizontal lines of the beams can close off the composition at the top. Behind this room is the entrance hall, with two more rooms behind. An enfilade of this kind is out of the question in a Dutch house at that time, even in a country house. Here the artist has allowed the emphasis on the perspective view and spatial relationships within the painting to prevail over reality, a common feature in most other Dutch genre interiors (fig. 4). Floors with intricate patterns of contrasting marble slabs are a predominant element in these perspective paintings. They can be seen in most genre pictures from the middle and third quarter of the 17th century. However, very few such floors actually survive. There is a rare example, dating from 1661, in the museum 'Our Good Lord in the Attic' at Amsterdam (fig. 6). At that time Amsterdam was a port of transit for marble and stone from Italy and other countries. Travellers reported seeing patterned marble floors in Amsterdam, although most floors of this kind arc likely to have been in official or public buildings. Their prevalence in the residences of burghers is open to question. Only a few building specifications describe them, while explicit references to expensive wooden floors in rich houses have been found. For instance, in one of the most luxurious Amsterdam residences, the mansion of the Bartolotti family, only two such floors were added between 1649 and 1664, in which latter year the rooms in question were particularised in the inventory as 'stone' chambers. This specific indication is in itself proof of how rare marble floors were, for such designations occur only sporadically in inventories of the period (e.g. of the Trippenhuis). In the elaborate descriptions of his important commissions between 1637 and 1670 (fig. 7) the architect Philips Vingboons always mentions marble floors when there are any: altogether, he describes 'Italian' floors four times. They are however quite plain, consisting solely of white slabs; only in two instances was the white marble relieved by blue or red strips specially cut for this use. The fact that this prominent architect dwells so proudly on this feature demonstrates how exceptional it was; elsewhere he invariably speaks of Prussian deals. Several designs by the architect Pieter Post for interiors of burgher houses survive, some even with patterns for marble floors. Again, though, they are very simplc (fig. 8-9), the more elaborate ones being meant for an entrance hall (fig. 10). And we know from the records that wooden floors were preferred for a house which Post built in Dordrecht, even in the reception rooms. Similarly, a third well-known architect, Adriaen Dortsman, designed stone and marble floors only for the basement and corridors of the house he built for Jan Six in 1666 (fig. 11) - not, however, for the main rooms. Examples like these, moreover, apply to the houses of the absolute upper class in Amsterdam, the richest city in Holland. Marble and stone floors were in fact largely confined to halls and corridors, as in the palace Huis ten Bosch built by Pieter Post (fig. 12-13). Of the other palaces belonging to the Prince of Orange, only Rijswijk was famous for its marble floors in most of the rooms (fig. 14). The rooms in the two earliest 17th-century dolls houses, dating from the 1670s, do not have marble floors either, except for the entrance hall (fig. 15); a slightly later one has a marble floor in the hall and the best kitchen, but also in the lying-in chamber (fig. 16). These Amsterdam dolls houses again clearly indicate a preference for wooden floors in reception and living rooms. The rarity of marble floors in living rooms is understandable, since they struck cold and were uncomfortable to dwell on. In the front halls, where marble or stone floors were much more common, there was usually a wooden platform (called a zoldertje) for people to sit on (fig. 19). All this is borne out by one quantitative source: a series of the conditions of sale pertain ing to houses in the city of Haarlem over a period of sixty years. Although they concern the second half of the 18th century, a considerable number of 17th-century interior features were still preserved. No fewer than approximately 5000 different houses are described in this source: by then nearly all larger houses had marble entrance halls and corridors, most of them dating from the 18th century; however, a total of no more than nine living rooms arc mentioned as having marble or stone floors! All these considerations lead to the conclusion that, although marble floors did exist in the houses of Dutch burghers, they were
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BRENNINKMEYER-DE ROOIJ, B. "Zeldzame bloemen, 'Fatta tutti del natturel' door Jan Brueghel I." Oud Holland - Quarterly for Dutch Art History 104, no. 3-4 (1990): 218–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187501790x00101.

