To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Painting, Italian – 17th century.
Journal articles on the topic 'Painting, Italian – 17th century'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Painting, Italian – 17th century.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Pepper, D. Stephen, Elizabeth Cropper, and Charles Dempsey. "An Exchange on the "State of Research in Italian 17th-Century Painting"." Art Bulletin 71, no. 2 (June 1989): 305. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3051201.
Full text
2
Pepper, D. Stephen, Elizabeth Cropper, and Charles Dempsey. "An Exchange on the “State of Research in Italian 17th-Century Painting”." Art Bulletin 71, no. 2 (June 1989): 305–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00043079.1989.10788502.
Full text
3
Pichugina, Olga K. "DEVELOPMENT OF IMITATION METHODS IN THE PAINTING PRACTICE OF THE 16th-17th CENTURY ITALIAN MASTERS." Architecton: Proceedings of Higher Education, no. 4(72) (December 28, 2020): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.47055/1990-4126-2020-4(72)-18.
Full textAbstract:
The article explores the imitation methods in Italian Renaissance and Baroque painting, which were widespread in the forms of copying, replication, compilation and imitation. Italian art inherited the practice of imitation from the era of Antiquity and the Middle Ages. It was the basis of apprenticeship and organization of work in art studios. Model imitation and, at the same time, search for stylistic originality from the second half of the 15th century led to the spreading of replication, compilation, imitation and emulation techniques. The practice of imitation was continued by the 17th century Italian masters in the form of self-copying. Thus, the processes of imitation in the form of copying, replication, and compilation during the Renaissance and Baroque were a major component of everyday artistic practice and produced a significant impact on its theoretical comprehension and continuation at the subsequent stages of development.
4
Cohen-Willner, Saskia. "Een schilderij van Jacopo Palma il Giovane in een vroeg zeventiende-eeuwse Amsterdamse verzameling." Oud Holland - Quarterly for Dutch Art History 113, no. 4 (1999): 175–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187501799x00346.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractIn this article a drawing by Palma il Giovane, now owned by the Staatliche Graphische Sammlung in Munich, is identified as a study for a painting by the same artist. The present whereabouts of this painting, which early on in the 17th century was in the collection of the Amsterdam merchant and art-lover Hendrick van Os, are unknown. Identification of the drawing was facilitated by the lengthy description of this work in Karel van Mander's biography of Palma Giovane in the Italian Lives of his Schilderboeck (Haarlem 1604). Van Mander describes the painting as showing Venus, Juno and Minerva seated at a table, while the angry Discord has just thrown the apple of discord in their midst. His description of the Van Os painting conforms perfectly, almost down to the smallest detail, with the Munich drawing. Van Mander, during his entire stay in Italy, never visited Venice. For his notion of Venetian painting he relied largely on the information he received from visitors to Venice and its surroundings or on Venetian works he had seen elsewhere, either in other Italian cities or in the Netherlands. For his description of Palma Giovanc's artistic skills Van Mander could rely on his firsthand knowledge of the painting owned by Hendrick van Os.
5
Korol’kova, Ol’ga A. "The work of Pieter Post in the context of the development of classicism in Dutch painting of the 17th century." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg State University of Culture, no. 2 (47) (2021): 164–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.30725/2619-0303-2021-2-164-168.
Full textAbstract:
The author studied the pictorial heritage of the Dutch artist and architect of the 17th century Pieter Post. In the scientific works of Russian art critics, the master’s work is mentioned in the context of his collaboration with the famous architect Jacob van Campen, even though Post is no less significant in the history of art. This article proposes to concentrate on the analysis of the artist’s canvases, tracing the evolution of his creative manner, which was formed under the influence of the art of the Italians and landscape painters of Holland, which is especially noticeable in the first paintings of Post. With the development of skill, the artist acquires his own style, characterized by an attempt to symmetrically build a composition, the predominance of line over color, the specificity of the interpretation of the human figure, which is due to the spread of the ideas of classicism in Dutch art. The main part of the artistic heritage of Pieter Post is made up of architectural monuments created in the classicist style, however, based on the study of the master’s painting, one can trace the stages of the formation of classicism in Holland in the 17th century and the formation the individual style of Post.
6
Tracz, Szymon. "Italian Inspiration for the Painting Decorations by Maciej Jan Meyer from the First Half of the Eighteenth Century in Szembek Chapel at the Cathedral in Frombork." Perspektywy Kultury 30, no. 3 (December 20, 2020): 151–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.35765/pk.2020.3003.11.
Full textAbstract:
The Bishop of Warmia, Krzysztof Andrzej Jan Szembek from Słupów (1680– 1740), erected a domed reliquary chapel devoted to the Most Holy Savior and St. Theodore the Martyr (Saint Theodore of Amasea) at the cathedral in Frombork, also known as Szembek Chapel. The entire interior of the chapel is covered with frescoes dating from around 1735 by Maciej Jan Meyer (Matthias Johann Meyer) from Lidzbark Warmiński. Educated in Italy, the artist made polychrome decorations in the style of illusionistic architectural painting known as quadrature. In the lower part of the chapel stand busts of saints and the entire figure of St. Theodore of Amasea; in the cupola of the dome is the adoration of the Holy Trinity and the Holy Cross by the Mother of God and the Saints. Using the comparative method, I discuss the decoration of the chapel in the context of quadrature painting, which was developing in Italy and then in Central Europe, especially at the end of the 17th and the first half of the 18th centuries. Influential artists who played an important role for Polish quadratura techniques were Andrea Pozzo (1642–1709) and painters who came from Italy or studied painting there, such as Maciej Jan Meyer. I also show the prototype for the decoration of the chapel’s dome, namely, the frescoes from 1664–1665 by Pietro Berrettini da Cortona in the dome of Santa Maria in Valicella in Rome, as well as for medallions with busts of saints modeled on the structure of the main altar from 1699–1700 in the Church of the Holy Cross in Warsaw, funded by Meyer’s first patron, Bishop Teodor Potocki, primate of Poland.
7
Bauer, Aaron M., Alessandro Ceregato, and Massimo Delfino. "The oldest herpetological collection in the world: the surviving amphibian and reptile specimens of the Museum of Ulisse Aldrovandi." Amphibia-Reptilia 34, no. 3 (2013): 305–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685381-00002894.
Full textAbstract:
The natural history collection of the Bolognese polymath, encyclopedist, and natural philosopher Ulisse Aldrovandi (1522-1605) is regarded as the first museum in the modern sense of the term. It was intended as a resource for scholarship and a microcosm of the natural world, not simply a cabinet of curiosities. In addition to physical specimens, Aldrovandi’s zoological material included a large series of paintings of animals (Tavole di Animali) that were integral to the collection. Following Aldrovandi’s death, his collection was maintained by the terms of his will, but by the 19th century relatively little remained. We examined surviving herpetological components of the collection, comprising 19 specimens of ten species, as well as the corresponding paintings and associated archival material in the Museum of Palazzo Poggi, Museo di Zoologia, and Biblioteca Universitaria Bolognese in Bologna, Italy. Although the antiquity of some of these dried preparations is in question, many are documented in the Tavole di Animali and/or are mentioned in 17th century lists of the museum, verifying them as the oldest museum specimens of amphibians and reptiles in the world. Exotic species are best represented, including two specimens of Uromastyx aegyptia and several boid snakes – the first New World reptiles to be displayed in Europe. However, the Tavole di Animali suggest that the original collection was dominated by Italian taxa and that greater effort may have been made to conserve the more spectacular specimens. The Aldrovandi collection provides a tangible link to the dawn of modern herpetology in Renaissance Italy.
