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Journal articles on the topic 'Pakistan – History'
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1
Anwar, Zahid, and S. Zubair Shah. "A History of Prison Reforms in Pakistan." Global Regional Review I, no. I (December 30, 2016): 35–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2016(i-i).03.
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Pakistan has been following the prison system of the British Empire. The Pakistani prison system has gone through many changes. Efforts have been made to bring the prison system in Pakistan in conformity with the modern prison system. The restoration of democracy in Pakistan has paved the way for further reforms in the prison system. Many suggestions have been forwarded to the authorities and have been requested for the modification of the inside condition of Pakistani jails. The data for this paper have been collected from Human Rights Organization/ Council of Pakistan, Islamic Ideological Council and jail training institute Lahore. The research under focus is an attempt to explore prison reforms in Pakistan in historical perspective and put forward suggestions to in tune the prison system in Pakistan with International standard.
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YAŞAR, Mahmut. "Pakistan Talibanı ve Pakistan’ın Ulusal Güvenliğine Etkileri." International Journal of Social Sciences 6, no. 26 (September 19, 2022): 188–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.52096/usbd.6.26.12.
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Pakistan has a common history with the Indian Sub-continent, which has a geostrategic location and natural richness and is home to many civilizations, cultures and states. It was founded in 1947 after Britain left the region, but due to the border conflict with India, it faced many problems as conflicts occurred. The invasion of Afghanistan by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) and the Twin Tower attacks on September 11, 2001 are two events that deeply affected Pakistan as well as neighboring Afghanistan. Pakistan had to deal with many problems after these two events, which were the main reason for the ongoing active problems in the region, and went through a period of civil war. The main reason for these conflicts is the foreign fighters who immigrated from Afghanistan and took shelter in the tribes region of Pakistan after the military operation carried out by the USA in Afghanistan, and the Pashtun people hosting these fighters and Pakistan's conflict. As a matter of fact, as a result of this conflict, the Pakistani Taliban was established, and then there was a series of events that affected Pakistan's national security. Keywords: Pakistan, 9/11, Pakistani Taliban, al-Qaeda, USA
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Farooq, Athar, Abrar Ahmed, and Zeeshan Shajehan. "DEMOCRACY, DICTATORSHIP OR HYBRIDITY: AN INCESSANT LABYRINTH OF PAKISTANI POLITICAL HISTORY." Journal of Social Research Development 4, no. 01 (March 31, 2023): 217–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.53664/jsrd/04-01-2023-19-217-228.
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The term hybrid regime has recently become very popular in the Pakistani politics. Not many people outside the select group of political scientists were even aware of concept only a decade ago. This paper discusses this concept in detail in context of Pakistan’s political history to prove that hybrid regime is not an anomaly but a norm in Pakistan’s political system and that Pakistan’s regimes throughout the history were neither pure democracies nor absolute stratocracies. It proves that from inception till this day Pakistan has always had hybrid regimes. Government is framed apparently by civilian political people, but somewhere the role of establishment in governmental affairs is absolutely undeniable. This study aimed to explore the leading issues that are considered as significant contributors towards the political regime along with its implication towards desired change. In this connection, present study uses the qualitative content analysis technique for data analysis for finding the answers of the research questions and reaching the desired conclusion of study. Thus, the findings reveals that the government in Pakistan is neither liberal democracy nor authoritarian rather; the government in our country is hybrid regime.
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Zarychta, Stanisław. "Pakistan – w kierunku triady jądrowej." Gdańskie Studia Azji Wschodniej, no. 23 (August 31, 2023): 209–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/23538724gs.23.013.18159.
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Pakistan’s political history since independence has been marked by periods of political, military, and economic instability. The Kashmir conflict remains a major point of contention between Pakistan and India. Therefore, Pakistan’s main reason for building nuclear weapons was as a deterrent against Indian conventional forces and a desire to gain a leading role in the Islamic world. The assessment of Pakistan’s nuclear potential is very difficult due to limited information and lack of transparency on the part of military circles. While all nuclear-weapon states generally aim to lower their capabilities, Pakistan, on the contrary, is developing its nuclear capabilities and is currently projected to have around 165 nuclear warheads. Pakistan’s nuclear policy is to have a full spectrum of nuclear weapons from tactical nuclear weapons to strategic ballistic missiles. The main task of Pakistan’s nuclear arsenal is deterrence. Pakistan’s nuclear doctrine is intended firstly to deter India from aggression against Pakistan and secondly to prevent India from being victorious in the event of war. The basis of the doctrine of the Pakistani armed forces is the current concept of offensive defense, which assumes conducting a counterattack, the purpose of which will be to transfer a possible armed conflict to the enemy’s territory.
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Shah, Syed Asad Ali. "Challenges and Opportunities: The Fluctuating Relations Between Pakistan and Iran." Journal of Advances in Humanities Research 2, no. 3 (July 7, 2023): 69–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.56868/jadhur.v2i3.165.