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AbstractThe letters Jan Brueghel (1568-1625) wrote to his Italian patron Federico, cardinal Borromeo, between 1605 and 1625, provide some information about his flower paintings. The first significant item occurs in a letter of April 14, 16o6, in which he mentions having started on a flower piece with beautiful and rare species, all painted from life. He had seen and `portrayed' some of them in Brussels (note 16). In a letter of almost the same date to Borromeo's fellow-citizen, the collector Bianchi, Brueghel writes that the piece was to consist of m<>re than a hundred different flowers, and that he had never made such a picture before (note 17). The painting, which is still in the Ambrosiana in Milan, was thus Brueghel's very first flower piece (fig. 3). This is even more obvious when it is compared to a second version (fig. 4), probably painted soon afterwards, in which the flowers are distributcd more evenly over the surface. An arrangement of this kind of bouquet was not possiblc in Brueghel's day. Such flowers were too costly to be placed in vases (note 21); even in gardens they were displayed as single specimens (figs. 5 and 6). They were exotic rarities like the sunflower, which was thought to have been imported from Peru (note 25; fig. 7). Brueghel's native city, Antwerp, was the centre of botanical knowledge in the early 17th century in Europe because of the books published by Plantijn on herbs and plants, written by the leading botanists: Dodonacus, Lobelius and Clusius. In Brueghcl's day plants were fashionable collector's items, not only in the gardens of the aristocracy but also in those of the wealthy bourgeoisie. In this context a picture by a Brueghel imitator featuring Pictura painting a large flower piece (fig. 9) seems quite understandable. Illustrations of plants in books show little or no shadow on their forms, and the light is often diffuse (figs. 7 and 11). Brueghel's flower pieces have the same diffuse light and ignore the effect of light and shade. He may have becn influenced by these illustrations, and he adhered to the same principle: the recognizability of his flowers was all important. Brueghel's bouquet for Borromco (fig.3) consists of flowers which were rare, and therefore valuable. As he wrote to his pastron: 'Underneath the flowers I have made an ornament, with some coins (..). Your Excellency must judge for himself whether flowers do not deserve to take precedence above gold and ornaments' (note 18). Cardinal Borromeo was delighted (notes 47 - 5 1) and wrote that he had paid the value of the ornament as the price of the painting (note 48). However, painted flowers were merc substitues for the real ones to the Cardinal, who docs not seem to have reacted to the next flower piece Brueghel sent him, at the end of 1609 (fig. 15). It was the last flower piece Brueghel painted for him. It is interesting to note that the correspondence gives the impression that this piece was painted partly out of doors (notes 5 4 and 56). Remarks in a letter to Bianchi give some impression of how Brueghel painted his flower pieces. According to him he made no drawing or sketch, he painted alleprinle and arranged he flowers on the surface of the painting while working on it. The combination of spring and summer flowers is understandable when one realizes that it took him about four months to make such a picture. One wonders, however, whether he and his assistants (note 61) did not work on several near identical paintings at the same time. His remark that he painted several bouquets every spring (note 64) suggests the possibility and so does the fact that only about twelve different compositions of flower pieces by him are known, all in more than one version (cf. e.g. figs. 18 and 19). Only very few paintings - the ones for Borromeo, possibly those for the Vienna and/or Brussels court - have no known repeats. Brueghel was boasting when he wrote that he worked exclusively from life. Examination of a flower piece in Cambridge revealed a complete underdrawing (fig. 23); moreover, the iris is copied from a print by Pierre Vallet (fig. 25; note 68). He borrowed some day lilies from a woodcut in Dodonaeus' Stirpium Historiae Pemptades Sex (figs. 26 and 27). One flower - the red Anemone coccinaea on its twisted stem which often appears in his pictures - may be artificial, made from cloth or silk. Nevertheless, his flowers pieces were portraits of betanical rarities, as was probably the case in similar situations at the time (note 79). Any other meaning - for example as a vanitas - is highly unlikely. Neither Brueghel nor Borromco ever mention a religious morality in connection with these flower paintings. Therefore, the endeavour to 'Immorta]17.e' the ephemeral beauty of these flowers must often have been the chief motivation. On the basis of this appreciation for rare flowers, their occurrence in bouquets, and the assumption that Brueghel painted several near-identical flower pieces during a number of years a chronology of (most of) Brueghel's flower pieces has been added as appendix.
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Brown, Christopher, and Peter C. Sutton. "Masters of 17th-Century Dutch Landscape Painting." Simiolus: Netherlands Quarterly for the History of Art 18, no. 1/2 (1988): 76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3780656.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Painting, Italian – 17th century"

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Bucken, Véronique J. "Joos Van Winghe (1542/4-1603), peintre à Bruxelles, en Italie et à Francfort." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/212988.