8
Willemijn Fock, C. "werkelijkheid of schijn. Het beeld van het Hollandse interieur in de zeventiende-eeuwse genreschilderkunst." Oud Holland - Quarterly for Dutch Art History 112, no. 4 (1998): 187–246. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187501798x00211.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractOur ideas of what 17th century Dutch interiors looked like have been conditioned by the hundreds of paintings of interiors by Dutch genre painters. Even restorations and reconstructions in our own time (fig. 1) are influenced significantly by them. It is therefore of vital importance to our knowledge of the history of Dutch interior decoration to realise what we can or cannot believe, and to compare these genre interiors with other sources such as probate inventories, building specifications, plans, conditions of sale, contemporary descriptions such as travellers' reports, etc. It is the combination of these different types of information that enables them to supplement and correct each other. Since the fixed interior fittings are not usually mentioned in probate inventories, it is even more important to weigh all the available evidence by critical analysis. The scope of this article allows me to discuss only a few of the many features; I shall therefore restrict my comments to the fixed decorations and closely associated features. This discourse is therefore in part a comment on Peter Thornton's book Seventeenth Century Interior Decoration in England, France and Holland, who made extensive use of Dutch genre paintings but, unfortunately, could not compare them with inventories of Dutch burghers (other than with the published inventories of the princes of the House of Orange) or with other written Dutch sources. The main starting point is a well-known picture by Emanuel de Witte in the Museum Boijmans Van Beuningcn in Rotterdam, of which a second version is kept in Montreal (fig. 2-3); hardly any other genre interior has been so consistently used as a prototype for a Dutch 17th century interior. The room in the foreground shows a woman sitting at a virginal, a common feature in Dutch houses of the period, while on the left a man is sleeping in a bed; during this period, wealthier people were only just starting to differentiate between living-rooms and bedchambers, and a combination of the two functions was still quite common. The ceiling, however, shows that the tie-beams do not run parallel to the façade as they ought to, but perpendicular to it. This is clearly an instance of artistic licence, so that the horizontal lines of the beams can close off the composition at the top. Behind this room is the entrance hall, with two more rooms behind. An enfilade of this kind is out of the question in a Dutch house at that time, even in a country house. Here the artist has allowed the emphasis on the perspective view and spatial relationships within the painting to prevail over reality, a common feature in most other Dutch genre interiors (fig. 4). Floors with intricate patterns of contrasting marble slabs are a predominant element in these perspective paintings. They can be seen in most genre pictures from the middle and third quarter of the 17th century. However, very few such floors actually survive. There is a rare example, dating from 1661, in the museum 'Our Good Lord in the Attic' at Amsterdam (fig. 6). At that time Amsterdam was a port of transit for marble and stone from Italy and other countries. Travellers reported seeing patterned marble floors in Amsterdam, although most floors of this kind arc likely to have been in official or public buildings. Their prevalence in the residences of burghers is open to question. Only a few building specifications describe them, while explicit references to expensive wooden floors in rich houses have been found. For instance, in one of the most luxurious Amsterdam residences, the mansion of the Bartolotti family, only two such floors were added between 1649 and 1664, in which latter year the rooms in question were particularised in the inventory as 'stone' chambers. This specific indication is in itself proof of how rare marble floors were, for such designations occur only sporadically in inventories of the period (e.g. of the Trippenhuis). In the elaborate descriptions of his important commissions between 1637 and 1670 (fig. 7) the architect Philips Vingboons always mentions marble floors when there are any: altogether, he describes 'Italian' floors four times. They are however quite plain, consisting solely of white slabs; only in two instances was the white marble relieved by blue or red strips specially cut for this use. The fact that this prominent architect dwells so proudly on this feature demonstrates how exceptional it was; elsewhere he invariably speaks of Prussian deals. Several designs by the architect Pieter Post for interiors of burgher houses survive, some even with patterns for marble floors. Again, though, they are very simplc (fig. 8-9), the more elaborate ones being meant for an entrance hall (fig. 10). And we know from the records that wooden floors were preferred for a house which Post built in Dordrecht, even in the reception rooms. Similarly, a third well-known architect, Adriaen Dortsman, designed stone and marble floors only for the basement and corridors of the house he built for Jan Six in 1666 (fig. 11) - not, however, for the main rooms. Examples like these, moreover, apply to the houses of the absolute upper class in Amsterdam, the richest city in Holland. Marble and stone floors were in fact largely confined to halls and corridors, as in the palace Huis ten Bosch built by Pieter Post (fig. 12-13). Of the other palaces belonging to the Prince of Orange, only Rijswijk was famous for its marble floors in most of the rooms (fig. 14). The rooms in the two earliest 17th-century dolls houses, dating from the 1670s, do not have marble floors either, except for the entrance hall (fig. 15); a slightly later one has a marble floor in the hall and the best kitchen, but also in the lying-in chamber (fig. 16). These Amsterdam dolls houses again clearly indicate a preference for wooden floors in reception and living rooms. The rarity of marble floors in living rooms is understandable, since they struck cold and were uncomfortable to dwell on. In the front halls, where marble or stone floors were much more common, there was usually a wooden platform (called a zoldertje) for people to sit on (fig. 19). All this is borne out by one quantitative source: a series of the conditions of sale pertain ing to houses in the city of Haarlem over a period of sixty years. Although they concern the second half of the 18th century, a considerable number of 17th-century interior features were still preserved. No fewer than approximately 5000 different houses are described in this source: by then nearly all larger houses had marble entrance halls and corridors, most of them dating from the 18th century; however, a total of no more than nine living rooms arc mentioned as having marble or stone floors! All these considerations lead to the conclusion that, although marble floors did exist in the houses of Dutch burghers, they were
9
BRENNINKMEYER-DE ROOIJ, B. "Zeldzame bloemen, 'Fatta tutti del natturel' door Jan Brueghel I." Oud Holland - Quarterly for Dutch Art History 104, no. 3-4 (1990): 218–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187501790x00101.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe letters Jan Brueghel (1568-1625) wrote to his Italian patron Federico, cardinal Borromeo, between 1605 and 1625, provide some information about his flower paintings. The first significant item occurs in a letter of April 14, 16o6, in which he mentions having started on a flower piece with beautiful and rare species, all painted from life. He had seen and `portrayed' some of them in Brussels (note 16). In a letter of almost the same date to Borromeo's fellow-citizen, the collector Bianchi, Brueghel writes that the piece was to consist of m<>re than a hundred different flowers, and that he had never made such a picture before (note 17). The painting, which is still in the Ambrosiana in Milan, was thus Brueghel's very first flower piece (fig. 3). This is even more obvious when it is compared to a second version (fig. 4), probably painted soon afterwards, in which the flowers are distributcd more evenly over the surface. An arrangement of this kind of bouquet was not possiblc in Brueghel's day. Such flowers were too costly to be placed in vases (note 21); even in gardens they were displayed as single specimens (figs. 5 and 6). They were exotic rarities like the sunflower, which was thought to have been imported from Peru (note 25; fig. 7). Brueghel's