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1
Colbert, Jason M. "Pakistan, madrassas, and militancy." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/2385.
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Following the terrorist attacks of September 11th, 2001, the US government has become increasingly concerned with madrassas, Islamic schools of religious education in Central and South Asia. U.S. Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld and Secretary of State Colin Powell denounced these religious seminaries as radical institutions which produce Islamic jihadists capable of threatening U.S. national security and interests. This thesis examines the history and current evidence available on madrassas. Specifically, it analyzes their historical evolution and reaction to domestic, regional and international developments. It finds that there is little evidence to connect madrassas to transnational terrorism, and that they are not a direct threat to the United States. However, Pakistani madrassas do have ties to domestic and regional violence, particularly Sunni-Shia sectarian violence in Pakistan and the Pakistani-Indian conflict in Kashmir, making them a regional security concern. This thesis argues that the best path for combating religious militancy in madrassas is by helping to create better alternatives to madrassa education, including state run and private schools, and not by targeting madrassas directly.
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Khan, Gulab. "Contextualizing History Curriculum: A Qualitative Case Study in Balochistan Pakistan." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2016. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc862770/.
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The purpose of the study was to evaluate Pakistan's national history curriculum in the post 18th constitutional amendment scenario. The amendment bequeathed the responsibility of education, including curriculum development, to the provinces. This study sought input from educators on ways the national curriculum currently addresses local needs and requirements as well as considerations for any potential changes or improvements. Traditionally, history curriculum has been used mainly for social identity formation and ideological indoctrination; current scholarship on history education has now also included national identity formation. Additionally, scholarship has begun to analyze possible purposes behind social identity formation, whether used negatively or positively. This study, which took place in Balochistan, Pakistan, used a qualitative case study approach. A provincial level conference was convened as a context and data source that involved 28 educators including teachers, teacher educators, curriculum experts, and policy actors as participants in the study. The texts of five representative educators engaged in the conference dialogue was selected for analysis. Discourse analysis was the methodology used to arrive at findings of the study. The study yielded several interesting findings that give insight about the national history curriculum of Pakistan and future curriculum practices of the Balochistan province. According to the selected educators, the national history curriculum of Pakistan has been unidimensional, based on Islamic ideology that embraces a religious national identity. The selected educators argued that the curriculum is unwelcoming to diversity, does not promote peace and equity, conceals truth, and hinders critical thinking. They found the national history curriculum non-representative of the local context of Balochistan province. In light of these findings, the selected educators proposed a history curriculum for Balochistan province that promotes peace, tolerance, equity, and respect for diversity, truth, and critical thinking. The participating educators saw a provincial/local focus as addressing many limitations of the national curriculum that are also addressed by curriculum literature, although not necessarily from this perspective. The study contributes to curriculum theory in general and curriculum evaluation in particular. The study finds its place in the larger debates on how history education influences individual and group identities.
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Asad, Amir Zada. "Opium and heroin production in Pakistan." Thesis, University of Hull, 1999. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:3960.
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Safi, Akmal. "Relationship Between Religion and Nationalism in Pakistan : A Study of Religion and Nationalism in Pakistan during the period 1947 to 1988." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-444295.
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Religion has always been at the core of the Pakistani national narrative. This research paper argues that the relationship between religion and nationalism in Pakistan is complex and has changed its character during different phases of the Pakistani political history. The aim of this paper was to understand this relationship during the period 1947 to 1988 of the Pakistani political history using the theoretical framework developed by Rogers Brubaker. Our analysis points out that the role of religion and its relationship has taken different shapes during different phases depending on political developments and processes, actors and visions. During the first time frame - from August 1947 - 12 March 1949 - religion under the leadership of the founder of the country Mohammad Ali Jinnah was viewed from the perspective of identity. This is explained by Brubaker’s first approach according to which religion functions as a mode of identification. During the politically chaotic decade after Jinnah’s death, religion was integrated into the organization of the state through the Objectives Resolution and the inclusion of Islamic articles in the country’s first constitution of 1956 and Islam was viewed as the cause of nationalism in Pakistan, explained by Brubaker’s second approach. When General Ayub Khan took over in October 1958 as the first military dictator, the country experienced progressive reforms challenging the role of Islam. This led to agitation from the religious parties who demanded political representation, acting as political claimants. This is explained by the third variant in Brubaker’s first approach in which religion is employed as a way of framing political claims. During Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s tenure, the nations’s Islamic identity was emphasized to establish closer relation with other Muslim nations. Bhutto developed a transnational vision according to which the Pakistani nation was to lead other Islamic countries. This is explained by the second kind of Brubaker’s third approach in which religion is viewed as intertwined with nationalism. General Zia ul Haq’s military dictatorship promoted Nizam-e-Islami to implement a process of Shariatization of the country. General Zia viewed Islam and the Pakistani nation as existentially interdependent and he attempted to bring religion, state and nation into a singularity. This kind of religious nationalism is explained by Brubaker’s fourth approach as a distinctive form of nationalism.
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Kayser, Barbara J. "Politics or piety, the women of Pakistan." Thesis, Drew University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3615832.
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My dissertation is on how the combination of religious law and constitutional law in Pakistan affects the daily lives of the women living there. The time frame to be discussed is from Pakistan's inception as a country in 1947 through the most prominent regimes that changed the Constitutional law, i.e. to the mid 1980's. During this epoch, Pakistan adopted Shari'a Law (law based on the Islamic faith) into its constitution. By chronicling the historic development of Pakistan's Constitution, I will show a correspondence between the specific laws and amendments with the attrition of women's rights in Pakistan and the deterioration of the quality of their lives. Although, Shari'a Law is based on the teachings of Islam, I contend these laws run contrary to the traditions and directives of the sacred texts, the Qur'an, Hadith (recorded oral traditions), and Sunnah (habits and practices of the Prophet Muhammad). By tracing specific Shari'a laws back to their roots and investigate the circumstances that impact Pakistani women to ascertain if they indeed burden, restrict, and quite possibly, endanger the lives of Pakistani women, and furthermore, violate the principles taught by the Prophet Muhammad, who exhorted to his followers, "Be kind to your women." The Constitution of Pakistan claims it provides equal rights for its citizens by proclaiming all people are equal (Preamble of the Constitution #8). I argue that the oppression of women in Pakistan can be linked directly to the introduction of Shari'a Law into the Pakistani Constitution and Shari'a Law is being used to justify the poor treatment of women, but it is in fact a distortion of the teachings of Islam. Therefore, women's lack of civil rights in Pakistan is attributable to male chauvinism that is based in culture, rather than religion. What can be done to reconcile the gender discrimination in Shari'a Law with parity for all citizens stated by the Constitution?
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Rattansi, Diamond. "Islamization and the Khojah Ismāʻīlī community in Pakistan." Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=75451.
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The Muslims of Pakistan and other countries such as Egypt are groping for ways to change their situation. The phenomenon of Islamic Resurgence in Pakistan is one major expression of this frantic desire of the Muslims to improve their lot through the acquisition of the control of the nation's political machinery. This political concern is something new and volatile. It has affected the life of Pakistan as a whole and that of the various Muslim groups within it. The Khojah Isma$ sp{ rm c}$ili response to the process of Islamization in Pakistan is reflected in their re-thinking of many aspects of religious traditions and beliefs, mainly those related to the concept of religious authority. The transition in the community's self-definition is that from the emphasis on its inherited traditional beliefs concerning the authority of the Imam to a posture more accommodating to the ethos of Pakistani Islam. Tensions have been generated as a consequence of this tradition, as well as social and economic mechanisms to cushion these tensions. The nature of Isma$ sp{ rm c}$ili response to the changing situation can be grasped through the understanding of their religious beliefs.
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Mirza, Rinchan Ali. "Essays in the economic history of South Asia, 1891 to 2009." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:31ac00fe-f728-4e22-bcf1-62447a4e367c.
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This thesis presents research that subscribes to the broader theme of the Economic History of South Asia from 1891 to 2009. First, Chapter 2 shows that the Partition induced expulsion of religious minorities reduced school provision in Pakistan. The effect of minorities is explained by their education, occupational structure and their contribution towards local social capital. Then, Chapter 3 examines how areas affected by the Partition fare in terms of long-run agricultural development in India. It finds that areas that received more displaced migrants after Partition perform better in terms of crop yields, are more likely to take up of high yielding varieties (HYV) of seeds, and are more likely to use agricultural technologies. It highlights the superior educational status of the migrants as a potential pathway for the observed effects. Next, Chapter 4 shows that the agricultural productivity shock induced by the adoption of HYV of seeds reduced infant mortality across districts in India. It uses data on the characteristics of children and mothers in the sample to show that it was children born to mothers whose characteristics generally correlate with higher child mortality, children born in rural areas, boys, children born in rice and wheat producing districts and children born in poorer households who benefit more from HYV adoption. Furthermore, Chapter 5 shows that baseline differences in irrigation prior to the adoption of HYV are associated with differences in the growth of yields after adoption. It explores the relationship between irrigation and yields over time to uncover potential mechanisms for the observed relationship. Finally, Chapter 6 empirically investigates the relationship between religious shrines and literacy in the Punjab province of Pakistan.
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Wasti, Nadia Syeda. "Muslim women's honor and its custodians : the British colonizers, the landlords and the legislators of Pakistan : a historical study." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=99614.
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This thesis traces the roots of women's honor killings in the tribal areas of Pakistan from the British rule in South Asia. The British colonial presence gave the tribal areas autonomy through landmark colonial legislations. The colonizers needed a harmonious relationship with tribal and rural notables in order to gain from the land. Thus, the British gave precedence to the tribal legal structure and as a result we see the beginnings of tribal autonomy in today's Pakistan. Women's honor was also dictated by tribal laws thus tribal councils dictated women's mobility and rights.After the creation of Pakistan in 1947 much colonial legislation was preserved in the Constitution. The tribal areas maintained autonomy and their legal systems also gained legitimacy on a national level. Therefore, cases of women's honor killings were dealt with in the rural areas but moreover, were justified in Pakistani law as well. Thus this thesis seeks to trace this legacy to the modern period and look at the evolution of the relationship between tribal autonomy and women's rights in the context of the pre and post-independence periods.