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Litwinowicz, Michel. "Rome et Naples, deux écoles de nature morte au XVIIe siècle et leurs échanges." Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PSLEP034/document.

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L’école romaine et l’école napolitaine de nature morte comptent au XVIIe siècle parmi les plus importantes dans la peinture européenne. Pendant tout le Seicento, elles sont restées étroitement liées, en multipliant les tableaux de fleurs, fruits, légumes, poissons, gibiers, sous-bois.... La thèse étudie l’évolution de ce genre à Rome et à Naples et les resitue dans le vaste tissu des échanges culturels et stylistiques entre ces deux capitales. Elle analyse la place de la nature morte dans le marché de l’art (circulation, marchands, prix, estimations) et dans les collections. Le goût de mécènes variés pour ces tableaux est étudié. Des comparaisons formelles entre les œuvres de différents peintres, comme Mario dei Fiori et Paolo Porpora, Michelangelo Cerquozzi et Giovanni Battista Ruoppolo ou Giovanni Battista Recco et Gian Domenico Valentino sont effectuées. On explique également le rôle d’Abraham Brueghel, Andrea Bonanni, Alessandro dei Pesci, et Andrea Belvedere
The Roman and the Neapolitan school of still-life painting are in 17th Century among the most important in Europe. During the whole Seicento, these two schools are closely tied and produced a large amount of paintings of flowers, fruits, vegetables, fishes, game, woodland Scenes (sottoboschi)… This PhD analyses the evolution of still-life painting in Rome and in Naples and places it in the numerous stylistic and cultural exchanges between these two capitals. The place of still-life painting in the art market (circulation of works, merchants, prices, appraisals) and in the collections is studied. The Patrons’ taste for these pictures is examined. We carry out stylistics comparisons between works by Mario dei Fiori and Paolo Porpora, Michelangelo Cerquozzi and Giovanni Battista Ruoppolo or Giovanni Battista Recco and Gian Domenico Valentino. We also investigate the role of Abraham Brueghel, Andrea Bonanni, Alessandro dei Pesci and Andrea Belvedere
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Taschian, Helen. "Naturalism and Libertinism in Seventeenth-Century Italian Painting." Thesis, University of California, Santa Barbara, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3612041.

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The work of Caravaggio, which was recognized as revolutionary in his own time and exerted a profound influence on seventeenth century painting all over Europe, has prompted a wide range of interpretations among modern art historians. Some, emphasizing the controversy generated by his religious pictures, have seen him as a daringly irreverent artist, while others have found his unidealized "naturalistic" style fundamentally well-suited to the spirit of the Catholic Counter-Reformation. Some detect a boldly overt homoeroticism in many of his pictures, while others claim not to see it at all. Some understand him to have worked in an unprecedentedly direct, almost visceral way, while others emphasize his sympathy with new directions in the sciences or the intellectual sophistication with which he played his naturalistic style against the precedents of classical and earlier Renaissance art.

Caravaggio's difficult personality has also lent itself to different readings. Some see him as a sociopath, if not a psychopath, while others see him calculatedly performing the role of social rebel in a manner that looks forward to the self-consciously dissident posturings of modern artists. Some art-historians have been led to conclude that he had highly-developed non-conformist values and tendencies that could be described as "libertine" in at least some of the varied senses in which that word was used during his time.

The aim of this dissertation is to discuss the relation of Caravaggio's work and personal example to his immediate art-historical and cultural context, but also to trace their influence on an ever-more-disparate group of artists active in the seventeenth century in order to see whether his style, sometimes characterized as "Baroque Naturalism," actually implied a set of values beyond its efficacy as an artistic strategy, whether a commitment to it implied or was understood to imply a non-conformist or libertine orientation that might be a matter of deep conviction on the part of the artist or a position felt to be appropriate to certain themes or in certain contexts.

The first chapter examines Caravaggio himself, while the second discusses three artists—Giovanni Baglione, Orazio Gentileschi, and Guido Reni—who knew him personally and responded to his work as it burst so dramatically on the scene in the very first years of the century. The third chapter discussed three artists who were active shortly afterward, whose engagement with Caravaggio testifies to a wider field of influence: Valentin de Boulogne, Domenico Fetti, and Guido Cagnacci. The final chapter sets two very different artists—Salvator Rosa and Nicolas Poussin—side by side in order to expose both the radically different responses to Caravaggio's legacy and the diverse senses in which the word "libertine" must be understood.