native city, Antwerp, was the centre of botanical knowledge in the early 17th century in Europe because of the books published by Plantijn on herbs and plants, written by the leading botanists: Dodonacus, Lobelius and Clusius. In Brueghcl's day plants were fashionable collector's items, not only in the gardens of the aristocracy but also in those of the wealthy bourgeoisie. In this context a picture by a Brueghel imitator featuring Pictura painting a large flower piece (fig. 9) seems quite understandable. Illustrations of plants in books show little or no shadow on their forms, and the light is often diffuse (figs. 7 and 11). Brueghel's flower pieces have the same diffuse light and ignore the effect of light and shade. He may have becn influenced by these illustrations, and he adhered to the same principle: the recognizability of his flowers was all important. Brueghel's bouquet for Borromco (fig.3) consists of flowers which were rare, and therefore valuable. As he wrote to his pastron: 'Underneath the flowers I have made an ornament, with some coins (..). Your Excellency must judge for himself whether flowers do not deserve to take precedence above gold and ornaments' (note 18). Cardinal Borromeo was delighted (notes 47 - 5 1) and wrote that he had paid the value of the ornament as the price of the painting (note 48). However, painted flowers were merc substitues for the real ones to the Cardinal, who docs not seem to have reacted to the next flower piece Brueghel sent him, at the end of 1609 (fig. 15). It was the last flower piece Brueghel painted for him. It is interesting to note that the correspondence gives the impression that this piece was painted partly out of doors (notes 5 4 and 56). Remarks in a letter to Bianchi give some impression of how Brueghel painted his flower pieces. According to him he made no drawing or sketch, he painted alleprinle and arranged he flowers on the surface of the painting while working on it. The combination of spring and summer flowers is understandable when one realizes that it took him about four months to make such a picture. One wonders, however, whether he and his assistants (note 61) did not work on several near identical paintings at the same time. His remark that he painted several bouquets every spring (note 64) suggests the possibility and so does the fact that only about twelve different compositions of flower pieces by him are known, all in more than one version (cf. e.g. figs. 18 and 19). Only very few paintings - the ones for Borromeo, possibly those for the Vienna and/or Brussels court - have no known repeats. Brueghel was boasting when he wrote that he worked exclusively from life. Examination of a flower piece in Cambridge revealed a complete underdrawing (fig. 23); moreover, the iris is copied from a print by Pierre Vallet (fig. 25; note 68). He borrowed some day lilies from a woodcut in Dodonaeus' Stirpium Historiae Pemptades Sex (figs. 26 and 27). One flower - the red Anemone coccinaea on its twisted stem which often appears in his pictures - may be artificial, made from cloth or silk. Nevertheless, his flowers pieces were portraits of betanical rarities, as was probably the case in similar situations at the time (note 79). Any other meaning - for example as a vanitas - is highly unlikely. Neither Brueghel nor Borromco ever mention a religious morality in connection with these flower paintings. Therefore, the endeavour to 'Immorta]17.e' the ephemeral beauty of these flowers must often have been the chief motivation. On the basis of this appreciation for rare flowers, their occurrence in bouquets, and the assumption that Brueghel painted several near-identical flower pieces during a number of years a chronology of (most of) Brueghel's flower pieces has been added as appendix.
10
Brown, Christopher, and Peter C. Sutton. "Masters of 17th-Century Dutch Landscape Painting." Simiolus: Netherlands Quarterly for the History of Art 18, no. 1/2 (1988): 76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3780656.
Full text
11
Witko, Andrzej. "Still Life in 17th-Century Seville Painting." Roczniki Humanistyczne 66, no. 4 SELECTED PAPERS IN ENGLISH (October 23, 2019): 175–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/rh.2018.66.4-6e.
Full textAbstract:
The Polish version of the article was published in “Roczniki Humanistyczne,” vol. 60 (2012), issue 4.
Although still nature did not enjoy a lot of prestige as a genre of paining in 17th-century Seville, it still accompanied many scenes that had a religious or secular character. With time, it even gained an autonomous status and some popularity, resulting rather from decorative reasons. It was to be ensured by presenting various objects made by man, but also appetizing articles of food and beautiful, colourful flowers. It was in this convention that, among others, works by Francisco de Zurbarán and his son Juan, Francisco Barranco or Pedro de Camprobín y Passano were painted. A feature typical of Seville painting was also the use of the language of symbols in still lifes, especially in a religious context, as Zurbarán’s paintings. Historical circumstances connected with the spreading famine and the plague gave the still life a new function. It was to satisfy the longing for the lost wealth of life, showing tasteful and beautiful still lifes, like those in the works by Pedro de Medina Valbuena, Cornelio Schut and Andrés Peréz. The toll of the Black Death also inspired artists. However, they painted works emphasizing the briefness and futility of human life, didactic and moralizing, which culminated in the paintings by Juan de Valdés Leal and his son Lucas.
12
Adams, Ann Jensen, and Peter C. Sutton. "Masters of Dutch 17th-Century Landscape Painting." Art Bulletin 74, no. 2 (June 1992): 334. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3045877.
Full text
13
Cropper, Elizabeth, and Charles Dempsey. "Italian Painting of the Seventeenth Century." Art Bulletin 69, no. 4 (December 1987): 494. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3050995.
Full text
14
Lee, Young Joo. "The Study of Italian Velvet 14th Century-17th Century." International Journal of Costume and Fashion 5, no. 2 (December 31, 2005): 55–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.7233/ijcf.2005.5.2.055.
Full text
15
Zaslaw, Neal. "The Italian violin school in the 17th century." Early Music XVIII, no. 4 (November 1990): 515–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/earlyj/xviii.4.515.
Full text
16
Koltsova, Tatiana Mikhailovna. "Icon-Painting Workshop of the Solovetsky Monastery. 17th - Early 20th Century." Secreta Artis, no. 3 (November 20, 2020): 50–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.51236/2618-7140-2020-3-3-50-75.
Full textAbstract:
Founded in 1429, the Solovetsky Monastery has throughout several centuries preserved and maintained the traditions of Russian icon painting in the North. In its iconpainting chamber (the building was constructed in 1615), new iconostases were created and icons from the churches of the monastery and patrimonial lands in Pomorie were repaired. In the 17th century, 45 icon painters worked on Solovki in different years, among them were monks, monastery servants, and “trudniks” (lay workers). In the 18th century, the artists of the Pomor patrimonial lands underwent their initial training at the monastery school of icon painting. Families of hereditary icon painters Chalkovs and Savins from Sumsky Posad are particularly well-known. The monastery sent the most gifted students to St. Petersburg and Moscow to improve their art. In 1880, the Solovetsky painting school was inaugurated, where many northern icon painters acquired basic painting skills. Copying and painting from life formed the basis of the educational process; students were offered paintings from the Academy of Arts as samples. The icons and paintings made in the workshop are distinguished by their characteristic stylistic, technical and technological features. The most prominent graduates of the school (A. A. Borisov, N. G. Bekryashev) contributed significantly to the history of Russian art. The article contains new archival documents and rare photographs.
17
Gehring (book editor), Ulrike, Pieter Weibel (book editor), and Jane Russell Corbett (review author). "Mapping Spaces: Networks of Knowledge in 17th Century Landscape Painting." Renaissance and Reformation 40, no. 4 (January 28, 2018): 211–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v40i4.29288.
Full text
18
Volmert, Miriam. "Mapping Spaces. Networks of Knowledge in 17th Century Landscape Painting." Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 79, no. 2 (December 30, 2016): 289–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zkg-2016-0022.