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Chandio, Rafiq Ahmed. "Economic growth, financial liberalisation and poverty reduction of Pakistan (1970-2000)." Thesis, Kingston University, 2006. http://eprints.kingston.ac.uk/20242/.
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This thesis investigates, theoretically and empirically, the relationship among economic growth, financial liberalisation and poverty reduction in Pakistan, between 1970' and 2000, with the aid of a rigorous co-integration analysis. A literature review provides an account of the existing models and other poverty reduction strategies in Pakistan. An analysis of poverty trends (1970-2000) in Pakistan shows large variations in poverty indices during all three decades under observation, at both provincial and intra -provincial levels. Ruman development indices show that poverty is highly concentrated in rural areas. Among provinces, the rural areas of Sindh and Balochistan provinces are worst affected. The trend of poverty shows a high rise during the 1990s, a decade of slow economic growth in Pakistan. The rural poverty nexus is correlated to the agricultural land reforms and weak institutional mechanism. Ineffective public services delivery to the poor has been the result of weak institutional response. The gender poverty is also all pervasive in Pakistan, as rural women are found to be more vulnerable to poverty shocks. Institutional failure has been found to be the main cause of the rising poverty in Pakistan. To analyse the relationship between economic growth and poverty reduction in Pakistan, we used the Dollar and Kraay model (2000) that predicts that economic growth reduces poverty. Using annual data sets for Pakistan from 1970 to 2000, our results show a positive relationship between economic growth and poverty reduction in Pakistan. We also tested the impact of financial development and growth in Pakistan. The McKinnon-Shaw hypothesis (1973) implies that increase in real rate of interest will increase savings and investment, which will lead to higher economic growth. The co-integration tests of the McKinnon-Shaw model (1970-2000) for Pakistan could not substantiate the prediction of the model. With a significant increase in savings over the period under observation, investment failed to rise. However, overall financial intermediation plays a significant and positive role in boosting economic growth. Authoritarian governments and the nationalisation policies are largely responsible for the inability to transform savings into investment.
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Alqama, Khawaja. "Bengali elites perceptions of Pakistan - the road to disillusionment : uneven development or ethnicity?" Thesis, University of Kent, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.236194.
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Javed, Umair. "Profit, piety, and patronage : bazaar traders and politics in urban Pakistan." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2018. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3843/.
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This thesis studies the political and social practices of prosperous bazaar merchants and traders to understand the dynamics of power and authority in contemporary urban Pakistan. Broadly, it considers how propertied groups, such as traders, maintain their dominant position in Pakistan's political sphere, and how the consent of subordinate classes is structured to reproduce this persisting arrangement. Drawing on 12 months of ethnographic fieldwork in a large wholesale bazaar of Lahore, this thesis demonstrates that bazaar traders accumulate power and authority through a fused repertoire of transactional bargaining, material patronage, and Islamic civic leadership. By mobilizing voluntary associations, and forming personalized relations of reciprocity with state functionaries and political elites, traders are able to reproduce their material and status privileges through political access and co-optation of public resources. Such networks also position them as patrons and brokers for the urban poor who work in marketplaces, helping the latter resolve pressing issues of everyday subsistence, while sustaining ties of exploitative dependence in the process. These ties are simultaneously legitimized through an accompanying cultural politics grounded in religious ideals. Bazaar traders remain deeply embedded with Islamist actors and play a central role in administering mosques, seminaries, and religious charities. Therefore, notions of piety, divinely ordained class and status hierarchies, and benevolent civic virtue - disseminated and popularized through their articulation and performance by bazaar traders - shape the cultural frames under which class authority and material conditions are interpreted by subordinate groups in marketplaces. Ultimately, these processes act as the building blocks of a persisting arrangement, wherein the influence bazaar traders possess through economic resources and their authority over the urban poor is transacted with weak political parties during elections, thus underpinning the reproduction of Pakistan's elite-dominated political sphere. By documenting the everyday power practices of a dominant group and the microprocesses that feed into the political sphere, this thesis rectifies deterministic statist and structuralist explanations for Pakistan's lasting regime of elite power. It also contributes to ongoing debates on the roles played by the state, political parties, and civil society in the articulation of hegemonic political arrangements.
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Channa, Anila. "Four essays on education, caste and collective action in rural Pakistan." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2015. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3305/.
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In this thesis, I use mixed methods to present four interdisciplinary essays on education, caste and collective action in rural Pakistan. In the first essay, I undertake a conceptual analysis of the nature of the Pakistani kinship group, locally referred to sometimes as biraderi (brotherhood), quom (tribe, sect, nation) or zaat (ancestry, caste). By systematically comparing the features of the kinship group with modern interpretations of caste, I argue that the Pakistani kinship group is much closer to a caste than is commonly acknowledged in a lot of the research. In the second essay, I document the extent of educational inequalities based on this kinship group, henceforth also referred to as caste. Using a unique dataset that I collected for approximately 2500 individuals from rural Pakistan, I show that low caste individuals on average are 7% less likely to be literate and 5% less likely to attend school than their high caste counterparts. Strikingly, these differences rise to over 20% for certain low caste groups. Even though caste-based inequalities are not statistically significant for the youngest cohort in my sample, my qualitative analysis of over 65 in-depth interviews with key informants confirms that caste remains not only a critical marker of identity, but also an important source of fragmentation in the country. In the third essay, I focus on the fragmentary nature of the kinship group and develop a theoretical framework in which caste fractionalization, land inequality and the imbalance in power between various castes – or what I refer to as caste power heterogeneity – jointly influence the level of collective activity for rural education provision. I test this framework using a blend of quantitative analysis of original data for over 2500 individuals, and qualitative comparative case studies of a total of eight rural communities in Pakistan. The analysis I present both confirms the interdependence of my three proposed dimensions of social heterogeneity, as well as highlights the salience of caste power heterogeneity in predicting the level of collective activity for education provision. In the final essay, I turn to studying the role of social capital in enhancing educational outcomes. I perform statistical analysis of data from over 350 households and combine it with a micro-level comparative case study of social capital and collective action surrounding education in two rural communities from Pakistan. My results in this final paper indicate that there are weak associations between my two parameters of interest. They also highlight the importance of understanding the downside of social capital, and of recognizing that rather than being driven by social capital alone, collective action is often embedded in a wider system of village politics and patronage.
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Nasir, Jamal Abdul. "Fertility transition in Pakistan : neglected dimensions and policy implications." Thesis, University of Southampton, 2013. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/368188/.
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This research addresses some of the neglected non-program dimensions related to stagnant fertility transition in Pakistan. Previous research identified a range of factors influencing fertility in Pakistan, particularly the effect of distortions in reported ages, fertility inhibiting variables, timing of first marriage and first birth, and birth intervals. The literature provides evidence that there is no systematic analysis of these dimensions particularly at the regional levels. This research addresses these dimensions by evaluating the fertility and reproductive health data in particular using the cross-sectional data from the 1990 and 2006 Pakistan Demographic and Health Survey, and 2000-01 Pakistan Reproductive Health and Family Planning Survey. Based on the application of relevant demographic and statistical techniques, the study demonstrates evidence of clear discrepancies in age reporting among married females across the seven geographic regions. This had influence on the estimated marital fertility rates which tend to be significantly higher when the reporting effects were adjusted. The analysis of fertility inhibiting factors reveals that timing of marriage and contraceptive use are crucial determinants associated with fertility reduction in Pakistan. By far, the strongest factor driving increase at first marriage in Pakistan is the level of female education which tends to vary significantly across different geographic regions. The analysis of the duration between marriage and first conception shows rather unexpected complex hazard functions with two peaks suggesting the behaviour of two different groups of women: those adhering to the traditional pattern in which conception take place soon after marriage; and those who postpone conception after marriage. Punjab, Baluchistan and urban regions are ahead of the fertility transition at the national level, confirming the effect of longer birth intervals. Based on the analysis of the proximate determinants framework, it can be concluded that Pakistan has entered the early third phase of the fertility transition. Urban Punjab and Baluchistan have also showed convergence to the third phase of the fertility transition. Breastfeeding and amenorrhea have emerged as significant determinants of birth interval duration. The results of this study highlight various areas for programme intervention and policy development. There is a dire need for a policy to improve the levels of female literacy and education especially in poorly developed regions which are in the second phase of fertility transition. A cost-effective intervention would be using mass media, for example radio broadcasting as the medium to disseminate reproductive health and family planning information. Pakistan needs specific policy interventions aimed at empowering girls with education for delaying marriage and encouraging contraceptive use. In formal education programmes, the syllabus should include the introduction to contraception, sexual health education as well as information on sexually transmitted diseases.
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Shah, Rakshinda. "Interpretations of Educational Experiences of Women in Chitral, Pakistan." Scholar Commons, 2015. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/5580.
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This feminist oral history project records, interprets, and analyzes the educational experiences of seven Ismaili college women in Chitral, Pakistan. Chitral is a part of the world where educating girls and women is not a priority. Yet in the scarce literature available one can observe an increase in the literacy rates, especially amongst the Ismaili Muslims in the North of Chitral District. This thesis introduces students' accounts of their personal educational journeys. I argue that the students' accounts exemplify third space feminism. They negotiate contradictions and social invisibility in their daily lives in quiet activism that shadows but changes the status quo of the society. Through their narratives the narrators see themselves as devout Muslim women who are receiving Western-style education through which they have learned to be women's rights advocates. The narrators now wish to pay forward their knowledge and help their families financially. Analysis of the oral histories revealed six themes: (1) distance from educational institutions, (2) sacrifices by the family, (3) support from family, (4) narrators as the first generation of women to attend school, (5) early memories of school including severe winters and corporal punishment, and (6) feminist touchstones. While honoring their families and communities, the narrators plan to become educators and advocates to empower girls and women in their own villages. In response to these oral histories, I recommend that the government of Pakistan, non-government organizations working in Pakistan, men and women, and teachers in schools work together to improve the educational journeys of future Chitrali women. Education for women needs to be introduced as a universal human right in Chitral so women, too, can get financial and psychosocial support from their families as well as communities to achieve their educational goals.