While the evidence does seem to suggest that at least some artists utilized Caravaggesque naturalism in order to invoke a well-defined "alternative tradition," one that was understood to imply a certain range of values, very few committed themselves to his approach strictly or for very long. Poussin rejected it emphatically. Yet Poussin, too, deliberately positioned himself on the margins of the Roman art world in order to cultivate a distinctive approach to art, one that seems to have been consciously based on deeply-held philosophical convictions. The lesson seems to be that Caravaggio's example made it possible for later artists to develop strategies with which to express their dissent from the prevailing values and practices of their time, and that even if their work did not look like his, they were indebted to him.

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Toreno, Elisabetta. "Fifteenth-century Italian and Netherlandish female portraiture in context : a legal-anthropological interpretation." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2015. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/6728/.

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This thesis contributes to the study of portraiture by delivering an appraisal of female portraits produced in the urban areas of Italy and Flanders in the fifteenth century. Scholarship on individual and selections of these items exists, but it is fragmented and influenced by Marxist-feminist views about genders and their roles in the system of patriarchy. The term ‘patriarchy’ describes a socio-political and economic organization that is male-controlled. By applying patrilineal rules of patrimonial and political transmission through social stabilisers such as the institution of marriage, it disenfranchises women from decisions that affect their life directly, and ultimately their sense of entitlement. However, in order to function successfully, it creates forms of compensation that diminish the risks of uprising by the marginalised. Concerning women, this could be seen as their feminine experience of these conditions, which feminist analyses tend to overlook. With an original survey of one-hundred and four individual female portraits dated c.1400-c.1500, this thesis explores the relationship between the image and such experience during the rise of entrepreneurial communities, because these groups relied principally on this system to prosper individually and collectively. For the task, this thesis uses a legal-anthropological method that eschews the Marxist-feminist trappings. Its results show that female agency in the domestic environment and the dowry-system produced a binary relationship between men and women and forms of public and private recognition that challenge the basic notion of female marginalisation. Secondly, the Christocentric practices developed by evangelical groups from the early-thirteenth century proved very popular amongst women because they offered varieties of autonomy and public intervention that were otherwise precluded to them. Thirdly, humanism affected a small but important group of women, whose desire for learning challenged conventional propaganda about female inadequacies. This thesis explains the ways in which these facets are integrated in the likenesses of this survey. It demonstrates that fifteenth-century spectatorship received two types of stimuli. One that invested on an affinity of appreciation of the social values of female beauty, fashion and domestic skills, and that articulated ideas of commonwealth and kinship. One other that sought affinity that was more intimate and consistent with the sitter’s psychological condition. These strands ramified into social and ethical discourses that this thesis charts and examines. The one-hundred and four portraits featured in this survey originated predominantly in Flanders and central-northern Italy, the early strongholds of European mercantile groups. Current scholarship compares Netherlandish and Italian portraiture in terms of modernity versus obsolescence because the former developed naturalistic portraits in located backgrounds in c.1430, whilst the latter preferred the profile format until the end of the century. This thesis contests this polarisation because visual and contextual evidence together suggest that sociocultural interests informed choices of formats and the circulation of likenesses to the effect that modernity in portraiture cannot be measured in mere technical terms. Fifteenth-century Netherlandish portraits are, indeed, the earliest examples of modern portraiture but this phenomenon must be understood, this thesis explains, as the product of concomitant conditions that include new media and new attitudes towards the self, caused by the secularisation of culture and the revival of Greco-Roman literature. This thesis also contributes to the knowledge of the genre because it uncovers types of female portraiture that are new to the existing assessments, thereby setting the parameters for a classification of the topic from the perspective of the feminine experience of her own mimesis.
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Diffley, Paul Brian. "Paolo Beni : a biographical and critical study." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1986. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:fcd4391e-4bfc-41bb-abbd-37ae4ba33158.