Full text
19
Kulakova, O. Yu. "Seashells in Dutch Still-Life Painting of the 17th Century." Art & Culture Studies, no. 2 (June 2021): 104–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.51678/2226-0072-2021-2-104-121.
Full textAbstract:
Dutch still-life is a distinctive cultural phenomenon of the 17th century. Collecting of rarities, curiosities, plants, paintings, sculptures and many other rare things was characteristic for that period. Seashells which were brought from the exotic countries attracted the attention and love of collectors and artists. J. Hoefnagel was one of the first who took an interest to seashells in the emblems. In the early Dutch flower still-life shells were found occasionally but from the beginning of the first quarter of the 17th century artists started to add these graceful creations almost into all compositions with flower bouquets and fruits. New type of still-life with seashells appeared abundantly in painting of Balthasar van der Ast, Jan Davidsz de Heеm, Abraham Beyeren, Willem Kalf and others. While the naturalism in still-life painting brought to the maximum, there was a problem of veracity in depicting shells in the engravings, for example, in Rembrandt’s work. This problem was eventually solved only in the second half of the 17th century, so engravings and zoological illustrations began to show the curl of the shells in its correct direction, exactly clockwise. This research poses problems of the appearance of shells as collectibles and Dutch still-life’ motifs, visual traditions and shells’ classification in the paintings. The article is relevant with interdisciplinary method; some mollusks zoological names with indication of their origin place are given; the cultural and historical context is generalized; the stylistic analysis takes into account the emblematics’ traditions.
20
Li, Weixuan. "Innovative Exuberance: Fluctuations in the Painting Production in the 17th-Century Netherlands." Arts 8, no. 2 (June 18, 2019): 72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts8020072.
Full textAbstract:
The surprising and rapid flowering of Dutch art and the Dutch art market from the late 16th century to the mid-17th century have propelled scholars to quantify the volume of production and to determine the source of its growth. However, existing studies have not explored the use of known paintings to specify and visualize the fluctuations of painting production in the Dutch Republic. Employing data mining techniques to leverage the most comprehensive datasets of Netherlandish paintings (RKD), this paper visualizes and analyzes the trend of painting production in the Northern Netherlands throughout the 17th-century. The visualizations verify the existing observations on the market saturation and industry stagnation in 1630–1640. In spite of this market condition, the growth of painting production was sustained until the 1660s. This study argues that the irrational risk-taking behavior of painters and the over-enthusiasm for painting in the public created a “social bubble” and the subsequent contraction of the production was a market correction back to a stable state. However, these risk-taking attitudes during the bubble time spurred exuberant artistic innovations that highlight the Dutch contribution to the development of art.
21
Irving, D. R. M. "Italian (and related) instrumental music of the 17th century." Early Music 40, no. 2 (May 1, 2012): 325–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/em/cas053.
Full text
22
Lisovich, Inna I. "Visual Representation of Scientific Corporations in European Culture of the 17th Century." Observatory of Culture, no. 2 (April 28, 2014): 98–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.25281/2072-3156-2014-0-2-98-103.
Full textAbstract:
Is devoted to the comparative analysis of visual representations of scientific corporations in European painting and graphic art in the 17th century. The author reveals both organizational principles of scientific institutions and symbolic, cultural, political, scientific and social values which underpinned them.
23
Хребтенко, М. С. "ЗОБРАЖЕННЯ ОДЯГУ І АТРИБУТІВ СВЯТИХ В ІКОНОПИСІ ЛІВОБЕРЕЖНОЇ УКРАЇНИ ТА КИЇВЩИНИ ДРУГОЇ ПОЛОВИНИ XVII – ПЕРШОЇ ПОЛОВИНИ XVIII ст." Art and Design, no. 2 (September 21, 2020): 129–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.30857/2617-0272.2020.2.11.
Full textAbstract:
To identify and analyze ways of depiction of clothing in the iconography of the Left Bank Ukraine and Kyiv region in the second half of the 17th - the first half of the 18th centuries. The author conducted a field exploration of painted icon monuments from the mentioned period in the collections of Ukrainian museums. The data obtained was supplemented with information from published scientific papers and archival sources. The analysis performed made it possible to trace the peculiarities of the depiction of different fabrics in the iconography of the Left Bank Ukraine and Kyiv region in the second half of the 17th – first half of the 18th centuries, and to identify the aspects of the effects on it of Byzantine and Western European painting techniques. It is revealed that in the Ukrainian icon painting till the end of the 17th century was used a method for depicting fabrics, whose roots go back to the Byzantine system of tempera painting. Although white levkas remained dominant in Ukrainian iconography, by the beginning of the 18th century masters could tone grounds and make imprimaturas, which had their influence on the process of painting clothing and the icon in general. Since about the second quarter of the 18th century the use of grisaille underpaints has been encountered in some icons. These innovations demonstrate the impact of Western European painting at the technical and technological level. Gold and silver were widely used for decorating icons. In that time to decorate the icons were widely used leaf gold and silver and powdered gold and silver. For the first time, the subject of research is the process of painting the garment part of the icons of Left-Bank Ukraine and the Kiev region in the second half of the XVII - the first half of the XVIII centuries. The methods of depicting clothing and common techniques for decorating and depicting texture of fabrics are described and analyzed in detail. The study expands knowledge about Ukrainian icon painting and reveals the technique of its creation.
24
Yang, Sujeang. "A Study on Transition of the Embroidered Painting in 17th Century Joseon." Dongak Art History 23 (June 30, 2018): 5–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.17300/dah.2018.23.1.
Full text
25
Smith, David R., Christopher Brown, and Peter C. Sutton. "Images of a Golden Past: Dutch Genre Painting of the 17th Century." Art Bulletin 69, no. 4 (December 1987): 659. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3051009.