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Kassam, Shelina. "The language of Islamism : Pakistan's media response to the Iranian revolution." Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=69615.
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In recent Muslim history, the Iranian Revolution of 1978/79 has been a watershed event which has had--and continues to have--a significant impact on Muslim societies. Indeed, the Revolution is often perceived as the single most important example in contemporary times of the manner in which Islamism has been utilized as a revolutionary tool. The success of the Revolution in utilizing ideological Islam has had important implications for Pakistan, given the latter's reliance upon Islamism in its public life. This thesis examines editorial response in the Pakistani press to the Iranian Revolution of 1978/79 and analyzes the factors which influenced this reaction.Pakistan's response to the Iranian Revolution provides a glimpse into the nature of a country coming to terms with itself and its own interpretation of its dominant socio-political ideology. The Revolution highlighted already-existing tensions within the Pakistani national psyche: questions were raised with regard to the ideological direction of the country, its pragmatic concerns for security as well as the role of Islam in the formation of a public identity. The Iranian Revolution, by presenting differing perspectives on some of these issues--though all were framed within the context of the language of Islamism--served to deepen the collective Pakistani soul-searching. The nature of Pakistani response was essentially one of an intricate balancing act amongst competing loyalties, perspectives and imperatives. This response highlighted Pakistan's somewhat tense relationship with itself and its reliance upon Islam as a dominant socio-political ideology. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
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Shami, Mahvish. "The road to development : market access and varieties of clientelism in rural Punjab, Pakistan." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2010. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/261/.
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Rural economies in developing countries are often characterised by high levels of inequality, particularly so in their distribution of land. This can lead to the establishment of patron-client relationships between peasants and their landlords with far-reaching social, political, and economic implications for both parties. This thesis investigates whether, and how, clientelist networks change, when connecting isolated villages become connected to the outside economy. It does so from three different perspectives. Firstly, it highlights the ability of resource rich landlords to interlink different markets in the rural economy in an effort to maximise surplus extraction. Yet, when peasants are provided credible exit options, the change in relative bargaining powers alters the character of such interlinkages in favour of the peasants. Secondly, it explores how clientelism enables landlords to use peasant votes as bargaining chips with politicians to appropriate public resources for their own private benefit. Yet, when peasants are given outside options, the landlord has to provide them with public goods in order to maintain his economic and social standing in the village. Lastly, it analyses peasants’ difficulty in engaging in community driven projects when residing under a strong patron. Yet, when landlords have to compete with markets outside the village, they no longer have the incentive or ability to block peasant collective action for self provision. In all three areas, it is argued that the patrons’ ability to control peasant activities stems from the interaction of inequality with isolation, which provides them with monopoly/monopsony powers. Hence while policy solutions to exploitative forms of clientelism have typically focused on land redistribution, I argue that similar results are attainable by increasing peasants’ outside options. In order to test the validity of this hypothesis I make use of a natural experiment found in the construction of a motorway in rural Punjab, Pakistan. The research design compares connected villages dominated by large landlords to isolated ones and uses villages with relatively egalitarian distribution of land as a control group. Making use of field interviews and quantitative survey data the thesis finds that connectivity results in converging outcomes between connected villages dominated by large landlords and those with more egalitarian distribution of land. The results suggest that connecting villages previously isolated from the outside economy can go a long way to help the rural poor.
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Bokhari, Hasnain [Verfasser]. "Information and Communication Technologies in Pakistan. History and analysis of electronic public services (2000-2012) / Hasnain Bokhari." Hamburg : disserta Verlag, 2020. http://d-nb.info/122220827X/34.
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Leake, Elisabeth Mariko. "The politics of the north-west frontier of the Indian subcontinent, 1936-65." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608199.
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Shah, Saeeda. "Educational management : an exploratory study of management roles and possibilities of management development at college level in AJK, Pakistan." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 1998. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/10922/.
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This study explores college management in the context of a Muslim, post-colonial, LDC (low developing country) situation. The thesis focuses on institutional heads, both male and female, to investigate their roles, practices and the possibilities of management development. It examines the interplay of the discourses of religion, education, management, leadership, and gender, as expressed through the participants’ experiences. Moreover, professional, socio-economic, political, and ideological forces are critically examined as contributive to shaping the discourses and subjectivities, and being shaped in the process. The qualitative study is conducted from a poststructuralist theoretical perspective, but is underpinned by Islamic philosophical thought. This encourages an exploration of the related discourses, their fluid boundaries and an inherent power-play, and points to the movements from margins to centres and vice versa. It allows for a critical exploration of the 'political technologies' aiming at decentring or accessing the 'centre', with particular reference to education, gender and Islam. The thesis begins by providing a background to the research and positions the researcher. Relevant international literature is reviewed as a backdrop for later discussions, to highlight differences and commonalties. The broad framework of the research is detailed next to explain theoretical and methodological choices, followed by a discussion of the research design and its emergent multifaceted nature. Research findings, collected mainly through two diverse methods, postal surveys and in-depth interviewing, are presented and analysed separately in response to the theoretical inclines. The analysis unveils the practices involved in construction, validation and dissemination of 'discourses' and 'regimes of truth'. The concluding discussion unmasks the patriarchal power-play exploiting various modes of ordering practices and relationships on a specific educational site, and how these aim at depowering and/or empowerment through institutionalised boundaries. The study also highlights areas of management development for the college heads, and argues for context-specific programs for improved effectiveness.
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Masud, Rahat Haveed. "Materialising the spiritual in contemporary painting in Pakistan : an artist's exploration of figurative art and Sufism." Thesis, Kingston University, 2010. http://eprints.kingston.ac.uk/20229/.
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This practice led doctoral thesis explores the meaning of spirituality and its manifestation in figUrative art in the wider historical, religious and artistic contexts of Pakistan, alongside the presentation of a new body of artistic work which explores the contemporary possibilities of materialising spirituality in a predominately Muslim culture. The illustrated thesis engages with these two interconnected but distinct forms of research which underpin its two-part structure. The first part, Section A, comprises four chapters which investigate the various cultural and religious contexts of figurative art with particular reference to Muslim painting; Islamic attitudes to figurative art based upon the study of Islamic law and the various interpretations of the Qur'an and the hadith. It assesses the impact of colonial and postcolonial politics on the arts produced in the Indo Pak Sub-continent and the specific area that later came to constitute Pakistan (a pre-dominantly Muslim country) after the Partition of 1947. The section concludes with im exploration of Islamic spiritual ideals of truth and beauty, through Sufi thought, including the significance of for Allah and the concept of Tauhid. or His Oneness. The three chapters in the second part, Section B, represent a critical reflection on ongoing artistic practice as a female figurative artist in contemporary Pakistan. Drawing upon autobiographical material and fieldwork conducted at Sufi shrines as part this research, I discuss the series of more than twenty five paintings, drawings and siœtcnes which aim to materialise the spiritual. These are supported by a thirty minute documentation of the shrine culture with a voice over along with a video installation film on a DVD exploring the concept of fana or 'spiritual annihilation', which is the key aspect of the shrine culture. In conclusion the vital concern of finding means to materialise the concept of spirituality by creating a body of art work is an effort to fill the gap in Pakistani painting the impact of Sufi philosophy on artistic endeavours is yet to be fully explored in contemporary painting in Pakistan.
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Shahid, Ayesha. "Silent voices, untold stories : women domestic workers in Pakistan and their struggle for empowerment." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2007. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/2430/.
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This is a socio-legal study about law, empowerment and access to justice for women domestic workers in Pakistan. There are no official statistics available on the number of women working in this informal employment sector, neither are there any in-depth research studies carried out on the subject of women in domestic service in Pakistan. Therefore this exploratory study attempts to fill the gap in existing literature by providing information about the profile, nature, working and living conditions of women domestic workers. It provides a starting point towards an understanding of the situation of women in domestic service by listening to their voices and lived experiences. By using feminist legal perspectives, Islamic perspectives on woinen's work and legal pluralism, the present study questions the efficacy of law as a tool for empowering women domestic workers in their struggle against exploitative treatment in the workplace. Grounded theory methodology is followed to collect empirical data about domestic service in Pakistan. Semi-structured group and individual interviews have been carried out at four sites in Karachi and Peshawar, Pakistan. A few case studies have also been included to substantiate some of the major themes arising during fieldwork. Listening to voices of women in domestic service has provided an opportunity to uncover the hidden lives of women domestic workers who work in the privacy of homes. The present study also explores the nature of domestic service, dynamics of employer-employee relations and complexities of class, gender and multiple identities impacting on these relationships. The study finally argues that in the presence of plural legal frameworks formal law alone cannot empower women in domestic service. Therefore for an effective implementation of law it is equally pertinent to look into non-legal strategies so that access to justice can be made possible for these women.
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Argon, Kemal Enz. "Communicating Islam in the Public Sphere : An Intellectual History of Contemporary Islamisms in Pakistan with Special Reference to Khurshid Ahmad." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.510926.
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Owais, Syed. "NGOs, democratisation and grassroots empowerment : a case study of Rural Development Organisation's approach to social change in Pakistan." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2017. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/96792/.
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This thesis contributes to existing knowledge on NGOs in the global South through examining the case study of RDO, an NGO in Pakistan, investigating the influence of historically structured formal and informal institutions and the politico-economic factors shaping its efforts for democratic and empowerment-oriented change in rural communities. It analyses RDO’s philosophy and practice regarding the formation of community organisations, which are intended to work democratically for their own development and to access government and other NGOs’ services. It does this by analysing 63 qualitative interviews, 20 Focus Group Discussions (FGDs), organisational documents and observational data from 8-months fieldwork. It is argued that, rather than democratising and empowering community members, whose relationships with each other and with the state agencies have been historically patronage-based (Gough et al., 2004) and marked by inequalities based on ethnicity, gender, and class, RDO tends to deal with the communities in a patronage-based manner. This is due to its inability to allocate adequate time to communities to institutionalise democratic values in place of path dependent structures (Pierson, 2000) of inequality and practices of patron-clientelism. This, in turn, emanates from its shift away from the empowerment agenda and subscription to neoliberal mode of interventions. Additionally, the interventions by national and international NGOs, most of which have burgeoned in the wake of post-2000 political and natural disasters, have also socialised the rural communities to perceive NGOs as providers of welfare goods. This has made it harder for RDO to work according to its goals. Hence, instead of changing path dependent structures (Pierson, 2000) of inequality and patron-clientelism (Gough et al., 2004), RDO, like most NGOs in the global South, has largely become an agent of its perpetuation.