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The thesis is divided into three parts. Part One treats Beni's life and works from his birth in 1553 to 1604. His birth, his ancestry, his early education, his early careers, his Jesuit career and its aftermath are described from documentary evidence. His works of this period, most of which are inextricably connected with his life, are also briefly treated, Part Two narrates the events of the remainder of his life: his writing, his teaching, his publishing, his polemical writing, his relationship with his family, his last illness and death. Part Three provides a more ample critical assessment of his major writings after 1604, grouped according to subject-matter. Chapters are devoted to his criticism of Tasso, to his linguistic writings, to his theory and practice of poetry, history and rhetoric. The conclusion summarizes the pattern of his life and reassesses his importance. The Bibliography is divided into two parts. The first contains Beni's writings in three sections: (a) published works, with a note on the Opera omnia; (b) MS works; (c) a chronological reference list of his (mostly unpublished) letters. Part Two contains all other works consulted, MS and printed.
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Morel, Thierry. "The function and status of landscape painting in the late 16th and early 17th century Rome." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.530062.

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Chung, Kyung-Young. "Reconsidering the Lament: Form, Content, and Genre in Italian Chamber Recitative Laments: 1600-1640." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2004. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4668/.

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Scholars have considered Italian chamber recitative laments only a transitional phenomenon between madrigal laments and laments organized on the descending tetrachord bass. However, the recitative lament is distinguished from them by its characteristic attitude toward the relationship between music and text. Composer of Italian chamber recitative laments attempted to express more subtle, refined and sometimes complicated emotion in their music. For that purpose, they intentionally created discrepancies between text and music. Sometimes they even destroy the original structure of text in order to clearly deliver the composer's own voice. The basic syntactic structure is deconstructed and reconstructed along with their reading and according to their intention. The discrepancy between text and music is, however, expectable and natural phenomena since text cannot be completely translated or transformed to music and vice versa. The composers of Italian chamber recitative laments utilized their innate heterogeneity between two materials (music and text) as a metaphor that represents the semantic essence of the genre, the conflict. In this context, Italian chamber recitative laments were a real embodiment of the so-called seconda prattica and through the study of them, finally, we more fully able to understand how the spirit of late Renaissance flourished in Italy in the first four decade of the seventeenth century.
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Taylor, Chloë. "The aesthetics of sadism and masochism in Italian renaissance painting /." Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=79810.

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This thesis analyses selected paintings and aspects of life of the Italian Renaissance in terms of the aesthetic properties of sadistic and masochistic symptomatologies and creative production, as these have been explored by philosophers such as Michel Foucault, Roland Barthes, Marcel Henaff, and Gilles Deleuze. One question which arises from this analysis, and is considered in this thesis, is of the relation between sexual perversion and history, and in particular between experiences of violence, (dis)pleasure and desire, and historically specific forms of discourse and power, such as legislation on rape; myths and practices concerning marriage alliance; the depiction of such myths and practices in art; religion; and family structures. A second question which this thesis explores is the manners in which sadistic and masochistic artistic production function politically, to bolster pre-existing gender ideologies or to subvert them. Finally, this thesis considers the relation between sadism and masochism and visuality, both by bringing literary models of perversion to an interpretation of paintings, and by exploring the amenability of different genres of visual art to sadism and masochism respectively.
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Gattringer, Christa. "17th-Century Antwerp artists' studio practice : Rubens and his circle : an interdisciplinary approach in technical art history." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2014. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/5135/.

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Early 17th-century Antwerp, despite political and religious troubles, was a thriving European art centre and home of such renowned artists as Peter Paul Rubens and other painters of his circle, like Jan Brueghel I, Frans Snyders, Anthony van Dyck and Hendrick van Balen. This interdisciplinary thesis in Technical Art History, after a general introduction to this specific art scene, looks at how specific aspects of their studio practice, such as collaborations within and outside their studios or the many copies and versions of their paintings, found manifestation in their works but also in their theoretical concepts. For this an in-depth study and examination of c.20 paintings from mainly Scottish collections (National Galleries of Scotland Edinburgh, Glasgow Museums, Hunterian Art Gallery of the University of Glasgow, Talbot Rice Gallery of the University of Edinburgh, Hopetoun House South Queensferry) was conducted, using detailed photography, multispectral imaging, tracings, dendrochronology, polarised light microscopy and SEM- EDX-analysis of paint samples in cross-sections. The technical examination and analysis, informed by art historical research, significantly aided the answering of questions regarding these paintings’ materials and techniques, as well as they helped to authenticate sometimes contested authorship and date. Four main chapters discuss Frans Snyders’ studio practice focussing on reappearing motifs, Rubens’ tronies, Jan Brueghel’s minute staffage figures in collaborative works, as well as Rubens’ and Brueghel’s painting Nature Adorned by the Graces. An own chapter critically discusses the test results of the application of Stable Lead Isotope Analysis on paint samples, which were carried out at the Scottish Universities Environmental Research Centre (SUERC).
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Langford, Charles K. "Le utopie rinascimentali : esempli moderni di polis perfetta." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102806.