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Pakistan and Iran are considered key players in regional and international politics. Despite their religious and cultural similarities, Pakistan and Iran have had a long history of strained diplomatic ties. This paper explores both countries' significant security and political challenges in maintaining friendly relationships. Furthermore, public perception has also been considered to examine public opinion on the relationship between Pakistan and Iran. This study uses the Gallup and Gilani Pakistan National Survey's (1991 & 2015) empirical polling data on public opinion regarding Pak-Iran relations to understand how Pakistanis view the relationship between the two countries. The survey results indicate that the majority of the Pakistani general public favor Pak-Iran relations. The study shows that Pakistan and Iran have managed to ensure their state survival by making tough security and political decisions that, in many cases, have damaged or even caused disharmony and friction between them.
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Haqqani, Husain. "Pakistan and the Islamists." Current History 106, no. 699 (April 1, 2007): 147–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2007.106.699.147.
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Ganguly, Sumit. "Pakistan, the Other Rogue Nation." Current History 103, no. 672 (April 1, 2004): 147–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2004.103.672.147.
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Nadeem, MSc, Ali Bin, and YSA Chandna. "Remotely Piloted Life-Saving Effort vehicles and emergency management: An analysis on revolutionizing humanitarian assistance in Pakistan." Journal of Emergency Management 16, no. 1 (March 5, 2018): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.5055/jem.2018.0349.
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The majority of the Pakistani public has known little of the unmanned aerial vehicles, also known for their onomatopoeically inspired name “drones,” except the fact that it regularly rains Hellfire missiles in Pakistan, claiming the lives of many innocent Pakistanis settled in the western provinces. In actuality, in addition to their destructive capacities, these remotely piloted vehicles have been used since the turn of the century in a variety of live-saving and risk-reducing roles. This research article primarily addresses the third stage of Emergency management response, with Pakistan being the primary region of research. This research article will first begin by diagnosing and accurately delineating the types of humanitarian crisis that grip Pakistan, devastating its land, exhausting its limited resources in its weak, and now almost archaic, disaster response strategy that results in the prolongation of its citizens’ plight. Subsequently, this article will describe the history of the usage of unmanned vehicles, its multi-functional capacities, and its relevance in aiding humanitarian response efforts in disaster-stricken areas. Finally, this article will propose the introduction of Remotely Piloted Life-Saving Effort (RELIEF) vehicles in performing analysis and surveillance roles in Pakistan's disaster-prone and disaster-struck areas and its capacity to dramatically improve and expedite the existing relief supply delivery systems in place.
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Rana, Farhana Aziz, Muhammad Hassan Zia, and Muhammad Sufyan Zia. "Cultural Paradigms And The Evolution Of Women's Inheritance Rights In Pakistan: A Trajectory Analysis." Global Legal Studies Review VIII, no. II (June 30, 2023): 110–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/glsr.2023(viii-ii).12.
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This paper explores the complex interactions between cultural paradigms and the development of women's inheritance rights in Pakistan and illustrates the historical lineage, legislative reforms, and issues that have impacted the trajectory of women's inheritance rights within the larger framework of Pakistani society with special attention on the legal aspect. The study clarifies the nuanced history of women's inheritance rights in Pakistan by examining the roles played by cultural norms, legal systems, and societal views. Despite being protected by law, the denial of women's inheritance rights continues to be a complex issue that has a negative impact on Pakistan's sociocultural and economic landscape. The systematic exclusion of women from public life in Pakistan results from deeply ingrained patriarchal norms woven into the fabric of traditional and social structures.
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Pervez, Muhammad Shoaib. "Pakistan: A New History." Politics, Religion & Ideology 15, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 182–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21567689.2013.838475.
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Schofield, Victoria. "Pakistan: A New History." Round Table 103, no. 2 (March 4, 2014): 256–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358533.2014.901652.
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Baxter, Craig, and Ian Talbot. "Pakistan: A Modern History." American Historical Review 105, no. 4 (October 2000): 1282. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2651431.
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Bilal, Mushtaq ur Rasool. "Pakistan: a new history." Contemporary South Asia 21, no. 4 (December 2013): 478–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09584935.2013.856598.
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Kapur, Saloni. "Pakistan: a new history." Contemporary South Asia 22, no. 4 (October 2, 2014): 436–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09584935.2014.965493.
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Shah, Muhammad Naveed Ul Hasan, Muhammad Irfan Mahsud, and Azadar Ali Hamza. "A brief history of Pakistan–USSR bilateral relations 1947–1991." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2021, no. 01 (January 1, 2021): 171–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202101statyi24.