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Hirsiaho, Anu. "Shadow dynasties : politics of memory and emotions in Pakistani women's life-writing /." Tampere : University of Tampere, 2005. http://acta.uta.fi/pdf/951-44-6265-3.pdf.
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Bano, Shah. "The role of universities in transforming a developing economy into a knowledge-based economy : the case of Pakistan." Thesis, University of Southampton, 2012. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/343583/.
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The thesis examines the functions of universities in transforming a developing economy into a Knowledge Based Economy (KBE). Universities play a vital role in strengthening the KBE by providing the resource, ‘knowledge’. This study explores the challenges encountered by academic leadership in Pakistan, while striving to achieve a KBE. Although, the Higher Education Commission (HEC), has introduced a large number of reforms in universities of Pakistan since 2003 but these reforms are only a beginning of a process of engagement of universities in socioeconomic development. The newly established Commission was charged with the task to align higher education with the needs of the country, provide greater access to quality higher education, and develop the skills of faculty. Other steps towards reformation of the higher education sector of Pakistan included the introduction of quality assurance systems in universities, investment in their physical as well as knowledge infrastructure and developing a ranking system for universities in order to create a competitive environment among them. These measures taken by the HEC were fundamental for the development of a globally recognised higher education system. The current emphasis on the promotion of entrepreneurship is now leading to the establishment of technology parks and technology transfer offices on campuses so that universities can contribute directly to the process of socioeconomic development. The thesis elaborates the conditions, which facilitate or hamper the functions of universities in Pakistan. University–industry linkages in the United States (Silicon Valley) and United Kingdom (Oxford and Cambridge) have inspired many developing countries. In order to follow the same trends, universities in Pakistan are adopting the entrepreneurial role too. However, there is a gap in the literature regarding how the roles and functions of universities in developing economies differ from those of universities in a KBE. Therefore, the researcher aims to fill this gap in the literature by investigating the perceptions of academic leaders in Pakistan. This research employs a qualitative design and grounded theory research strategy. The sample size consists of fifty semi structured interviews with various stakeholders of higher education such as the leaders of the higher education regulatory body (Higher Education Commission), five high ranking universities of Pakistan and the Intellectual Property Organisation (IPO) in Pakistan. Data are analysed inductively, resulting in a new substantive theory, the Model of Symbiosis. The study reveals, there are external and internal factors which facilitate the formation of a KBE. The external factor which include, good governance, political stability, an effective policy framework and strengthening of the institutions (government, judicial institutions, educational and financial institutions) while internal factors include the development of physical infrastructure of universities and knowledge creation as well as dissemination activities taking place in universities. These factors help in the creation of positive mind-set towards ‘knowledge’. Moreover, a KBE is based on surplus knowledge and innovation capability of a country. The production and use of surplus knowledge require collaboration among different institutional actors. The State, the National Eco-system of Education and the corporate sector, have to work in a symbiotic relationship so that synergy for a welfare society is generated. This welfare society will thrive economically and also it will become a part of the global international community. The researcher advocates that universities can put the economy on a stable condition if they are ‘tasked’ and deployed on a mission to solve issues of the society such as enhancing agricultural productivity, resolving the issue of electricity shortage, provision of clean drinking water, infrastructure development, and the growth of Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs) to create employment opportunities. Hence, universities in developing countries can act as agents of change provided that their basic infrastructure (both knowledge infrastructure and physical infrastructure) is developed and it supports those universities in their roles. Secondly, along with the basic infrastructure, a regulatory framework and intellectual property regimes should also be in place to strengthen the economy in developing countries.
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Ishaq, Muhammad. "Socio-political impacts of the contemporary religious movements in AJK Pakistan : an empirical study on competing visions of an ideal Islamic society." Thesis, University of Gloucestershire, 2016. http://eprints.glos.ac.uk/5717/.
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The aim of this study was to explore the emergence of the three main religious movements in AJK Pakistan and empirically investigate how they utilise social and public spaces to achieve their vision for this society. These groups are recognized as Islamic revivalist movements; therefore, the study aims to explore and understand how religiously motivated values function as social visions to shape or transform a society. As AJK society is largely based on the biraderi or caste system, it is important to explore how the above mentioned religious groups, reconcile their religious ideals to address a socially-segregated society. The role of religion, or more specifically, Islam and Islamic activism, is examined by applying sociological methods; the socio-religious and socio-political activities of the Islamic movements are analysed within the paradigms of the Social Movement theory. The study focusses on three main research questions, (i) the emergence of the Islamic movements, (ii) how they utilise or mobilise resources and (iii) how the movements disseminate their values and message into society. Aside from contemporary India and Pakistan, Kashmir has its own very long history of religion, politics, and independence as a kingdom. It consists of a Buddhist kingdom, a Brahman caste structured society, and a Sufi-oriented Muslim state, while the image of post-colonial Kashmir is totally different, which is divided, governed by foreign rules, and holds differing religious and secular ideologies. There are many active Islamic movements who are working in the name of revivalism, or reform, and who aim to bring changes to the society to make an ideal Islamic society according to their own perceived visions. The focus of this study was upon the three social-religious movements that are seeking to bring changes to the AJK society. Jamat-e-Islami (JI) is a well-known Islamic revivalist movement in the subcontinent; which has more than six chapters in six South-Asian countries. The movement uses many strategies to achieve its social, political and religious goals. In AJK, it is actively using different networks, such as education, health, welfare and politics. Minhaj-ul-Qur’an (MQ) is a comparatively new movement, however, the strategies and methods it deploys are quite like those of the JI Movement, but differ in its application of ideology, vision and rhetoric. Khanqah-e-Fatihiya, or Hadhrat Sahib of Gulhar Sharif (GS), is an apolitical movement that has evolved from within AJK. This movement represents the popular Sufi forms of Islam prevalent within AJK society. However, over the last 30 years, its substantial changes demonstrate elements of an internal revival within the AJK tasawwuf sects, which also emphasise ‘economic and religious emancipation’. The study highlights how these movements adopt different tactics to promote their ideologies through a variety of means, hence, how socio-religious and socio-political strategies are operating in a society which is mainly based on the caste system. As an exploratory, qualitative and ethnographic study, the research is based on three case studies centred on the above mentioned Islamic movements. The study concluded that all three movements had different goals and focus in AJK, for example, JI uses a state-centric approach, MQ mainly concentrates on society, whereas, the Sufi tariqa is an individual-centric movement. All three movements utilise an individual movement structure and apply differing methods to convey their message, in AJK.
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Tabassum, Faiza. "Modelling growth trajectories of children : a longitudinal analysis of individual and household effects on children's nutritional status in rural Pakistan." Thesis, University of Southampton, 2004. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/345594/.
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This thesis explores the pathways through which individual and household factors are associated with temporal changes in child nutritional status. In this study the concept of nutrition deprivation is used in two ways: firstly as indicated by the child's anthropometric measures, and secondly in terms of food consumption. The thesis also explores how nutritional deprivation is linked with economic deprivation. The main objectives of the study are: to examine the physical growth trajectories of children, to investigate the household's economic and nutritional (food) deprivations, to explore the determinants of child malnutrition, and finally to investigate the relationship between temporal changes in the poverty status of households and temporal changes in child nutritional status. The study uses the Pakistan Panel Data collected by the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI) from 1986-89, covering four rural districts of Pakistan. The study employs a comprehensive child health framework to establish the mechanism of child nutritional status by linking the various factors at child, household and community levels. This framework specifies poverty as the root cause of malnutrition. The basic need absolute poverty approach is used to work out the incidence and the dynamic nature of poverty. Various statistical modelling techniques for analysing the longitudinal data are used in this study. For example, to study the height and weight growth traectories of children a growth curve modelling technique is employed, and to study the determinants of child malnutrition a three-level hierarchical linear model for longitudinal data is used. The predicted average growth velocities indicate a slower growth during first year of child's life in comparison with the usual growth velocities amongst the normal children. However, in a particular cohort of children some evidence of growth acceleration is found during the third year of a child's life after a growth deceleration during the second year. Child level factors, such as breastfeeding and the incidence of diarrhoea and morbidity, are found to explain most of the variability in child nutritional status. The results reveal dissimilarities in nutritional status between children in a household. The results also indicate associations between poverty and stunting while chronic poverty is found to be associated with wasting. The results indicate that caloric and protein consumption amongst the study households was notably high. However, food consumption patterns mostly revolve around the staple food, and even in the top expenditure quintile this pattern remains persistent.
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Dutta, Sunil. "History as the Architect of the Present : What Made Kashmir the Nucleus of South Asia Terrorism India-Pakistan Conflict and its Impact on U.S. Homeland Security." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/6788.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimitedThis thesis focuses on the root causes of conflict in South Asia that have created the environment in the Afghan Pakistan border areas, which nurtures insurgency. The causes are rooted in the decisions, made by the British Empire in the 19th and 20th centuries, to perpetuate her rule in the Indian subcontinent. A disregard for the history and its impact on the current events has lead to prolonging of U.S. war in Afghanistan. The conclusion is that colonial history of South Asia has shaped current conflicts in Afghanistan, India, and Pakistan. These conflicts have manifested in spawning of terrorism from the region. Ever since the partition of India in 1947 by the British, India and Pakistan remain locked in an enduring conflict over Kashmir. This conflict is tied to destabilization of South Asia, including competition between India and Pakistan over influence in Afghanistan. Thus, the U.S. focus on elimination of al Qaeda is short sighted, as it ignores the reasons for al Qaedas survival in South Asia. Without Pakistans support for the Afghan Taliban and associated terrorist organizations, al Qaeda would not have a sanctuary in South Asia. Without a resolution of the conflict between India and Pakistan, the terrorism problem emanating from South Asia remains a potential threat. Therefore, it is imperative that U.S. policy should expand to include a resolution of India-Pakistan conflict.