Full text
26
Duparc, F. J. "Philips Wouwerman, 1619 - 1668." Oud Holland - Quarterly for Dutch Art History 107, no. 3 (1993): 257–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187501793x00018.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractPhilips Wouwerman(s) was undoubtedly the most accomplished and successful Dutch painter of equestrian scenes in the 17th century. Even so, neither a critical study of his work nor a documented biography has been published. The present essay not only presents the results of archive research but also outlines his artistic development. Besides the seven dated pictures by the artist known by Hofstede de Groot, several others have been discovered. Wouwerman was born in Haarlem, the eldest son of the painter Pouwels Joosten and his fourth wife, Susanna van den Bogert. Two other sons, Pieter and Johannes Wouwerman, were also to become painters. Wouwerman's grandfather originally came from Brussels. Philips probably received his first painting lessons from his father, none of whose work has been identified however, making it impossible to determine the extent of his influence on the son's work. According to Cornelis de Bie, Wouwerman was next apprenticed to Frans Hals. He is subsequently reputed to have spent several weeks in 1638 or 1639 working in Hamburg in the studio of the German history painter Evert Decker. In Hamburg he married Annetje Pietersz van Broeckhof. On 4 September 1640 Wouwerman became a member of the Haarlem painters' guild, in which he held the office of vinder in 1646. In the following years his presence in Haarlem is mentioned repeatedly. In view of the many southern elements in his landscapes it has frequently been suggested that Wouwerman travelled to France or Italy. However, there is no documentary evidence of his having left Haarlem for any length of time. Wouwerman died on 19 May 1668 and was buried on 23 May 1668 in the Nieuwe Kerk in Haarlem. He evidently attained a certain degree of prosperity, going by the relatively large sums of money each of his seven children inherited on his widow's death in 1670 and by the various houses he owned. No confirmation can be found of Arnold Houbraken's often quoted remark that Wouwerman's daughter Ludovica brought a dowry of 20,000 guilders with her in 1672 when she married the painter Hendrik de Fromantiou (1633/34 - after 1694). Wouwerman's oeuvre consists mainly of small cabinet pieces with horses, such as battle and hunting scenes, army camps, smithies and interiors of stables. He also painted sensitively executed silvery-grey landscapes, genre pieces and a few original representations of religious and mythological scenes. Wouwerman was also exceptionally prolific. Although he only lived to the age of 48, more than a thousand paintings bear his name. Even when one bears in mind that a number of these paintings should actually be attributed to his brothers Pieter and Jan, Philips left an extraordinarily large oeuvre. Only a small number of drawings by his hand are known. His pupils include Nicolaes Ficke, Jacob Warnars, Emanuel Murant and his brothers Pieter (1623-1682) and Jan Wouwerman (1629-1666). He had many followers and his paintings were much sought after in the i8th and early 19th centuries, especially in France. Important collections created during that period, including those which form the nuclei of the museums in St Petersburg, Dresden and The Hague, all contain a large number of his works. Establishing a chronology with respect to Philips Wouwerman's work is extremely problematic. His extensive oeuvre notwithstanding, only a comparatively small number of paintings are dated. The style of the signature enables us to date pictures only within wide margins: the monogram composed of P, H, and W was only used before 1646; thenceforth he used a monogram composed of PHILS and W. Wouwerman's earliest dated work, of 1639 (sale London, Christie's, October 10, 1972), is of minor quality. However, during the 1640s his talents improved rapidly. During that period he was strongly influenced by the Haarlem painter Pieter van Laer (1599 - after 1642) with respect to both style and subject matter. This tallies with Houbraken's remark that Wouwerman laid his hands on sketches and studies by Van Laer after that artist's death. Van Laer's influence is evident in Attack on a Coach, dated 1644, in the collection of the Prince of Liechtenstein, Vaduz. Several figures and details are quotations from works by Van Laer. Most of Wouwerman's compositions of the mid-1640os are dominated by a diagonally placed hill or dune covering most of the horizon, a tree - often dead - as a repoussoir and a few rather large figures, usually with horses. Landscape with Peasants Merrymaking in front of a Cottage in the City Art Gallery, Manchester, Battle Scene in the National Gallery, London and Landscape with a Resting Horseman in the Museum der Bildcnden Künste, Leipzig, all dated 1646, are proof that Wouwerman gradually developed his own style; nonetheless, Van Laer continued to be an important source of inspiration. As demonstrated by the four known dated paintings of 1649, the artist had replaced his sombre palette for a more colourful one by that time, and had also adopted a predominantly more horizontal scheme for his compositions. During that same period Wouwerman' pictures came to reflect a growing interest in landscape, and in the first half of the 1650s he produced a number of paintings which bear witness to his mastery of the landscape idiom. In a Landscape with Horsemen, of 1652, in a private British collection, painted in silvery tones, the figures and horses are reduced to a fairly insignificant staffage. Genre elements continued to play an important role in most of his paintings, though. One of his most successful works of that period is the Festive Peasants before a Panorama, dated 1653, in the Minneapolis Institute of Arts. Perhaps nowhere else in his oeuvre did the artist succeed in producing such a happy synthesis of genre and landscape elements. In the second half of the 1650s Wouwerman painted many of the fanciful hunting scenes - often with a vaguely Italian setting and brighter local colours - which were particularly sought after in the 18th and early 19th centuries. Only a few dated works from the last decade of his life have been preserved, but they do show a tendency towards more sombre colours and suggest a slight decline in his artistic skills. Van Laer's stylistic influence on Wouwerman had almost disappeared by then, although it continued to play a major role in terms of subject matter. After the middle of the 19th century Wouwerman's popularity waned, but more recently his work has met with increasing acclaim.
27
LEE, Hye Seung. "TRADITION OF KOREAN LANDSCAPE. ITS HISTORIC PERSPECTIVE AND INDIGENIZATION." International Journal of Korean Humanities and Social Sciences 2 (November 29, 2016): 49–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/kr.2016.02.04.
Full textAbstract:
This paper aims to provide general presentation of Korean landscape painting with historic consideration. Some Korean elements of landscape were introduced in the early 5th century, and since the 7th century, mountains have become an important theme in the formation of the image space. From the 10th to the 17th centuries, the Korean landscape developed under Chinese rule. However, in the early 18th century a new painting trend – “Koreanization of the Korean landscape” – appeared and there also had emerged the folk landscape style. Furthermore, in the contemporary Korean landscape there are various attempts towards the search for one’s own artistic vision.
28
Walls, Peter. "The influence of the Italian violin school in 17th-century England." Early Music XVIII, no. 4 (November 1990): 575–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/earlyj/xviii.4.575.
Full text
29
Ferrero, Sebastian. "Materializing the Invisible: Landscape Painting in Viceregal Peru as Visionary Painting." Arts 10, no. 3 (August 26, 2021): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts10030057.
Full textAbstract:
Landscape painting in Peru typically does not receive much attention from critical dis-course, even though the adoption of the Flemish landscape by Andean viceregal painters became a distinctive feature of Peruvian painting of the second half of the 17th century. Considered a consequence of a change in the artistic taste of viceregal society, the landscape was perceived as a secondary element of the composition. In this article, we will analyze the inclusion of the Flemish landscape in Andean religious painting from another critical perspective that takes into account different spiritual processes that colonial religiosity goes through. We analyze how the influence of the Franciscan and Jesuit mysticism created a fertile ground where landscape painting could develop in Peru. The Andean viceregal painters found in the landscape an effective way to visualize suprasensible spiritual experiences and an important device for the development in Peru of a painting with visionary characteristics.
30
Marshall, David. "A View of Poggioreale by Viviano Codazzi and Domenico Gargiulo." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 45, no. 1 (March 1, 1986): 32–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/990127.
Full textAbstract:
This study attempts to establish the extent to which a painting by Viviano Codazzi and Domenico Gargiulo of the villa Poggioreale as an architectural capriccio can be used as a record of the appearance of the villa in the mid-17th century. By correlating the painting with the plan of the villa in the Carafa map and the Baratta view, a new reconstruction of the layout of the villa garden is proposed.
31
Koprowski, Piotr. "Malarstwo ikonowe tradycji bizantyjskiej." Studia Europaea Gnesnensia, no. 12 (December 15, 2015): 85–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/seg.2015.12.4.
Full textAbstract:
The article seeks to reflect upon the manner of perceiving reality (the so-called reversed perspective) associated with the Byzantine tradition of icon painting which was in evidence in the Ruthenian and Russian cultural circle from the 12th to the first half of the 17th century.
32
Jeż, Tomasz. "Studies on the reception of Italian music in central-eastern Europe in the 16th and 17th century, ed. Marina Toffetti, Kraków 2018." Muzyka 64, no. 1 (April 1, 2019): 155–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.36744/m.250.
Full text
33
Morein, Ksenia N., and Liudmila N. Shaymukhametova. "Ensemble Music-Making in the Mirror Reflection of 17th and 18th Century Western European Painting." ICONI, no. 1 (2019): 135–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.33779/2658-4824.2019.1.135-140.