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Pakistan, since 1947 remains under the umbrella of US, as a result, relations of Pakistan were not smooth with anti US states including USSR. The US was to increase its role in the region in order to make secure the largest petroleum reserves in the Persian Gulf. Pakistan’s alignment with the western world was mainly to counter possible Indian aggression, not to lessen the Soviet influence in the region, but the approach was more or less thwarting Soviet interests in the region. Over 3 million Afghan refugees had travelled to Pakistan in the 1st year of Soviet intervention in Afghanistan. The main objective of the USA during the initial stages of the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan was primarily to ensure that the Soviet exercise would be a costly one. The United States of America supported Afghan militants with the help of Pakistan to organize them against the USSR. A general perception is that US did not want to be directly involved to thwart the Soviet invasion; rather USA handed over the operational aspect of the program to the Pakistan. The Pakistan was in charge of providing the funds and weapons to the mujahedin and setting up training camps. The US remained indecisive over the next course of action in Afghanistan and the Pakistan took the opportunity to carry out its own agenda in Afghanistan to promote their national interests.
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Rajani, Shayan. "The Four Nationality Thesis: a Conceptual History of a Forgotten Idea." Journal of Sindhi Studies 2, no. 1 (October 28, 2022): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26670925-bja10008.
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Abstract This article historicizes the ethnicity idea, which has anachronistically come to shape academic understanding of Sindh and Pakistan across a broad period of history. Instead, the Four-Nationality Thesis, and other ideas, animated politics in Pakistan’s earlier decades. The Four Nationality Thesis, which drew on global leftist thought, conceived Pakistan as a set of nationalities, corresponding to its provinces, which were conceived to be distinct, culturally, linguistically, historically, and territorially. It provided the conceptual framework for a federalist politics against the unitary state of Pakistan. When the Sindh government made Sindhi the sole official provincial language in 1972, the ensuing conflict highlighted the conceptual limitations of the nationality idea, and its territorialization of culture. In short, this article argues that the history of concepts is necessary to understand politics in Sindh and Pakistan.
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Ferdous, Reffat, and Saiyeed Shahjada Al Kareem. "Bengali Nationalism and Identity Construction in Fagun Haway (In Spring Breeze, 2019)." Social Science Review 40, no. 2 (April 1, 2024): 39–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/ssr.v40i2.72127.
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The years 1948-1952 were pivotal for the history of Bangladesh. The question of what would be the state language was raised by the people of this country. Muslim leaders in Pakistan, at the time, believed that Urdu should be the state language because it had become recognized as the cultural symbol of sub-continental Muslims. However, most of Pakistan’s population, the Bengalis of eastern Pakistan, to whom Urdu was a foreign language, considered it a ploy by the West Pakistanis to colonize East Pakistan. Protests erupted across East Pakistan after the then Prime Minister of Pakistan replaced Bangla as the state language with Urdu. On February 21, 1952, a student protest resulted in the deaths of some students by police. The language movement drew Bengalis’ attention to their collective aspirations to create a new nation and nationalist identity, leading them to fight for an imagined sovereign state, Bangladesh. Against the backdrop of our language movement, Fagun Haway (In Spring Breeze, 2019), a film by Tauquir Ahmed, captures the anecdotes of Pakistani repression towards Bengalis by portraying the nationalist consciousness and identity approaches of this nation. Employing the concept of nationalism and the historical development of our identity approaches, this paper shows that Ahmed displays the coexistence of Bengali and Muslim identity approaches as well as the contentious relationship between these two approaches inside our nationalism at that time. Besides, Bengaliness is viewed as the dominating approach when the debate over the state language turns into a divisive political one and a fight for our very existence. Social Science Review, Vol. 40(2), December 2023 Page: 39-58
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Sarwar, Amina. "Ilhan Niaz. The Culture of Power and Governance of Pakistan 1947–2008. Karachi, Pakistan: Oxford University Press. 2010. 320 pages. Pak Rupees 595.00." Pakistan Development Review 52, no. 2 (June 1, 2013): 175–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v52i2pp.175-177.
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“The Culture of Power and Governance of Pakistan 1947–2008” by Ilhan Niaz makes a strong case for the quotation, “the one who does not remember history is bound to live through it”. In the book, the author has tried to trace the current culture of power and governance in Pakistan through the rich history of the subcontinent. He has asked the question that why the State of Pakistan is constantly losing its writ as many incidents, such as the “Laal Masjid” debacle, are challenging the writ of the state. He has also analysed why State of Pakistan is always facing issues in domains of administration, legislation, execution and judiciary. These issues are becoming existential threat to the Pakistani State. The author has blamed the rulers of Pakistan who behave like “Bureaucratic Continental Empires”.
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Shamim, Muhammad Usman, Saira Iqbal, and Muhammad Shoaib. "Socio-Economic Requisites of Democracy: A Historical Analysis of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan." Global Economics Review VIII, no. I (March 30, 2023): 17–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/ger.2023(viii-i).02.