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Samad, Yunas. "South Asian Muslim politics, 1937-1958." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:20859dd8-f3cf-47d2-915b-6142d8a7cbe5.
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The object of this thesis is to explain why Pakistan which Muslim nationalist historians claim was created in the name of Islam failed to sustain a democratic political system. This question is explored by examining the politics of South Asian Muslims as a continuity from the colonial to the post-partition period, focusing on the tension between centripetal and centrifugal forces. The thesis begins by investigating the factors which helped politicize Muslim identity during the inter-war years. The interplay of nationalism, constitutional reforms and common identity based on confessional faith forged political identities which determined the course of subsequent events. Dyarchy set in motion processes which the Government of India Act of 1935 reinforced,- the emergence of political solidarities based on religion and region and alienation from nationalist politics. The Congress was able to neutralize the centrifugal developments among its Hindu constituency. It was not so successful among Muslims partly due to the impact of the Reforms and partly due to the activity of Hindu revivalists in the party. Simultaneously Muslim politics was moving away from the Congress, not towards the Muslim League but to the All-India Muslim Conference, around which most Muslims had gathered in opposition to the Nehru Report. However most regional and communitarian parties were not simply antagonistic to the Congress. They rejected centralist politics as a whole. This was amply demonstrated by the 1937 election results which underlined Jinnah's irrelevance to Muslim politics. Hence Muslims were in their political loyalties divided between strong currents focused on provincial interests and weak ones emphasizing sub-continental unity, national or Muslim. This configuration, the opposition between centrifugal and centripetal forces defined the basic parameters of Muslim politics. The second chapter describes how the political divisions between Muslims was partially overcome. The 1937 elections initiated a major political shift among the Muslim regional parties and caused great unease among the urban groupings. The Muslim regional partie's feared that the Congress Party's control over provincial ministries through a centralized structure and its rejection of the federal basis of the 1935 Act, would lead to their being roped into a Hindu-dominated unitary state. To fight this threat, an alternative political focus at the all-India level came to be considered necessary for the protection of their interests. The Muslim League's revival was indirectly facilitated by the Quit India Movement which temporarily removed the Congress from the arena of open politics and by the encouragement Jinnah received from the Raj. The League was able to gradually pull Muslim groups, particularly those in the Muslim-minority provinces, into its ranks through the use of anti-Congress propaganda. But among the urban masses of UP Jinnah was eclipsed by Mashriqi until the mid-1940s when the Khaksars became a spent force. This development combined with the increasing influence of the Pakistan slogan, vague yet immensely attractive, provided the ideological cutting edge of the League's agenda for Muslim unity. The ideological hegemony allowed the League to focus the forces of community consciousness as a battering ram to breakdown the regional parties resistance. The Pakistan slogan spread from the urban areas and Muslim-minority provinces into the rural areas of the Muslim-majority provinces. But in Bengal the regionalist had taken over the party, in the Punjab Khizr continued to resist and in the NWFP and Sind the Muslim League was a peripheral influence. Hence by the mid-1940s the League was only able to achieve partial unity under the Pakistan banner. The third chapter deals with the brief moment of political unity achieved through the combined impact of mass nationalism and communal riots. After the constitutional deadlock following the breakdown of the Simla Conference the League was able to make major advances by positing a clear choice between their and the Congress's plans for India's future. Muslim nationalism now centred on the League capitalized on the political uncertainties caused by the negotiations and won over many adherents from the provincial parties. An important factor which widened the League's area of influence was the increased significance of economic nationalism. It opened channels of communication between the elites and the masses, drew in groups previously unaffected by the Muslim League and turned the agitation for Pakistan into a mass movement. These factors combined with the weakness of the Congress due to their incarceration during the war resulted in the widespread shift away from the regional parties to the Muslim League. Jinnah was able to achieve for a brief moment political unity and used this as the basis to extract the maximum constitutional concessions from the British and the Congress. However the centralization process was weak and its frailty was at the root of ideological confusion. The confusion was manifest in the changing definition of Pakistan in this crucial period. The problem was compounded by the League's lack of strong party structure to control and enforce discipline over the regional supporters. Jinnah's interventions in the provinces were the exception and not the rule and limited to disciplining local leaders. For expanding the party's influence he was completely dependent on the provincial leaders. The regionalist forces were not genuine converts to Muslim nationalism. They used the League as a stalking horse for their provincial interests. Jinnah accepted the Cabinet Mission Plan due to the strong pressures from the Muslim-majority provinces who were not interested in a separate homeland for Muslims and later he supported Suhrawardy's attempt to avoid partition of Bengal. Jinnah had to be responsive to these different currents within the party in order to avoid a revolt against his leadership. Besides the internal pressure, pro-Congress opposition was still strong in Sarhad and Sind and they used regional ethnicity as a counter against the League. However the opposition collapsed when the civil disobedience movement mounted by the League at this extremely tense moment triggered off the communal explosion which engulfed northern India and as a result the Congress accepted partition. The fourth chapter deals with the Muslim League's effort to consolidate its position in Pakistan through the construction of a strong state and the potent anti-centre backlash it produced. Pakistan came into existence through the contingent circumstances attending the transfer of power and the League's leadership was ill-prepared to establishing itself in Pakistan. The perceived threat from India and the internal opposition to the leadership convinced them that the country and they themselves could survive politically only if a strong centre was established. However the ethnic composition of the ruling group was a source of tension which bedeviled the centralizing process. The Muslim League leadership was mainly Muhajirs who had no social base in Pakistan. They along with the Punjabis also dominated the military and the bureaucracy. Hence the push for a unitary structure alienated others such as the Bengalis, who were not represented in the upper echelons of the state. The political instability was aggravated by the ruling group's efforts to establish a strong centre not on the basis of a broad consensus but through strong arm tactics. As a result internal and external opposition to the League leadership was suppressed in an authoritarian manner. Karachi used the state apparatus to crush the emerging opposition and interfered in the provinces attempting to put its supporters into power.
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Shāh, Sayyid Vaqār ʿAlī. "Muslim politics in the North-West Frontier Province, 1937-1947." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1997. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:25cf19fa-51ab-4020-8bf8-19c339b517f9.
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This dissertation examines Muslim politics in the North-West Frontier Province of India between 1937 and 1947. It first investigates the nature of modern politics in the Frontier Province and its relationship with all-India politics. The N-WFP was the only Muslim majority province which supported the INC in its struggle to represent an Indian nation against the British raj, rather than of joining other Muslims in the AIML. The N-WFP had its own peculiar type of society, distinct from the rest of India. In the Frontier Province, Islam wa? iaierwoven to such an extent with Pashtoon society that it formed an essential and integral part of it; and the Pashtoons 1 sense of separate ethnic identity, within the bounds and framework of Islam, become an acknowledged fact. In this Muslim majority province, there was no fear of Hindu domination, as was prevalent among Muslims in Hindu majority provinces. This was a principal reason for the initial failure of ML to acquire support in the FP. The study also explores the rise of the Khudai Khidmatgars and the reasons for the preference of majority of the N-WFP Muslims for Congress. It argues that the coming together of the KKs and the Congress gave the former popularity, and an ally in all-India politics and the latter a significant base of support in a Muslim majority province. It elucidates the changing political contexts of the period 1937-47 and shows how loyalties were contingent on these circumstances. It is therefore not just about Frontier politics, but, at a deeper level, about the nature of evolving political identities in the sub-continent. The thesis concludes with a discussion of the All-India National Congress 'desertion' of the Frontier people on the eve of partition, the dismissal of the provincial Congress ministry by Jinnah, and the deeply ambiguous positions of the KKs in the context of the new nation of Pakistan.
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Shahani, Uttara. "Sind and the partition of India, c.1927-1952." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2019. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/290268.
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Sindhi Hindus comprise the world's most widespread South Asian diaspora. When the British divided their Indian empire in 1947, unlike Punjab, Bengal, and Assam, they did not partition Sind (today a part of Pakistan), despite the minority campaign for a partition of the region. Sind's partition in 1947 was a deterritorialised and demographic one, producing over a million 'non-Muslim' refugees who resettled in India and abroad. A frequently overlooked region in histories of South Asia, Sind is of profound importance to the history of the partition of India. In the decades preceding partition Sind formed the core of the demand for the creation of 'Muslim majority' provinces that later gave Pakistan its territorial basis. This thesis outlines a new history of partition from the pre-partition Sindhi movement for separation from the Bombay Presidency. It explores the hardening of communal identities in a province renowned for its blurred religious boundaries and the ambiguities of defining a 'Muslim majority' province in the run-up to the foundation of Pakistan. Partition histories emphasise the role of sudden and unexpected genocidal violence in creating refugees. The processes of nation-formation and establishing new political-legal sovereignties also shaped refugee flows. Sindhi Hindu migration at the time of partition is also located within their older histories of mobility and suggests a more complex picture of displacements at the time of partition. Largely unwelcome in India, Sindhi refugees exercised a considerable amount of initiative, in rehabilitating themselves and in challenging the state's slow response to their demands for rehabilitation. Using rarely studied legal archives, this thesis charts how, despite being a stateless minority, Sindhi refugees' legal campaigns shaped the Indian constitution and informed broader notions of Indian citizenship. Refugee initiatives to create a 'new' Sind and port in Kutch collided with the governmental agenda to secure the integration of the princely states and harness their economic resources to the Indian Union. By investigating the 'failures' of this attempt to re-establish 'Sind in India', this thesis provides unique insights into the fraught interaction between refugee resettlement and the birth of a new nation.
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Duce, Cristy Lee. "In love and war : the politics of romance in four 21st-century Pakistani novels." Thesis, Lethbridge, Alta. : University of Lethbridge, Dept. of English, 2011, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10133/3127.