Full textAbstract:
During the Baroque era ensemble music-making was a favorite pastime. For the nobility and the middle class “communication by means of music” was an inherent part of life: the musical language was the means of expressing respect, presenting “musical offerings” and confessions of love. In musical competitions virtuosi demonstrated their exceptional performing skills, and high-society ladies accompanied readings of poetical works with playing the harp or the lute. The desire to make music in the form of solo or ensemble performance was shared by players on various instruments endowed with different levels of preparedness. This “social demand” resulted in the appearance of the two-staff form of notation, endowed with traits of a quasi-score, which it was customary to call the keyboard urtext. However, this music can be termed as being for the keyboard only upon the condition of their performance on the organ or the harpsichord. The structure of the “two-staff scores” from the 17th and 18th centuries possesses immense possibilities, since it presents a universal form of notation for ensemble and orchestral compositions in convolved form. As the result of the traits of the quasi-score, the baroque urtext became a unique phenomenon, a peculiar “mirror of the epoch”, which registered numerous 17th and 18th century musical instrumental clichés, scenes of music-making in duos, trios, and even images of groups of the baroque orchestra — the solo and the continuo. A sort of mirror reflecting pictures of music-making and ensemble groups was provided by the art canvases of 17th and 18th century painters.
34
Tarr, Roger. "‘Visibile parlare’: The spoken word in fourteenth-century central Italian painting." Word & Image 13, no. 3 (July 1997): 223–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02666286.1997.10434286.
Full text
35
Cropper, Elizabeth, and Charles Dempsey. "The State of Research in Italian Painting of the Seventeenth Century." Art Bulletin 69, no. 4 (December 1987): 494–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00043079.1987.10788455.
Full text
36
Wood, Jeryldene. "PERCEPTIONS OF HOLINESS IN THIRTEENTH-CENTURY ITALIAN PAINTING: CLARE OF ASSISI." Art History 14, no. 3 (September 1991): 301–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8365.1991.tb00441.x.
Full text
37
Morenus, Linda Stiber, Charlotte W. Eng, Naoko Takahatake, and Diana C. Rambaldi. "16TH- AND 17TH-CENTURY ITALIAN CHIAROSCURO WOODCUTS: INSTRUMENTAL ANALYSIS, DEGRADATION, AND CONSERVATION." Journal of the American Institute for Conservation 54, no. 4 (November 2015): 238–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/1945233015y.0000000008.
Full text
38
Konson, Grigory R. "Concerning the Issue of the Main Protagonist in 17th Century Italian Oratorio." Music Scholarship / Problemy Muzykal'noj Nauki, no. 4 (December 2020): 173–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.33779/2587-6341.2020.4.173-186.
Full text
39
Van De Wetering, Ernst. "De paletten van Rembrandt en Jozef Israëls, een onderzoek naar de relatie tussen stijl en schildertechniek." Oud Holland - Quarterly for Dutch Art History 107, no. 1 (1993): 137–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187501793x00162.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractIn 1906, on the occasion of the Rembrandt jubilee, Jozef Israels bore witness to his lifelong admiration of Rembrandt and his art, conjuring up a picture of the master working on the Night Watch. The vision he evoked was of a painter in the throes of creation, 'dipping his broadest brushes deep into the paint of his large palette' in order to give more power and relief to certain areas of the painting. The author contends that this description is not consistent with what really went on in 17th-century studios. Numerous arguments support the hypothesis that up into the 19th century palettes were not only much smaller than the 19th-century ones envisioned by Jozef Israels, but that they did not usually carry the complete range of available oil-based pigments. On thc contrary, painters adhered to the diehard tradition of loading their palettes with a limited number of tints suitable for painting a certain passage. Support for this proposition comes from various directions. The most important sources are paintings of studio scenes and self-portraits of painters with their palettes. Examination of the depicted palettes, an examination conducted on the actual paintings, has yielded plausible grounds for assuming that painters strove for verisimilitude in their renderings of palettes. This is borne out by the surprising consistency of the examined material. On certain 15 th and 16th-century representations of St. Luke painting the Madonna, his palette is seen to contain only a few shades of blue, with occasionally white and black. Other palettes on which a greater variety of colours are depicted are incomplete, representing the range needed for the parts of the painting which were the most important and most diflicult to paint - the human skin. Texts by De Mayerne and Beurs gave rise to this assumption. One of the chief duties of the apprentice was to prepare his master's palettes. According to a dialogue in the late 17th-century Volpato manuscript, the master's mere indication of which part of the painting he was going to work on sufficed for the apprentice to prepare the palette. This implies that a specific number of pigments were necessary for the depiction of a particular element of reality. The idea is supported by the countless recipes for the depiction of every part of the visible world which have been handed down to us, notably in Willem Beurs' book but in other sources too. The implication is that the method of a 17th-century artist differed fundamentally from that of artists of the second half of the 19th century and the 20th century. Whereas there are substantial grounds for assuming that painters of the latter period tended to work up an entire painting more or less evenly, painters of earlier centuries executed their work - over an underdrawing or an underpainting in sections, on a manner which is best compared with the 'giornate' in fresco painting. This kind of method does not necessarily mean that a painter did not proceed from a tonal conception of an entire painting. Indeed, Rembrandt's manner of underpainting shows that his aims did not differ all that much from, say, Jozef Israels. Technical and economic circumstances are more likely the reason why painters continued to work in sections in the Baroque. With regard to the economic aspect: grinding pigments was a lengthy operation and the resulting paint dried fast. Consequently, no more pigments were prepared than necessary, so as to avoid waste. With regard to the technical aspect: before the development of compatible tube paints, whose uniformity of substance and behaviour are guaranteed by all manner of means, painters had to take into account the fact that every pigment had its own characteristics and properties; some pigments were not amenable to mixing, others were transparent by nature, other opaque, etc. This is best illustrated by paintings of the 15th and 16th centuries. However, the tradition persisted into the 17th century and was also carried on by Rembrandt, as scientific research has shown. Neutron-activating radiographic examination reveals that certain pigments only occur in isolated areas (as far as these pigments were not used in the monochrome undcrpainting). Scrutiny of paint samples has moreover revealed that a layer of paint does not as a rule contain more than two to five, or in very exceptional cases six, pigments. Having been made aware of this procedure, however, we can also observe it in stylistic characteristics of the painting, and we realize that for the aforesaid reasons a late Rembrandt is more akin to a Raphael than to a Jozef Israels. In the 19th-century discussion of the relationship of style and technique, figures like Semper contended that this relationship was an extremely close one. Riegl, proceeding from the concept of 'Kunstwollen', regarded technique as far less important, more as the 'frictional coefficient' in the realization of a style; while not denying technique's effect on style, Riegl did not consider its influence to be as crucial as Semper did. Paul Taylor's recent research into the concept of 'Houditng' have demonstrated the extent to which aspects as tone and colour served to create an illusion of space in the 17th century, the chief priority being the painting as a tonal and colouristic entity. If we assume that the working principles of a 15th and a 17th-century painter did not fundamentally differ, it becomes clear that the pictorial 'management' involved in attuning tones and colours so convincingly as to produce the tonal unity so typical of Baroque painting, was quite an achievement. The technical and economic limitations mentioned above in connection with the palette may thus be seen as exemplifying Riegl's view of technique as a frictional coefficient in achieving pictorial ends.