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This article thoroughly examines the socio-economic requisites of democracy in Pakistan in the context of history. It also discusses the social and economic difficulties faced by Pakistan's due to the uneven transition of democracy. The objective of the research is to evaluate the element related to democratic change and moreover, it investigates the variables connected with Pakistan's democracy decline. This article is descriptive and analytic in nature. Secondary sources such as books, research papers, newspaper articles and reports are used for the collection of data. The findings suggest that Pakistan’s democratic transition has been faced many socio-economic problems. This critical socio-economic condition challenges local security allows the military to take over Pakistan several times. The involvement of the army in government raises many issues related to socio-economic challenges. The patterns of continuous ascent in Islamic hostility have also been related with the military government. Pakistan promotes the religion-nationalistic institution worked as local armies to achieve foreign policies to come up with military governments; therefore, socio-economic development was neglected. As the result, Pakistan faced an uneven transition to democracy.
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Chutkyi, Pavlo. "The involvement of UNESCO and international non-profit organizations in preserving historical memory and cultural heritage in Pakistan." European Historical Studies, no. 17 (2020): 155–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2020.17.9.
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The article deals with the review of historical memory of Pakistan. The historiography of different aspects of historical heritage and history of Pakistan are analyzed. The author examines the cooperation between the government of Pakistan and UNESCO. The author describes the features of functioning of oral history of Pakistan and most popular non-governmental organizations, which study historical heritage of this country. In order to build a successful modern state, it is necessary to pay particular attention to the specifics of the formation of historical memory, as it is designed to perform the creative function of nation-building, as it also serves as an indicator of socio-economic development in a particular country. A review of such practices on using the example of Pakistan demonstrates the importance of an active government dialogue with international organizations on issues related to the preservation of historical and cultural heritage. The analysis of the state of research and preservation of tangible and intangible cultural heritage of Pakistan allows us to distinguish several levels of study of this problem area. These are, first and foremost, the regulatory mechanisms of the Pakistani authorities, which cooperate with UNESCO on the issues related to the inclusion of Pakistani historical sites to the UNESCO World Heritage List. Other important public institutions, that preserve and disseminate historical memory together with the government, include the Heritage Foundation of Pakistan, the Khairpur Heritage Centre, and the 1947 Partition Archive. These institutions deal with the preservation of cultural heritage, historical monuments and the development of oral history in Pakistan. Studying the experience of interpreting the past and the policy of preserving cultural and historical heritage in such an internally unstable state as Pakistan will aid to understand the level of interaction between state, public and international institutions in addressing this issue.
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Qasim, Muhammad, and Ahmad Ali. "History of Coalitions in Pakistan (1947 To 1973) and the Factors Shaping it." Global Political Review IV, no. IV (December 30, 2019): 19–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(iv-iv).03.
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A political alliance is a temporary combination of groups or individuals formed to pursue specific objectives through joint action. Pluralist democracies are characterized by alliances and coalitions by diverse political parties. Political parties, desiring to exercise powers in democracies having parliamentary setups, naturally have to come in coalition with the major political party in parliament. Political parties sometimes make preelection alliances while some make coalitions in the post-election era with the ruling party. Alliance political culture has deep-rooted impacts on Pakistani politics. These alliances gave tough times to military dictators throughout the history of Pakistan and contributed towards strengthening democracy in Pakistan. For instance, Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM) was formed on 30th April 1967against Ayub Khan and the Movement for Restoration of Democracy on 8th February 1981. This paper enunciates and explores the politics of coalition in Pakistan before the dismemberment of Bangladesh and its impacts on the consequent events.
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Richter, William L. "Pakistan." Current History 85, no. 509 (March 1, 1986): 113–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1986.85.509.113.
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Rashid, Ahmed. "Pakistan." Current History 95, no. 600 (April 1, 1996): 158–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1996.95.600.158.
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Hagerty, Devin T. "China and Pakistan: Strains in the Relationship." Current History 101, no. 656 (September 1, 2002): 284–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2002.101.656.284.
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Although the American war on terrorism has altered the regional landscape, “China and Pakistan continue to derive substantial value from their close relationship. For Islamabad, Beijing remains its most steadfast friend in international affairs. United States interest in Pakistan waxes and wanes, but China has proved itself to be in Pakistan's corner over the long haul.”
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Sumaira Mahboob and Asmat Naz. "Post –Modern Trends of Historiography in Pakistan." PERENNIAL JOURNAL OF HISTORY 2, no. 2 (December 27, 2021): 319–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.52700/pjh.v2i2.77.