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The citizens of utopian Renaissance cities have in common the confidence in the power of reason and moral virtues. The purpose of the thesis is to prove that, in spite of the imaginative and unreal aspects of these utopian societies, they contain the prodroms of the modern societies.
The utopias of the Renaissance are projects of a new commonwealth, based on justice and education. The Italian peninsula of the XVI and early XVII century spawned several works belonging to this literary genre, inspired by Plato's Republic and initiated in England with Thomas More's Utopia (1516). Those considered in this thesis, besides Utopia, are: Francesco Doni's Il mondo savio e pazzo (1552), Francesco Patrizi's La Citta felice (1553), Ludovico Agostini's La Repubblica immaginaria (1580), Tommaso Campanella's La Citta del Sole (The City of the Sun) (1602) and Lodovico Zuccolo's Il Belluzzi (1621).
The thesis examines these six main literary works according to the concept of uchronie and escapism, the definitions of utopia by Karl Mannheim, J.C. Davis and Mikhail Bakhtin, the religious and Arcadian elements and the relationship between utopia and satire. The thesis analyzes three essential aspects of the utopian tales: city planning, relationship between man and woman, and education. The utopias of the Renaissance also reveal two different visions: one innovative if compared to the society of the time, and another, post-tridentina, oriented towards a return to more traditional values. The thesis examines the influence of More's work on the utopias of the Renaissance by analyzing and comparing a series of topics, like the title of the work, the narrator, fantastical names and ideas, the role of Plato, property and inequity, the choice of woman and the concept of beauty, daily labor, the function of God, and the concept of law.
The utopias of the Renaissance have various modern aspects: a utilitarian justice, a better place of woman in the society, the laicity of the government, the "rationality" of war, secularism, education, health, social justice, assistance to elderly. They also contain myopias, like an unrealistic economic model and a static society.
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Books on the topic "Painting, Italian – 17th century"

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Le XVIIème siècle: Racines et développements = The 17th century, roots and developments. Paris: G. Sarti, 2003.

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Painting in eighteenth-century Venice. 3rd ed. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1994.

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After Raphael: Painting in central Italy in the sixteenth century. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1999.

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Pittoresco: Marco Boschini, his critics, and their critiques of painterly brushwork in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Italy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991.

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National Gallery of Art (U.S.). Italian paintings of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Washington: National Gallery of Art, 1996.

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Barbara, Savina, and Savina Barbara, eds. Caravaggio tra originali e copie: Collezionismo e mercato dell'arte a Roma nel primo Seicento = Caravaggio between originals and copies : collectors and art trade in the early 17th century Rome. Foligno: etgraphiae editrice, 2013.

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Albert, Blankert, ed. Masters of 17th-century Dutch landscape painting. London: Herbert, 1988.

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Albert, Blankert, Rijksmuseum (Netherlands), Museum of Fine Arts, Boston., and Philadelphia Museum of Art, eds. Masters of 17th-century Dutch landscape painting. Boston: Museum of Fine Arts, 1987.

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Gordon, Dillian. The fifteen century Italian paintings. London: National Gallery, 2001.

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1949-, Penny Nicholas, ed. The sixteenth century Italian paintings. London: National Gallery Co., 2004.

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Book chapters on the topic "Painting, Italian – 17th century"

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Watts, Laura L. "Ottocento Painting and the Gap in Nineteenth-Century Art Historical Discourse." In Italian Painting in the Age of Unification, 1–15. Title: Italian painting in the age of unification / Laura L. Watts.Description: New York : Routledge, 2021.: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003120506-1.

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Trupia, Piero. "Twentieth-Century Italian Painting Against the Nihilist Drift of European Thought." In Phenomenology of Life. Meeting the Challenges of the Present-Day World, 407–24. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/1-4020-3065-7_28.

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Ames-Lewis, Francis. "Sources and Documents for the Use of the Oil Medium in Fifteenth-Century Italian Painting." In Museums at the Crossroads, 47–62. Turnhout: Brepols Publishers, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/m.mac-eb.3.777.