40
Iacob, Anisia. "Lipsius’ De constantia, 17th Century Still Life Painting and the Use of Constancy Today." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Philosophia 65, Special Issue (November 20, 2020): 35–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbphil.2020.spiss.03.
Full textAbstract:
"Lipsius’ De constantia, 17th Century Still Life Painting and the Use of Constancy Today. The present article revisits the main ideas from Justus Lipsius’ De constantia in the light of the present ongoing pandemic. Through his interest for the Stoics, Lipsius was able to contribute to a more general and European interest towards this topic, reviving the Stoic philosophy under the name of Neostoicism. The influence of his ideas can be seen in some art production, especially the one that is connected to the places where Lipsius lived and it is a testimony to their popularity and the various ways of transmitting them. Even if the Stoic ideal remains an ideal, the Neostoicism of Justus Lipsius is meaningful in as much as any philosophy that deals with crises because it can help us view the text from both its relevancy and our recent general experience. The isolation, the anxiety, the uneasiness and fear are emotions that have been more or less present in our lives during this pandemic and they require a solution. Constancy is the solution that Justus Lipsius proposes. Keywords: Justus Lipsius, Neostoicism, Still Life Painting, Pandemic, Moral Philosophy, Crisis Philosophy."
41
Čulig, Janja. "Light as a visual source domain for the divine in the 17th century painting." Jezikoslovlje 20, no. 2 (December 11, 2019): 303–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.29162/jez.2019.11.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of this paper is to explain the motivation behind the creation of religious visual art in which light plays the role of the signifier of divine presence. We will endeavor to show that representations of light in paintings from a particular socio-cultural period and context are based on metaphorization. The meaning that arises from this metaphorization establishes a connection between depicted light and the basic conceptual metaphor KNOWING IS SEEING. Our aim is to show that the understanding of these kinds of representations by the viewer as the presence of the divine is based on the fundamental human capacity to conceptualize abstract notions through concrete ones. We propose that a visual representation of light would not be completely understandable if the viewer did not possess an inherent knowledge of basic conceptual metaphors of light. The visual material selected for this article comprises samples of 17th century religious paintings of the Western artistic tradition, in which light serves as the primary carrier of divine meaning and the central element of the composition. Our proposition is based on the conjoining of two disciplines into an interdisciplinary approach to analyzing paintings from the Baroque period. The selected theoretical framework includes Conceptual Metaphor Theory and the conceptualization of abstract notions (Lakoff & Johnson 1980; Gibbs 1994, 2008; Kövecses 2005; Forceville & Urios-Aparisi 2009; Sharifian 2011; Raffaelli 2012; Forceville 2017), as well as art-historical insights into the utilization of pictorial elements of light in the formal visual language of the Baroque (Haskell 1963; Lambert 2007; Toman 2007; Cvetnić 2007). The significance of this kind of research lies in the prospects of interdisciplinary approaches to concepts in general. This combination of scientific perspectives could enable us to approach the concept of light from a wider perspective, which could lead to a deeper understanding of the concept, its use in human communication, and its significance for the structuring of the knowledge of the world by an individual, but also by the wider socio-cultural collective to which they belong.
42
Ryzhik, Michael. "Preliminaries to the Critical Edition of the Judeo-Italian Translation of the Siddur." Journal of Jewish Languages 1, no. 2 (2013): 229–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134638-12340015.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This article analyzes five translations of the siddur (‘prayer book’) into Judeo-Italian. Three of the versions are manuscripts from the 15th century, one is the printed 1506 Fano edition, and the last is a manuscript from the 17th century. A common tradition underlies all of these translations and has much in common with Judeo-Provençal translations; this likely represents an ancient Judeo-Romance tradition of translation, which expresses itself differently in each manuscript. The 17th-century translation displays northern linguistic features; it is more Toscanized and normalized than the four other translations and has lost many typical traits of “classical” Judeo-Italian. The 15th-century translations also differ from one another in their spelling, phonology, morphology, vocabulary, and syntax. The main reason for this great variety seems to be the fact that the common old tradition prescribed only the general lines of translation. The biblical passages such as the Shema‘ Israel, are translated in a much more standardized way, but these passages nevertheless retain peculiarities. It therefore seems that a synoptic edition rather than a critical one must be made, in order to describe and analyze the different variations of the Judeo-Italian translations.
43
Kurisoo, Merike, and Aivar Põldvee. "The Appearance of Hans and Jaan. A 17th Century Epitaph Painting Donated by Estonian Peasants." Baltic Journal of Art History 14 (December 27, 2017): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/bjah.2017.14.05.
Full textAbstract:
The epitaph donated by Hans and Jaan, two peasants from Türi parish, is evidence of the acceptance of ecclesiastic values and religious devotion among the Estonian peasantry. Other examples of this tendency from the Swedish era also exist. For instance, the grand wheel crosses, typical for North Estonia, that were once located in the Türi churchyard; and a chandelier (1659) donated by a peasant in the Keila church, the size of which exceeds those gifted by manor lords. From a later period, the stained-glass coats of arms of the peasantry in the Ilumäe chapel (1729) are also an example of this heightened sense of self-awareness and its display in houses of worships.Along with the hundreds and hundreds of works donated to churches by nobles, the epitaph painting depicting the Adoration of the Shepherds is a rare example of a painting gifted to a church by farmers, which also commemorates them. Hans and Jaan have now earned a place in Estonian (art) history: the pictures of the two simple men are the first known portraits of peasants whose names we know.
44
MASQUELET, A. C. "The Anatomy Lesson of Dr Tulp." Journal of Hand Surgery 30, no. 4 (August 2005): 379–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jhsb.2004.11.005.
Full textAbstract:
The anatomy lesson of Dr Tulp is one of the most famous paintings by Rembrandt. A detailed examination of the scene leads us to believe that Dr Tulp was demonstrating the function of the flexor digitorum superficialis. Therefore, the painting is a true lesson in physiology which is in keeping with the spirit of the 17th century, which was the century in which the modern theory of movement in physics evolved. The anatomy lesson of Dr Tulp also symbolizes the break with the descriptive anatomy of Vesalius which occurred during this century.
45
Onelli, Corinna. "Tra fonti erudite e lettori ordinari: una traduzione seicentesca del Satyricon." Ancient Narrative 15 (May 29, 2018): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827//5c643a8525e4b.