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Writers of fiction have long since relied on love, romance, and desire to drive the
plots of their work, yet some postcolonial authors use romance and interpersonal
relationships to illustrate the larger political and social forces that affect their relatively
marginalized experiences in a global context. To illustrate this literary strategy, I have
chosen to discuss four novels written in the twenty-first century by Pakistani authors: Tbe
Reluctant Fundamentalist by Mohsin Hamid, Trespassing by Uzma Aslam Khan, The
Wasted Vigil by Nadeem Aslam, and Burnt Shadows by Kamila Shamsie. With the
geographical origin of these writers as a common starting place from which to compare
and contrast their perspectives on global politics, their understandings of gender, and
their perceptions of how the public and the private constitute and intersect each other, I
will use postcolonial theory to dissect the treatment of romance in their respective novels.v, 85 leaves ; 29 cm
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Osman, Newal. "Partition and Punjab politics, 1937-55." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608215.
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ROY, HAIMANTI. "CITIZENSHIP AND NATIONAL IDENTITY IN POST PARTITION BENGAL, 1947-65." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1147886544.
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Husain, Samir. "Madrassas: The Evolution (or Devolution?) of the Islamic Schools in South Asia (1857-Present)." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1525347741957091.
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Siddiqi, Ahmad Mujtaba. "From bilateralism to Cold War conflict : Pakistan's engagement with state and non-state actors on its Afghan frontier, 1947-1989." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e904bd42-76e9-4c73-8414-dbd7049eb30f.
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The purpose of this thesis is to assess Pakistan’s relationship with Afghanistan before and after the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979. I argue that the nature of the relationship was transformed by the region becoming the centre of Cold War conflict, and show how Pakistan’s role affected the development of the mujahidin insurgency against Soviet occupation. My inquiry begins by assessing the historical determinants of the relationship, arising from the colonial legacy and local interpretations of the contested spheres of legitimacy proffered by state, tribe and Islam. I then map the trajectory of the relationship from Pakistan’s independence in 1947, showing how the retreat of great power rivalry following British withdrawal from the subcontinent allowed for the framing of the relationship in primarily bilateral terms. The ascendance of bilateral factors opened greater possibilities for accommodation than had previously existed, though the relationship struggled to free itself of inherited colonial disputes, represented by the Pashtunistan issue. The most promising attempt to resolve the dispute came to an end with the communist coup and subsequent Soviet invasion, which subsumed bilateral concerns under the framework of Cold War confrontation. Viewing the invasion as a major threat, Pakistan pursued negotiations for Soviet withdrawal, aligned itself with the US and gave clandestine support to the mujahidin insurgency. External support enhanced mujahidin military viability while exacerbating weaknesses in political organization and ideology. Soviet withdrawal in 1989 left an unresolved conflict. Faced with state collapse and turmoil across the border, heightened security concerns following loss of US support, and intensified links among non-state actors on both sides of the frontier, the Pakistan government drew on its recently gained experience of working through non-state actors to attempt to maintain its influence in Afghanistan. There would be no return to the relatively stable state-state ties prevailing before 1979.
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Zafar, Muhammad Hasan. "Pakistani documentary : representation of national history and identity (1976-2016)." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2017. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/8386/.
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This thesis presents a study of Pakistani documentary, with a focus on the ways in which it represents Pakistan’s national identity and history. The study examines three sources of documentary production – state media, commercial television channels, and independent filmmakers – as three distinct voices of Pakistani documentary. The study argues that the discourses of these institutions are governed by their respective ideological, political, and economic priorities. These factors result in two competing approaches to Pakistan’s national history and identity: right-wing and left-wing. The Islamic ideology of the state governs the discourse of state-sponsored documentaries. The commercial television documentaries take an anti-establishment position, however, they remain faithful to Islamic ideology of the state to a large extend. The independent filmmakers, on the other hand, offer a liberal perspective of history and a secular identity of Pakistan. Hence, they offer a critical view of the state’s Islamic ideology as a governing principle of historiography and identity formation. The notion of representation entails the issues of authenticity, credibility, and truth-value, associated with the various methods adopted by the filmmakers. Hence, attention is paid to the styles and modes of documentary, with a reflection on the documentarian’s individual approaches to realism. The documentaries have been placed within historical and political contexts considering Pakistan as a postcolonial state, which also functions as a critical framework of this study.
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Naeem, Anila. "Recognising historic significance using inventories : A case of historic towns in Sindh, Pakistan." Thesis, Oxford Brookes University, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.506080.
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Dedebant, Christèle. "Les lumières du Zenâna : figures de proue de la condition féminine au Pakistan dans leur contexte historique." Paris, EHESS, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001EHES0030.
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Columeau, Julien-Régis. "Les mouvements pour le panjabi à Lahore entre 1947 et 1960." Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019EHES0144.
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Le panjabi, en tous ses dialectes, est une langue indo-aryenne lointainement issue du sanskrit comme le français l’est du latin et parlée aujourd’hui par plus de 108 millions de locuteurs au Pakistan et par plus de 42 millions en Inde. Cette répartition résulte de la partition de l’Inde britannique en 1947 entre l’Union indienne (ou, plus simplement, l’Inde) et le Pakistan, qui vit la province du Panjab – dont le nom, les « cinq eaux » en persan, renvoie aux cinq grands affluents de rive gauche de l’Indus – divisée selon une ligne de partage attribuant au Pakistan les districts à majorité musulmane et à l’Inde les districts à majorité hindoue ou sikhe. Du côté indien, en 1966, le nouvel État province du Panjab, linguistiquement composite, fut à la suite d’un long mouvement d’agitation des sikhs, divisée en trois États de l’Union, dont le Panjab avec pour langue officielle le panjabi. Du côté pakistanais, le Panjab devint l’une des provinces du nouveau pays. Mais les gouvernements pakistanais successifs ont établi l’ourdou comme langue officielle du Pakistan et du Panjab, sans jamais reconnaître au panjabi le moindre statut officiel dans la province où il est parlé comme langue maternelle par la quasi-totalité de la population. Or il existe en panjabi une riche et diverse littérature dont les premières attestations remontent au 16e siècle. Toute une partie de cette littérature s’est développée en contexte musulman et en écriture arabe adaptée, et elle forme l’héritage littéraire des Panjabis pakistanais. Une telle situation a très vite généré des tensions au Pakistan, des intellectuels panjabis réclamant un statut pour leur langue dans un pays où les tensions sociales et politiques ont toujours été très vives et où la démocratie a toujours été menacée par une armée toute puissante et des forces islamistes très actives. C’est ce que les chercheurs ont appellé le mouvement panjabi, et notre thèse porte sur les débuts de ce mouvement, jusqu’en 1960. Notre thèse se présente en deux grandes parties. La première est consacrée au contexte dans lequel est né le mouvement panjabi : politique linguistique d’imposition de l’ourdou d’une part, et mouvements linguistiques nés en réaction à ladite politique d’autre part, dans les autres provinces de ce qu’était le Pakistan d’avant la sécession de son aile orientale, devenue le Bangladesh, et au Panjab, à propos duquel est retracée l’histoire du début des mouvements de défense et de diffusion du panjabi. La deuxième partie, qui relève autant de l’histoire sociale que de l’histoire culturelle, commence par caractériser le champ intellectuel de Lahore, capitale politique et intellectuelle du Panjab pakistanais. Dans ce champ, nous identifions trois groupes agissant pour la promotion du panjabi, que nous appellons respectivement traditionaliste, marxiste et moderniste. Nous avons procédé à l’histoire de chacun de ces groupes jusqu’en 1960, présentant et étudiant ses activités et sa production littéraire ainsi que son discours et le profil social de ses membres et caractérisant sa stratégie et son impactPunjabi is an Indo-Aryan language spoken today by more than 108 million speakers in Pakistan and by more than 42 million in India. This distribution results from the partition of British India in 1947 between the Indian Union and Pakistan, as a consequence of which the province of Punjab was divided along a line attributing to Pakistan the predominantly Muslim districts and to India the predominantly Hindu or Sikh districts. On the Indian side, in 1966, the new, linguistically composite, province of Punjab was the result of a long movement of Sikh agitation, divided into three states of the Union, including Punjab with Punjabi as its official language. .On the Pakistani side, Punjab became one of the provinces of the new country. But successive Pakistani governments have established Urdu as the official language of Pakistan and Punjab, without ever granting to Punjabi any official status in the province where it is spoken as a mother tongue by almost the entire population. There is a rich and diverse literature in Punjabi, whose earliest records date back to the 16th century. Much of this literature has developed in Muslim context and adapted Arabic writing, and it forms the literary legacy of the Pakistani Punjabis. Such a situation very quickly generated tensions in Pakistan, with Punjabi intellectuals demanding a status for their language in a country where social and political tensions have always been very strong and where democracy has always been threatened by an all-powerful army and very active Islamist forces.This is what scholars have called the Punjabi movement, and my thesis focuses on the beginnings of this movement, until 1960. My thesis is divided in two major parts. The first is devoted to the context in which the Punjabi movement was born: linguistic policy of imposition of Urdu on the one hand, and linguistic movements born in reaction to the said policy on the other hand, in the other provinces of what was Pakistan before the secession of its eastern wing, as well as in Punjab. I have in this part presented the history of the Punjabi movement in undivided India (until 1947).The second part begins with a mapping of the intellectual field of Lahore, the political and intellectual capital of the Pakistani Punjab. In this field, I have identified three groups acting for the promotion of Punjabi, which I have called respectively Traditionalists, Marxists and Modernists. I have traced the history of each of these groups until 1960, presenting and analyzing its activities and literary output as well as its discourse and the social profile of its members and characterizing its strategy and impact
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Salmi, Charlotta. "Bloodlines, borderlines, shadowlines : forms of belonging in contemporary literature from partition areas." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:8c26fce5-8454-4864-95dc-8a3f07fe29e4.
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This thesis explores cosmopolitan and humanist literary interventions by Palestinian, Israeli, Indian and Pakistani writers to the rise of ‘ethnically’ defined cultural and political narratives of community. It uses a comparative framework to look at contemporary authors such as Amitav Ghosh, Raja Shehadeh, Kamila Shamsie, Uzma Aslam Khan and David Grossman, who deconstruct the biologically defined border as a repressive literary, cultural and political metaphor in favour of more open-ended categories of identity and community. I argue that in deconstructing the epistemology of the exclusive boundary through cosmopolitan and humanist philosophies, these international writers demonstrate the impossibility of shedding all borders in their own work. Their ‘borderless’ aesthetic that constantly conjures the border is thus indicative of the interrelated nature of cosmopolitan and sectarian identities in a globalized modernity. Moreover, it is suggestive of the ambivalent relationship between politically-conscious postcolonial texts (which draw political lines) and the emerging field of World literature that is coming to be defined by its ability to appeal to the 'universal'.