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The name of Pakistani historians I.H. Qureshi, K.K.Aziz and Ayesha Jallal are highly praised for their work on the history of Pakistan. They adopted different research patterns for their research and introduced the new directions for historiography. The research methodology of each is different to other. The work of I. H. Qurushi consider the authentic source of Pakistani historiography but K.K. Aziz criticized the work of former author and believes that Pakistani classic research work and text books are full of wrong information and do not provide the reasonable and rational guidance to the new generation. But Ayesh Jallal the new famous and appreciated Pakistani historian took the next step in the field of historiography and introduced the method of focusing on the factors which forced the circumstances to shift interests and make history different. They contributed well to improve the Pakistani writing style and make Pakistani historiography up to date so that it will compete the worldwide history works.
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Jan, Faizullah, Syed Irfan Ashraf, and Sayyed Fawad Ali Shah. "Khamosh Pani: Partition trauma, gender violence, and religious extremism in Pakistan." Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ) 5, no. 1 (April 9, 2021): 16–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/5.1.2.
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This paper looks at the question of partition of British India in 1947 and the rise of religious extremism in Pakistan through an analysis of internationally acclaimed and award-winning Pakistani film Khamosh Pani (silent waters). The paper uses Symbolic Interactionism and Feminist Theory with a critical perspective to establish how the present-day religious extremism in Pakistan has its roots in the colonial history of the country. However, it also highlights the diagnostic inability of Symbolic Interactionism as it smacks of the volunteerism and overlooks how statist and organized institutional power infringes upon socio-political meaning making processes. This paper argues that the film connects the communal nature of pre-partition violence to grassroots contemporary religious extremism in Pakistan to show how the rupture of a village life is the continuation of colonial heritage of communal violence. We argue based on the findings of this study that religious extremism that is manifest in today’s Pakistan is not a break from the past; instead, it is rooted in the colonial history connecting the national Pakistani elite with the regional neo-colonial interests.
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Lodhi, Maleeha. "Deterring Dissent in Education." Index on Censorship 14, no. 2 (April 1985): 28–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064228508533866.
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‘Real scholars have been silenced and pseudo-scholars and sycophants have been promoted. It seems that the forces of darkness and obscurantism have succeeded in arresting the processes of scientific research.’ Pakistan under General Zia-ul Haq has had a regime of Martial Law since July 1977. According to a 1984 report on a mission to Pakistan published by the Paris-based International Federation of Human Rights, a climate of insecurity and arbitrariness has existed in the country since that date. It is characterised by the facility with which the Martial Law authorities may arrest whomever they wish, whenever they wish, and hold them for indefinite periods, as often as they choose; the absence of any scope for appeal against such decisions; and the absence of judicial surveillance of any kind whatsoever. In the following three articles, Pakistani writers describe the effects which Martial Law and the Islamic Law (Sharia) have had on higher education, the press and cultural life. Maleeha Lodhi teaches Politics at the London School of Economics and also works as a journalist with South magazine. The writer on Pakistan's press is a senior journalist who wishes to remain anonymous. And Farhad is the pseudonym of a Pakistani writer and journalist. For other articles on Pakistan see John Melville Williams ‘The Press in Pakistan’ (Index 5/1978), Shahid Nadeem ‘Imprisoned In Pakistan’ (Index 5/1979), Feroz Ahmed ‘Pakistan Curbs the Press’ (Index 4/1980), and Behroze Gandhy ‘Jamil Dehlavi Interviewed (Index 4/1981); and, of course, the Index Index section generally.
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Shabir, Sobia, and Amna Mahmood. "Political Struggle for Women Empowerment: A Comparative Study of General Zia-ul-Haq and General Pervez Musharraf Era." Journal of Humanities, Social and Management Sciences (JHSMS) 1, no. 1 (December 31, 2020): 17–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.jhsms/1.1.2.
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Women are more than half of the Pakistan’s population, still they are discriminated in every field of life due to prevailing misinterpreted religious teachings, patriarchy, and feudalistic values, which are deep rooted in society. Alongside, since independence military role remain dominant in political that have strong impact in shaping women status in Pakistan. For this reason, in this article comparison of two military regimes General Zia-ul-Haq and General Pervez Musharraf is made to explore how their policies shaped the women status in Pakistani society. General Zia was determined to Islamized the legal system of Pakistan, which limited the women within four walls of home; no practical political will was there to empower women. The introduction of Hadood Ordinance 1979, blocked women social, economic, and political liberation. Contrary to this, General Pervez Musharraf’s era seems a cure, as political efforts made, for instance, Women Protection Bill 2006 introduced, and vague legislation introduced in General Zia era redrafted. First time in history of Pakistan women quota that much increased in National Assemblies of Pakistan, their political struggle to get rights encouraged, which resulted in women-oriented legislation. All this effort, remained very helpful to enhance the women social, economic, and political position at national level, and portrayed soft image of Pakistan internationally.
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f, f. "The Relations Between Pakistan and China." Asia Social Science Academy 11, no. 2 (October 31, 2023): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.51600/jass.2023.11.2.1.