Full textAbstract:
The paper presents a 17th-century translation of the Satyricon into Italian transmitted in manuscript. The translation is anonymous and presumably was intended for the illegal market of clandestine manuscripts. Material evidence shows that the translation actually circulated across time and among popular readers. The comparison between the Italian translation and 16th – and 17th editions of Petronius has revealed that the translator started his work on the obsolete text of the excerpta brevia (that is, the Satyricon as published before1575) and then shifted to the the excerpta longiora tradition, likely using the Satyricon edition published in 1601 (reprinted in 1608). Such a mixture of source texts proves the translator’s total lack of philological accuracy. In addition, he made several translation errors. However, surprisingly enough, the Italian translation underpins an excellent work of textual criticism on Petronius’ text. The suggested explanation is that the translator or a later reviser emendated the translation following a highly specialised commentary. Some translation errors, in fact, can be explained only as critical indications that have been completely misunderstood. The papers concludes putting in relation the success of the Satyricon among 17th-century popular readers with its reception as a subversive parody of the Greek novel and its traditional values.I have a PhD in Italian Studies (2006) from the Università RomaTre of Rome. Currently, I am a Marie Curie Research Fellow at the EHESS in Paris. My recent research interests are focused on the Early Modern Period; more specifically, on the translation and receptions of Classics and the circulation of heterodox texts. I am working at the research project Popular readers and clandestine literature: the case of an early modern translation of Petronius’ Satyricon into Italian (17th C.) funded by Marie Skłodowska-Curie Actions, and, more broadly, I am exploring the 17th-c. success of the Satyricon and its reception as a novel and as a satire.Affiliation: Post-doctoral Research Fellow at the Centre des Recherches Historiques of the EHESS in Paris (research group: Grihl – Groupe de Recherches Interdisciplinaires sur l’Histoire du Littéraire ).Relevant publications:‘La retorica dell’esperimento: per una rilettura delle Esperienze intorno alla generazione degl’insetti di Francesco Redi (1668)’, Italian Studies (2017), 72, 1, 41-56.Bartolomeo Beverini (1629-1686) e una versione inedita della Metafisica di Aristotele’, in L. Bianchi, J. Kraye and S. Gilson (eds), Vernacular Aristotelianism in Italy from the Fourteenth to Seventeenth Century, London, The Warburg Institute, 2016, 183-208.‘Freedom and censorship: Petronius’ Satyricon in seventeenth-century Italy’, Classical Receptions Journal (2014), 6. 1, 104-130.‘Con oscurità mutando in nomi: Napoli epicurea nei Successi di Eumolpione (1678)’, California Italian Studies (2012), 3. 1, https://escholarship.org/uc/item/2tr7x1nd.
46
Onelli, Corinna. "Tra fonti erudite e lettori ordinari: una traduzione seicentesca del Satyricon." Ancient Narrative 15 (May 29, 2018): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/5c643a8525e4b.
Full textAbstract:
The paper presents a 17th-century translation of the Satyricon into Italian transmitted in manuscript. The translation is anonymous and presumably was intended for the illegal market of clandestine manuscripts. Material evidence shows that the translation actually circulated across time and among popular readers. The comparison between the Italian translation and 16th – and 17th editions of Petronius has revealed that the translator started his work on the obsolete text of the excerpta brevia (that is, the Satyricon as published before1575) and then shifted to the the excerpta longiora tradition, likely using the Satyricon edition published in 1601 (reprinted in 1608). Such a mixture of source texts proves the translator’s total lack of philological accuracy. In addition, he made several translation errors. However, surprisingly enough, the Italian translation underpins an excellent work of textual criticism on Petronius’ text. The suggested explanation is that the translator or a later reviser emendated the translation following a highly specialised commentary. Some translation errors, in fact, can be explained only as critical indications that have been completely misunderstood. The papers concludes putting in relation the success of the Satyricon among 17th-century popular readers with its reception as a subversive parody of the Greek novel and its traditional values.I have a PhD in Italian Studies (2006) from the Università RomaTre of Rome. Currently, I am a Marie Curie Research Fellow at the EHESS in Paris. My recent research interests are focused on the Early Modern Period; more specifically, on the translation and receptions of Classics and the circulation of heterodox texts. I am working at the research project Popular readers and clandestine literature: the case of an early modern translation of Petronius’ Satyricon into Italian (17th C.) funded by Marie Skłodowska-Curie Actions, and, more broadly, I am exploring the 17th-c. success of the Satyricon and its reception as a novel and as a satire.Affiliation: Post-doctoral Research Fellow at the Centre des Recherches Historiques of the EHESS in Paris (research group: Grihl – Groupe de Recherches Interdisciplinaires sur l’Histoire du Littéraire ).Relevant publications:‘La retorica dell’esperimento: per una rilettura delle Esperienze intorno alla generazione degl’insetti di Francesco Redi (1668)’, Italian Studies (2017), 72, 1, 41-56.Bartolomeo Beverini (1629-1686) e una versione inedita della Metafisica di Aristotele’, in L. Bianchi, J. Kraye and S. Gilson (eds), Vernacular Aristotelianism in Italy from the Fourteenth to Seventeenth Century, London, The Warburg Institute, 2016, 183-208.‘Freedom and censorship: Petronius’ Satyricon in seventeenth-century Italy’, Classical Receptions Journal (2014), 6. 1, 104-130.‘Con oscurità mutando in nomi: Napoli epicurea nei Successi di Eumolpione (1678)’, California Italian Studies (2012), 3. 1, https://escholarship.org/uc/item/2tr7x1nd.
47
Mackie, Meaghan, Patrick Rüther, Diana Samodova, Fabiana Di Gianvincenzo, Clara Granzotto, David Lyon, David A. Peggie, et al. "Palaeoproteomic Profiling of Conservation Layers on a 14th Century Italian Wall Painting." Angewandte Chemie International Edition 57, no. 25 (April 26, 2018): 7369–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/anie.201713020.
Full text
48
Mackie, Meaghan, Patrick Rüther, Diana Samodova, Fabiana Di Gianvincenzo, Clara Granzotto, David Lyon, David A. Peggie, et al. "Palaeoproteomic Profiling of Conservation Layers on a 14th Century Italian Wall Painting." Angewandte Chemie 130, no. 25 (April 26, 2018): 7491–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ange.201713020.
Full text
49
Wiersma, Lisa. "‘Colouring’ — Material Depiction in Flemish and Dutch Baroque Art Theory." Art and Perception 8, no. 3-4 (October 28, 2020): 243–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134913-bja10005.
Full textAbstract:
Seventeenth-century painters were masters at painting objects and beings that seem tangible. Most elaborate was painting translucent materials like skins and pulp: human flesh and grapes, for instance, require various surface effects and suggest the presence of mass below the upper layers. Thus, the viewer is more or less convinced that a volume or object is present in an illusionary space. In Dutch, the word ‘stofuitdrukking’ is used: expression or indication of material, perhaps better understood as rendering of material. In English, ‘material depiction’ probably captures this painterly means best: it includes rendering of surface effects, while revealing the underlying substance, and it implies that weight and mass are suggested. Simple strokes of paint add up to materials and things that are convincingly percieved. At first glance, material depiction hardly seems a topic in early-modern art theory, yet 17th-century painters are virtually unequalled as regards this elaborate skill. Therefore, 17th-century written sources were studied to define how these might discuss material depiction, if not distinctly. This study concerns one of many questions regarding the incredible convincingness of 17th-century material depiction: besides wondering why the illusions work (Di Cicco et al., this issue) and how these were achieved (Wiersma, in press), the question should be asked why this convincingness was sought after. Was it mere display of ability and skill? And how was material depiction perceived, valued and enjoyed? First, contemporary terminology is determined: the seemingly generic term ‘colouring’ signified the application of convincing material depiction especially — which is not as self-evident as it sounds. Second, and extensively, the reader will find that convincing or appealing material depiction was considered a reference to religion and natural philosophy.
50
Sijia, Liu. "Naturalism in the Painting of the Leiden School and its Chief Representatives." ICONI, no. 2 (2021): 41–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.33779/2658-4824.2021.2.041-047.
Full textAbstract:
The article is devoted to Dutch art — the Leiden School in Holland in the 17th century. The author analyzes the defi nition, particularities and the theoretic foundations of the characteristics and the artistic legacy of the painters — the representatives of the Leiden school and also demonstrates the close connection between naturalism and the particularities of the paintings of the school’s adherents and the uniqueness of the works by such masters as Rembrandt Harmenszoon van Rijn, Gerrit Dou and Frans van Mieris the Elder.