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Khan, Shoukat Yaseen. "History, culture and identity in the novels of Bapsi Sidhwa, Bharati Mukherjee and Hanif Kureishi." Thesis, Tours, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017TOUR2018/document.
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L'objectif de cette thèse est d'étudier trois romans écrits par des auteurs anglophones du Pakistan ou de l'Inde, à savoir Bapsi Sidhwa, Bharati Mukherjee et Hanif Kureishi. On pourrait être tenté de placer les trois écrivains de cette étude dans la catégorie «littérature des immigrants». Ils écrivent tous à un moment de migration de masse lorsque l'idée de «choc culturel» parmi les peuples occidentaux commence à être plus évidente. Les trois écrivains sont affectés par des thèmes qui apparaissent seulement de manière marginale dans le débat évoqué ci-dessus, l'accent étant principalement mis sur les difficultés culturelles et sociales des femmes dans la société indo-pakistanaise. Quant à Kureishi, la polarisation mentionnée ci-dessus suppose un accent très différent, impliquant la situation d'un Asiatique né et élevé dans la société occidentale. Dans cette évaluation globale du contexte idéologique et historique commun aux trois écrivains, il sera important d'examiner les attitudes spécifiques adoptées par chaque écrivain par rapport à son expérience personnelle. L'objectif principal de cette étude sera donc thématique, en se concentrant sur les préoccupations spécifiques de ces écrivains et sur la manière dont cela se manifeste dans leur représentation particulière des tensions en jeuThe objective of this thesis is to study three novels written by English-speaking authors of Pakistan or India, namely Bapsi Sidhwa, Bharati Mukherjee and Hanif Kureishi. One might be tempted to place the three writers of this study in the category of "literature of immigrants." They all write at a time of mass migration when the idea of "cultural shock" among Western peoples begins to be more evident. All three writers are affected by themes which appear only marginally in the debate evoked above, much of the emphasis being on the cultural and social difficulties of women in Indo-Pakistani society. As for Kureishi, the polarization mentioned above assumes a very different emphasis, involving the situation of an Asian born and brought up inside Western society. Within this overall assessment of the ideological and historical context common to all three writers, it will thus be important to examine the specific attitudes adopted by each writer in relation to his or her own personal experience. The main focus of this study will therefore be thematic, centering on these writers’ specific preoccupations and the way this is seen in their peculiar depiction of the tensions at stake
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Leclercq, Delphine. "Des héritages géopolitiques en confrontation : histoire des représentations des frontières de l’État princier du Jammu-et-Cachemire." Thesis, Paris 4, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA040239.
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Contentieux délicat entre l’Inde et le Pakistan, les deux États issus de la Partition de l’Empire britannique des Indes en 1947, la question du Cachemire est un imbroglio inextricable. Scindé par une ligne de contrôle, le territoire de l’ancien État princier du Jammu-et-Cachemire est le symbole d’une Partition inachevée pour Islamabad tandis qu’il représente l’invalidation pratique de la Théorie des deux Nations pour New Delhi. Depuis 1947, la complexité des réalités religieuses et linguistiques du territoire du Jammu-et-Cachemire tend à s’effacer face au jeu des constructions idéologiques antagonistes des deux États qui le contrôlent. Des convictions opposées se transmettent de génération en génération dans l’opinion publique des deux pays, aboutissant à une opposition jusqu’ici irréconciliable des mémoires indienne et pakistanaise. En outre, les frontières stratégiques du Cachemire, ouvertes sur l’Asie centrale, représentent un impératif absolu en tant que limite septentrionale de ce qui peut être considéré comme les néo-empires indien et pakistanais. L’évolution des représentations des frontières de l’État princier du Jammu-et-Cachemire, depuis la seconde moitié du 19ème siècle jusqu’à sa partition en janvier 1949, constitue un héritage décisif dans le développement des représentations géopolitiques indiennes, pakistanaises mais aussi et surtout dans celles des habitants de la Vallée du Cachemire et des autres sous ensembles himalayens qui composaient l’État princierThe Kashmir problem is a sensitive bone of contention between India and Pakistan, the two states stemming from the Partition of the British Empire in India in 1947. Split into two parts by a line-of-control, the territory of the Princely State of Jammu and Kashmir has been for Islamabad a symbol of the unfinished Partition, whereas for New Delhi it represents, for all intents and purposes, the revocation of the Two Nations Theory. Since 1947, the complexity of religious and linguistic realities of the Jammu and Kashmir territory tends to be downplayed in the ideological formulations of the two antagonistic States that control it. This confrontation between India and Pakistan in Kashmir crystallizes opposing convictions which are passed on from one generation to the next in both countries, thereby sanctioning the differences between the Indian and Pakistani national memories. Moreover, Jammu and Kashmir has strategic borders with Central Asia which constitute a hard and fast imperative for both, as the northern border of what could be called the Indian and the Pakistani neo-empires. Since the second half of the 19th century until its partition in January 1949, the evolution of the presentation of the borders of the Princely State of Jammu and Kashmir constitute a decisive legacy in the way the geopolitical presentations have evolved in India and Pakistan as well as in the Valley of Kashmir and in the others Himalayan entities which had formerly made up the Princely State of Jammu-and-Kashmir
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Shibli, Jehan. "Women at work a study of Pakistani domestic workers and prostitutes in the UAE, 1971-2009 /." Thesis, McGill University, 2010. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:8881/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=92254.
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Javid, Hassan. "Class, power, and patronage : the landed elite and politics in Pakistani Punjab." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/468/.
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Following their conquest of Punjab, the British erected an administrative apparatus that relied heavily upon the support of the province’s powerful landed elite. The relationship between the two was one of mutual benefit, with the British using their landed allies to ensure the maintenance of order and effective economic accumulation in exchange for state patronage. Over a century and a half later, the politics of Pakistani Punjab continues to be dominated by landowning politicians, despite significant societal changes that could have potentially eroded their power. In order to answer the question of why this is so, this thesis uses a historical institutionalist approach to argue that the administrative framework emerging out of the initial bargain between the colonial state and the landed classes gave rise to a path-dependent process of institutional development in Punjab that allowed the latter to increasingly entrench themselves within the political order during the colonial and post-colonial periods. In doing so, the landed elite were also able to reinforce their bargain with the colonial state and, after independence, the Pakistani military establishment, perpetuating a relationship that facilitated the pursuit of the interests of the actors involved. In order to account for this path-dependent process of institutional development, this thesis treats the initial period of colonial rule in Punjab as a ‘critical juncture’, tracing the factors that led the British to rely on the landed elite for support, and enter into the bargain between the two actors that drove subsequent institutional developments. The thesis then explores the mechanisms used to perpetuate this arrangement over time, focusing in particular on the use, by the state and the landed elite, of legislative interventions, bureaucratic power, and electoral politics, to reinforce and reproduce the institutional framework of politics in Punjab. Finally, the thesis also looks at points in time during which this dominant institutional path has been challenged, albeit unsuccessfully, with a view towards understanding both the circumstances under which such challenges can emerge, and the lessons that can be learnt from these episodes with regards to the prospects for the creation of a democratic and participatory politics in the province.
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Sabir, Imran. "La sociologie au Pakistan : origine et développement (1955 - 2014)." Thesis, Université Paris-Saclay (ComUE), 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016SACLV019.
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Cette thèse est un récit historique portant sur l'origine et le développement de lasociologie au Pakistan dans une perspective critique de sociologie de la sociologie.Cette recherche explore les facteurs qui sont à l'origine de l’institutionnalisation de la sociologie dans l'enseignement supérieur en plongeant dans les traditionshistoriques de divers systèmes d'éducation du sous-continent Indien, avec larupture qu’a entraîné la brusque introduction du système colonial d'éducation aucours des 19è et 20è siècles. La thèse est particulièrement consacrée à l’analysedes cadres idéologiques masqués en connaissance scientifique et que les pouvoirspolitiques ont utilisé pour faire avancer leurs intérêts politiques dans le Pakistanpostcolonial. La recherche explore simultanément l'ambition des sociologues deconstruire leur légitimité professionnelle en se mettant au service des politiquessociales de l'Etat-nation. Sur cette base au cours des années 1955-1979, s’est construit un modèle professionnel et institutionnel. Les générations suivantes de sociologues l’ont pris comme modèle normatif standardisé à imiter et nécessaire pour leur survie académique. Leur vision fait de la société pakistanaise un objet de réforme, en vue de sa modernisation. Souvent acritique, pour assurer sa croissance quantitative, cette sociologie positiviste et empiriste se soumet au Nexus du savoir et du pouvoir. Enfin, la thèse montre que la sociologie au Pakistan étant une discipline sans grands effets, elle est assiégée et dominée et reste en dehors de la dynamique du travail cognitif international ou à tout le moins qu’elle occupe une place très subordonnée dans la division internationale du travail de la connaissance. On peut en voir la preuve dans le fait que les sociologues Pakistanais sont pratiquement absents des banques de données internationales d’articles scientifiquesThis dissertation is a historical account of origin and development of Sociology inPakistan from a critical perspective of sociology of sociology. It explores the factors behind the construction of sociology as an academic discipline by going deep into the historical traditions of diverse education systems in subcontinent, which were ruptured by a sudden introduction of colonial education system during 19th and 20th centuries. It draws especially on the ideological frames masked as scientificknowledge employed by political powers to advance their political interests in thepost-colonial Pakistan. Using historical archives, interviews with Pakistanisociologists, and dissertations of master students from two oldest and the largestinstitutions of sociology in Pakistan, this study reveals how sociology in Pakistanwas introduced, institutionalized, practiced, and produced within socio-historical and political context. The study also explores linkages of the production of sociological knowledge to the logic of political power, on the one hand, and the simultaneous ambition of sociologists, on the other--to establish both professional legitimacy and social policy relevance for sociology in the nation-state. The type of sociology that emerge from this negotiation—the positivist, applied—a professional and academic model during 1955-79, which was imitatively followed by the coming generations of sociologists in Pakistan as a standardized normative pattern for their academic survival, continue to treat Pakistani society as an object of reformation, appropriation and mobilization towards the ultimate goal of modernization. The ascendancy of positivist and empiricist sociology in Pakistan is explained as a deliberate, and often extremely uncritical, attempt to congenially resonate with the knowledge and power nexus for its quantitative growth. Finally, the dissertation demonstrates that the academic sociology in Pakistan being inconsequential, beleaguered and belittled discipline remains outside the dynamics of cognitive labor, and consequently is virtually perished from the international platforms of knowledge production
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Mubeen, Muhammad. "Le sanctuaire et la cité : Pakpattan (Panjab) depuis 1849." Paris, EHESS, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013EHES0118.