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Pakistan and China are exemplary friends and their friendship has laid down indelible imprints on the sand of time. the geographical proximity and mutuality of interest are the key features to promote bilateral relations. Pakistan and China assisted each other in different sectors to strengthen their friendship bond. Pakistan and China have a deep-rooted strategic partnership that spans several decades. This partnership is based on shared interests and mutual trust. Both countries have consistently supported each other on various international issues. Economic cooperation is a cornerstone of the Pakistan-China relationship. China has invested significantly in Pakistan through various infrastructure projects, including the China- Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), which aims to connect China's western region to Pakistan's Gwadar Port through a network of roads, railways, and pipelines. This project is seen as a game-changer for Pakistan's economy. Pakistan and China have a growing trade relationship. China is one of Pakistan's largest trading partners, and the two countries have signed several agreements to enhance trade and reduce trade barriers. Pakistan exports various products to China, including textiles, agricultural goods, and seafood. Pakistan and China have a long history of military cooperation. they conduct joint military exercises and have a history of arms sales and technology transfers. the collaboration in the defense sector is an important aspect of their relationship. Both countries often support each other diplomatically in international forums. there are cultural exchanges and cooperation in education and tourism between the two countries. This helps foster people-to-people connections and a better understanding of each other's cultures. the Pakistan-China relationship has significant geopolitical implications, particularly in the context of South Asia. It provides China with a strategic foothold in the region and access to the Arabian Sea through Gwadar Port. It also has implications for the balance of power in the region, particularly in relation to India.
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Akram Ul Haq, Muhammad, Asia Saif Alvi, Muhammad Safdar Hussain, Kashif Ijaz, and Rifat Kaleem. "Challenges and Opportunities in Pakistan-US Relations and it’s Impact on Pakistan’s Foreign Policy." Research Journal for Societal Issues 5, no. 2 (June 30, 2023): 83–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.56976/rjsi.v5i2.101.
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This article illumination on Pakistan-US relations and various aspects of their common history. There have been many vicissitudes throughout history, which have led to the phenomena of trust and mistrust as well as perceptions and misperceptions. An outline of this research has been prepared with regard to the relations between convergence and divergence of interests. Due to numerous and complex factors, the history of relations between Pakistan and the US has often moved in a roller coaster pattern. The two state’s bilateral relations affected by this multifaceted relationship, which has two distinct co-dependency and trust deficit methods. This article aims to highlight the issues of miscellaneous opinions and policies between Pakistan and the US over the distinctive national and international contexts that directly link the interests of the two parties and outline causes of interaction between them to survive during essential times of vicissitudes. This article described the convergent and divergent in Pak-US relations and this complex of two-pronged affair starting with the history of relations by the end of Musharraf's reign and beginning with the Pakistan People's Party govt. The current study has examined internal and external connections relating to Pakistan's national security in interactions with the United States and its effect on or implications for Pakistan's foreign policy.
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Haqqani, Husain. "History Repeats Itself in Pakistan." Journal of Democracy 17, no. 4 (2006): 110–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2006.0062.
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Briskey, Mark F. "Islam in Pakistan: A History." Contemporary South Asia 27, no. 3 (July 3, 2019): 452–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09584935.2019.1649062.
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Ahmad, Sajjad, and Muqarrab Akbar. "A Historical Review of Governance in Pakistan (1947-2012)." Global Regional Review IV, no. I (March 30, 2019): 320–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2019(iv-i).34.
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The present study attempts to make an understanding of the concept of governance and evaluation of its micromacro level of application on governance in Pakistan by using the model of McCawley theory 2005. In this article overall performance of governance regimes in the history of the country with the major focus on the administrative-economic results of their policies and decisions have been highlighted. Pakistans political stability, social development and industrial growth have always been victimized by its interest groups and elites. Pakistans weak political leaders always created a gap between civil and military bureaucracy and caused military regimes to rule the state. Today the countrys development is partial. The literacy rate is going better and active media have come up. Civil society has become assertive. The middle class is flourishing and Pakistanis are having the desire to have peace in the country.
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Zafar, Muhammad Umair, Nazir Hussain Shah, Tahira Parveen, and Tayyaba Syed. "Indo- Afghan Nexus: Implications for Pakistan (2001- 2014)." Academic Journal of Social Sciences (AJSS ) 4, no. 4 (January 19, 2021): 782–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.54692/ajss.2020.04041231.