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Turnbull, Lachlan. "Discursive Affect and Emotional Prescriptiveness: On the ‘Man of Sorrows’ in Fourteenth-Century Italian Painting." In Early European Research, 221–41. Turnhout: Brepols Publishers, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/m.eer-eb.5.115233.

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Patalano, Rosario. "Serra’s Brief Treatise in a World-System Perspective: The Dutch Miracle and Italian Decline in the Early 17th Century." In Antonio Serra and the Economics of Good Government, 63–88. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137539960_5.

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Cotticelli, Francesco. "Burladores e Convitati a Napoli tra Sei e Settecento, da Perrucci ad Abri (e oltre)." In Studi e saggi, 219–35. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-5518-150-1.14.

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This essay provides a comparison of select testimonies of the enduring tradition of Convitato di pietra (The Stone Guest) in Central and Southern Italy from the late 17th to the early 19th century. The text by Perrucci, the scenario from the Casamarciano collection, the anonymous revision located in the Italian Castle Archive at the Beinecke Library at Yale, and Abri’s opera tragica (which relies significantly on Perrucci’s setting) testify to the longevity of this plot – as well as of the Spanish repertoire – on the stage, in spite of notable changes, which reveal dramatic transformations in taste and sensitivity on the part of theatre practitioners and the audience.
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Badolato, Nicola. "Armidoro, Oristeo e altri principi giardinieri sulle scene dell’opera veneziana nel Seicento." In Studi e saggi, 301–25. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-5518-150-1.19.

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The subject of aprince dressing as a gardener to approach his beloved is dear to the European theatrical tradition: the model of Don Duardos by Gil Vicente (1562), reprinted in El rincipe viñador by Luis Vélez de Guevara (1668), is also used in French theatre, which proposes a variation in Le Prince déguisé by Georges de Scudery (1636), partly based on the novel Grisel y Mirabella by Juan de Flores (1524). This subject was later integrated into 17th century Italian theatre, starting with Venetian opera. This essay analyses in particular some works produced in Venice in the middle of the century, starting with Il prencipe giardiniero by Benedetto Ferrari (1644), whose subject anticipates first L’Oristeo (1651) by Giovanni Faustini and Francesco Cavalli, and Laurindo by Gio. Andrea Moniglia, written in 1657 and printed as Il principe giardiniere under the name of Giacinto Andrea Cicognini starting from 1664.
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Adams, Laurie Schneider. "Key Monuments of Fourteenth-Century Painting." In Key Monuments of the Italian Renaissance, 9–20. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429039782-2.

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Nagel, Alexander. "Structural Indeterminacy in Early-Sixteenth-Century Italian Painting." In Subject as Aporia in Early Modern Art, 17–42. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315087573-2.

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"Schilderachtig: A Rhyparographic View of Early 17th-Century Dutch Landscape Painting." In Landscape and the Visual Hermeneutics of Place, 1500–1700, 195–208. BRILL, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004440401_007.

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Conference papers on the topic "Painting, Italian – 17th century"

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Matouskova, Eva. "USING VNIR HYPERSPECTRAL SENSOR FOR 17TH CENTURY OIL PAINTING DOCUMENTATION." In 13th SGEM GeoConference on INFORMATICS, GEOINFORMATICS AND REMOTE SENSING. Stef92 Technology, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgem2013/bb2.v2/s10.025.

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Dong, Junliang, Alexandre Loequet, Anne Adrian, Claire Meunier, Kevin Kazek, Philippe Brunella, and D. S. Citrin. "Stratigraphie details of a 17th century oil painting on canvas revealed by terahertz imaging." In 2017 42nd International Conference on Infrared, Millimeter, and Terahertz Waves (IRMMW-THz). IEEE, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/irmmw-thz.2017.8066999.

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Ozola, Silvija. "FORMATION OF CITIES IN THE COURLAND AND SEMIGALLIA DUCHY DURING THE 16TH � 17TH CENTURY UNDER THE INFLUENCE OF ITALIAN AND POLISH RENAISSANCE URBAN PLANNING TRADITIONS." In 5th SGEM International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conferences on SOCIAL SCIENCES and ARTS SGEM2018. STEF92 Technology, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocialf2018/2.3/s20.016.

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