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Pakpattan, aujourd'hui située dans le Panjab pakistanais, est à maints égards dominée par un important sanctuaire soufi, celui d'un célèbre saint C̱ẖis̱ẖtī du 13ème siècle, le ̳s̱ẖaiḵẖ Farīd al-Dīn Mas ūd Ganj-i S̱ẖakar (mort en 1265), plus connu sous le nom de Bābā Farīd. Ce dernier est devenu la source de l'autorité religieuse locale à travers le couvent qu'il a établi lui-même à Pakpattan (anciennement Ajūdhan). Depuis sa mort en 1265, son héritage s'est perpétué à Pakpattan, principalement représenté par ses descendants en ligne directe et le vaste complexe du sanctuaire. Le prestige socioreligieux du sanctuaire et des personnes en ayant la charge a ouvert la voie à l'enracinement de l'autorité politique et économique du sanctuaire dans la région durant la période médiévale, -autorité qui se manifeste en particulier à travers le statut prestigieux conféré au sajjāda-nis̱ẖīn. Le passage aux mains de Britanniques du pouvoir politique central en Inde au 19e siècle a des répercussions importantes sur le fonctionnement de l'autorité locale du sanctuaire. Un processus de redéfinition de l'autorité du sanctuaire s'engage à travers l'établissement d'institutions officielles, ce qui a des conséquences d'une portée considérable pour la shrine culture. Le prestige politique et économique du sanctuaire a diminué considérablement et même les affaires religieuses internes n'ont pu échapper au contrôle de l'Etat. Celui-ci s'est emparé du rôle joué par le sanctuaire et par son desservant dans la période précoloniale, remplaçant le desservant du sanctuaire dans la plupart de ses rôles sociaux, économiques et politiques. Le sanctuaire a perdu une bonne partie de son autorité locale, et il est devenu le lieu d'un ritualisme symbolique réalisé a nom de Bābā Farīd, révéré comme une figure spirituelle clé de la période médiévale. .Pakpattan, a small town in what is now Pakistani Punjab, is a city whose life, in many regards, is dominated by major Sufi shrine, that of a renowned 13th century C̱ẖis̱ẖtī Sufi saint, s̱ẖaiḵẖ Farīd al-Dīn Mas ūd Ganj-i S̱ẖakar (1265), popularly known as Bābā Farīd. The latter proved to be the source of the local religious authority of the conver he established in Pakpattan (old Ajūdhan). From the time of his demise in 1265, his legacy continues in Pakpattar mainly represented by his lineal descendants and the vast shrine complex. The socio-religious prestige of the shrine an its successive custodians paved way for the eventual establishment of shrine's local political and economic authority i the region during the medieval period that reflected the local shrine culture, manifested through the prestigious statu of its ajjāda-nis̱ẖīn. The dynamics of the shrine's local authority took a new turn with the emergence of the moder state in the region, when the British East India Company annexed the Punjab in 1849. The local authority of the shrin of Baba Farïd and the local Sufi shrine culture in Pakpattan has been highly affected when a process of redefining th local authority of the shrine took place through official institutions. The political and economic prestige of the shrin decreased substantially in Pakpattan and even the internai religious-spiritual matters of the shrine couId not escape fror the modern state's encroachment. The state gradually took-over the socio-religious and political mediatory role playe by the shrine and its custodian in the pre-colonial period, thereby replacing the shrine custodian in most of his socia economic, and even religious roles. The shrine has lost most of its local authority and has become a place of symboli ritualism performed in the na me of Baba Farïd, revered as a key spiritual figure of the medieval period. .
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Khan, Tanya Sabena. "A part of and apart from the mosaic: a study of Pakistani Canadian experiences in Toronto during the 1960s and 1970s." Thesis, McGill University, 2013. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=114157.
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This thesis examines the experiences of the first wave of Pakistani immigrants to arrive in Canada after the immigration reforms of the 1960s and 1970s. It focuses largely on the Pakistani community in Toronto. Its primary thesis is that while the immigration reforms and accompanying national policy of multiculturalism of this era were intended to foster democratic, humanitarian, and egalitarian principles, Pakistanis, like other immigrants of colour, actually saw their efforts to join the social and economic mainstream thwarted by discrimination both at the hands of government officials and within Canadian society. The thesis makes extensive use of a wide range of primary materials, including government documents, municipal records, commissioned reports, symposia proceedings, mainstream and Pako-Canadian newspapers, community newsletters, and interviews. Individual chapters examine: the background, social characteristics, and immigration and settlement experiences of Pakistani immigrants to Canada and Toronto during the 1960s and 1970s; the establishment and administration of immigration reforms and multiculturalism policies during these decades, with an emphasis on the ways that discriminatory government policies and traditions toward Pakistanis and other immigrants of colour carried over and continued to impact the era of progressive reform; the growth of intense anti-immigrant attitudes and the rise of "Paki-bashing" and other episodes steeped in discrimination and violence in Toronto during the 1970s; prejudice and other challenges faced by Pako-Canadians as they attempted to make a living within Toronto's economy; and issues of gender and the experiences of Pako-Canadian women in Toronto during the 1960s and 1970s.La présente thèse traite du vécu de la première vague d'immigrants pakistanais au Canada, soit celle qui est postérieure aux réformes du système d'immigration canadien des années 1960 et 1970. Elle est principalement focalisée sur la communauté pakistanaise de Toronto. Cette thèse soutient essentiellement l'hypothèse suivante : en dépit du fait que les réformes du système d'immigration, ainsi que celles apportées aux politiques nationales afférentes sur le multiculturalisme, bien qu'elles étaient destinées à étayer des principes démocratiques, humanitaires et égalitaires, les pakistanais, à l'instar d'autres immigrants de couleur, ont vu leurs efforts destinés à s'intégrer à la classe moyenne canadienne contrecarrés par des pratiques discriminatoires émanant tant de la part des fonctionnaires du gouvernement que de celle de la société canadienne elle-même. Cette thèse s'appuie sur un vaste éventail documentaire issu de sources primaires, comprenant des documents gouvernementaux, des dossiers municipaux, des rapports produits par des commissions, des comptes rendus de symposiums, des articles de journaux torontois à grand tirage, des bulletins communautaires de pakistano-canadiens et des interviews. Les divers chapitres qui la composent ont pour objet de scruter les thèmes suivants: les antécédents, les caractéristiques sociales ainsi que le processus d'immigration et l'établissement d'immigrants pakistanais au Canada, tout particulièrement à Toronto, durant les décennies 1960 et 1970; la mise en œuvre et l'administration des réformes de l'immigration et des politiques afférentes au multiculturalisme à cette époque, en mettant l'accent sur les manières dont les politiques gouvernementales discriminatoires envers les pakistanais et les autres immigrants de couleur se sont perpétuées et ont continué d'avoir un impact significatif sur l'immigration et ce, même pendant l'ère des réformes dites progressistes; l'intensification d'attitudes négatives envers les immigrants et la montée d'un ressentiment anti-pakistanais, couplées à d'autres évènements qui profilèrent l'entrée en scène de la discrimination et de la violence à Toronto pendant les années 1970; la discrimination et les autres défis auxquels étaient confrontés les pakistano-canadiens alors qu'ils tentaient de gagner leur vie au coeur de l'économie torontoise de l'époque; les problématiques particulières reliées à leur sexe et les expériences de vie des femmes pakistano-canadiennes de Toronto au cours des années 1960 et 1970.
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Awan, Muhammad Yusuf. "A study of significant historic buildings in Lahore leading towards the formulation of a national conservation policy for Pakistan." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1993. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/6042/.
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Historic buildings are memorials of human activity and serve as a link with the past. They are a trust and it is the duty of the present generation to ensure that they are passed on to posterity without their authenticity being impaired or their essential scheme of aesthetics and setting being altered. ) Pakistan is a rich repository of historic buildings. Such buildings are to be found in a variety of states of repair. Basic infrastructure for conservation and protection of historic monuments and archaeological sites exists in the country and some 355 examples of sites and monuments are being protected. The objective of the present study is to begin a systematic process of classifying the historic buildings in the country and to put forward an appropriate policy for the conservation of at least a reasonable proportion of them, bearing in mind the various constraints in the way of conservation. To achieve the aims of the study a broad range of information was collected on the workings of the present organisation for conservation in the country, the legislative system, other studies of a similar nature and the activities of professionals and voluntary bodies. A field survey was carried out to with regard to certain historic buildings in one city, Lahore, and information, based on the criteria established for the purpose, was collected on nearly 300 significant buildings. This related to their listed status and to their relationship to the major historic periods and covered various building types. Virtually all these buildings were standing at the close of 19th century. The collected information is analysed in detail and discussed critically with reference to the rate of loss of historic buildings during almost a century, various states of repair of the existing buildings, their architectural and historical values, present usage, ownership, responsibility for maintenance, sources of state finance for maintenance and possibilities of other sources of finance. It reveals that the present system of conservation is not fully adequate and needs to be improved. It is further identified that a better system could be established by involving the provincial and local governments and by encouraging the development of a proper building industry able to carry out the task of conservation. Detailed conclusions are drawn up and specific suggestions are made for the formulation of a national conservation policy for Pakistan.
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Ahmad, Tauseef. "A study of changes occuring in valuable aspects of the built environment of the core areas of historic settlements in Pakistan." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.245541.
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