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Afghanistan, unlike India and Pakistan, has never been colonized throughout its history. People of Afghanistan have always enjoyed cordial relations with the people of undivided sub-continent. However, the creation of a new state ‘Pakistan’ was considered as both, a threat and a geo-graphical de linkage between the people of Afghanistan and India. Both Indo- Afghan strengthen their bi-lateral relations through the treaty of friendship 1950. On the contrary, Afghanistan was the only country to vote against Pakistan’s admission to United Nations Organization. Despite of lingual, cultural and religious ties, Pak- Afghan relations failed to form strong basis. Since the emergence of Pakistan, India has been engaged in derailing Pakistan’s stability and security through its multidimensional approaches. India’s aim to isolate Pakistan in its neighbors is a serious implication for Pakistan. Indian consulates in Kandahar and Jalalabad near the Pak- Afghan border have further raised serious concerns for Pakistan about the Indian presence in Afghanistan. The US war against terror campaign and Pakistan’s policy reversal against Taliban grew severe resentments among the Afghan Taliban against Pakistan. This article analyzes the Indian designs and its involvement in Afghanistan which directly affects the security and stability of Pakistan.
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Qazi, Muhammad Saleem, Muhammad Asif Rasheed, and Muhammad Imtiaz Rasheed. "History of Parliamentary System of Government in Pakistan 1947 to 2002." Bulletin of Business and Economics (BBE) 12, no. 4 (December 25, 2023): 592–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.61506/01.00178.
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The British Parliamentary System in India has straightforwardly added to the development of parliament in Pakistan. The regular authoritative bodies picked the individuals from the Constituent Assembly. It might be said that the historical backdrop of a democratic organization in Pakistan is a background marked by overturning ubiquity based establishments and a past filled with making new assumptions with every misfortune. Pakistan keeps on making progress toward accomplishing an irrefutable and solid structure in view of well-known request. Vote based change to democratization included a verifiable cycle. This paper's system was subjective in nature. All through most of the parliamentary structure, obviously organization in administrative issues was continuously being deterred. With the heaviness of Martial Law, the administrative framework was at last unhindered. When contrasted with parliamentary, the authority structure has reliably outperformed it in Pakistan's situation on the grounds that to its more evolved economy. To evaluate the History of Parliamentary System of Government in Pakistan from 1947 to 2002. The fundamental motivation behind this paper is to incorporate the historical backdrop of parliamentary arrangement of Pakistan from its introduction to the world to year 2002. Also, in addition which job the parliament has played in the majority rule government of Pakistan in this time span. This paper likewise centers around the progressions in the financial dependability of Pakistan because of Parliamentary vote based system. This study draws together writing on the total history of the parliament and the parliamentary vote based system alongside its impact on the financial security of the Pakistan. The information was assembled from the information tanks, sites and the exploration work of early individuals. A certain solicitation in such a situation can notice plans in the improvement of political events and choose if these models have a typical subject of all time. The fundamental and assistant sources were used for getting information and social event data to complete the investigation and show up at the last revelations and recommendations.
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Bibi, Ambreen, Saimaan Ashfaq, Qazi Muhammad Saeed Ullah, and Naseem Abbas. "Ajoka Theatre as an Icon of Liberal Humanist Values." Review of Education, Administration & LAW 4, no. 1 (March 31, 2021): 279–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.47067/real.v4i1.135.
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There are multiple ways of transferring human values, cultures and history from one generation to another. Literature, Art, Paintings and Theatrical performances are the real reflection of any civilization. In the history of subcontinent, theatres played a vital role in promoting the Pakistani and Indian history; Mughal culture and traditions. Pakistani theatre, “Ajoka” played significant role to propagate positive, humanitarian and liberal humanist values. This research aims to investigate the transformation in the history of Pakistani theatre specifically the “Ajoka” theatre that was established under the government of military dictatorship in Pakistan in the late nineteenth century. It was not a compromising time for the celebration of liberal humanist values in Pakistan as the country was under the rules of military dictatorship. The present study is intended to explore the dissemination of liberal humanist values in the plays and performances of “Ajoka” theatre. The research is meant to highlight the struggle of “Ajoka” theatre for enhancing the message of love, tolerance, peace and other humanist values in such crucial time.
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Malik, Anas. "Pakistan in 2013." Asian Survey 54, no. 1 (January 2014): 177–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2014.54.1.177.
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Pakistan made history, with an elected civilian government completing a full five-year term in 2013 before turning power over to another elected civilian government. Elections saw high turnout, bringing Nawaz Sharif back as prime minister. Though former military ruler Pervez Musharraf was placed on trial, the Pakistani military remains politically powerful. Violent militancy, power shortages, and fiscal problems continued, but an IMF loan should provide some short-term relief.
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Sultana, Summer, and Nuzhat Jahan. "SACKING OF DEMOCRATIC GOVERNMENTS IN PAKISTAN: A CRITICAL REVIEW." Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 57, no. 1 (June 30, 2018): 141–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.46568/jssh.v57i1.110.
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A commonly accepted definition of the democracy is; “Rule of the majority by the supreme power vested in the people and exercised by them directly”. The democratic government may remain in power until and unless people repose the confidence over it. In Pakistan the main reason of failure of the democracy is that, it is generally against the social behavior of Pakistan. Just because of this the democracy could not come around in Pakistan, yet people cannot be incriminated for the same. The history is witnessed that Pakistani people had supported all social movements having collective ambitions but unluckily after freedom no political party or leadership was available to Pakistanis which could do something for them. Soon after freedom bureaucrats had prevalence in the government due to this the overall control remained in the hands of Governor General or non-representatives. So, democratic institutions could not attain freedom from them. Undoubtedly from the beginning the Pakistan Army attained a dominating role in the system of government and in the field of politics and during the last 60 years they remained in rule for more than a half of the tenure and the political governments were never allowed to take any step freely. In the current scenario Pakistan should have to pass through a democratic way which was stopped by the Armed forces and bureaucracy by adopting different means.
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Hassan, Syed Ali, and Areeja Syed. "Special Economic Zones: A Comparative Analysis of China and Pakistan." Global Foreign Policies Review IV, no. III (September 30, 2021): 37–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2021(iv-iii).05.
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Pakistan and China enjoy close bilateral relations, owing to the ‘China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) as China is developing a special economic zone across Pakistan under CPEC. SEZs are a new phenomenon for Pakistan and it’s the need of the hour for Pakistan to study the working mechanism of China’s SEZs to work on those challenges that Pakistan is facing due to non-expertise in this sector. China has a deep-rooted history as far as SEZs are concerned. With China’s experience and progress, a comparative analysis of Chinese SEZs could provide benefits for Pakistan. This study aims to give a comparative analysis of SEZs in both countries. A comparative analysis between China and Pakistan’s SEZ policies will help Pakistan in making better economic policies about Special economic zones.
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Mustafa Abbas and Dr.Samra Zameer. "Literary journalism in Pakistan: A History of Magazines." Dareecha-e-Tahqeeq 5, no. 1 (March 29, 2024): 11–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.58760/dareechaetahqeeq.v5i1.157.
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Prior to the establishment of Pakistan, the centers of literary journals were Bambi, Lucknow, Hyderabad, Delhi, Lahore, and Bhopal. After independence, only one literary center came to Lahore in the part of Pakistan. Although Rawalpindi, Karachi, Multan, Peshawar had the status of big cities, and various magazines were also published from these cities, it is not possible to count any of them as epoch makers. Only magazines published from Lahore were nurturing the mentality of the people of Pakistan. However, after the creation of Pakistan, after being cut off from the literary center, there was a vacuum in the literary atmosphere of Pakistan. But the process of filling this gap stated and many magazines which were published from Lahore before independence were re-published.it can be concluded from the above discussion that the role of magazines published before independence is more in the continuity of literary journalism in Pakistan. Which promotes literary journalism in Pakistan. This article covers the history of literary journalism and magazines in Pakistan.
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Huma, Zil e., Saniya Moazam, and Naveeda Irum Warsi. "Mushrooming of Media under Musharraf Regime and its Impacts on the Functioning of Democracy." Global Digital & Print Media Review VI, no. I (March 30, 2023): 234–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gdpmr.2023(vi-i).18.
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The political elite, bureaucracy and establishment had not played their expected role in Pakistani society. Pakistan's establishment is always overshadowing the political landscape. This study analyses the role of media during the Musharraf regime in Pakistan. It also aims to figure out the factors which are playing a role in the promotion or degradation of democracy. In this study, the qualitative research technique is applied. This research proved that Pakistan's ex-military rule has remained worst in initiating change, opinion building and betterment of society. It also played an inverse role in social change and to support and strengthening democracy. Pakistani Journalist has demonstrated an unprecedented ability to act as a catalyst in connection with the efforts by the civil society in strengthening democracy during the Musharraf regime. Musharraf's regime is one of the darkest eras in Pakistan's media history in terms of the subjugation of media and journalists.
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Kuszewska, Agnieszka. "Naya Pakistan?" Politeja 17, no. 1(64) (February 26, 2020): 295–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.17.2020.64.15.
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Naya Pakistan? The Selected Issues of Pakistan’s Foreign Policy in View of the Transformations in the Regional Security
The Islamic Republic of Pakistan faces many internal and external challenges and remains a major point of reference in contemporary international security analysis. This article examines selected issues relating to Pakistan’s foreign policy contextualized within the transformations in the security dynamics of South Asia. The specificity of the security environment in South Asia, the least politically and economically integrated region of the world, engaged in the protracted Kashmir conflict, serves as the starting point for the multi-dimensional study of the key objectives of Pakistan’s foreign strategy towards its neighbouring states, such as India, China and Afghanistan. Methodological approach for this research is based on offensive realism, which seems to present the appropriate explanatory tool for studying the South Asian securityrelated specificity. The naya (new) Pakistan narrative, promoted by the Prime Minister Imran Khan seems hardly a game-changing chapter in the history of the state. Analysis of Pakistan’s current policies, persistent domination of the army over the state’s bureaucracy, increasing dependency on external loans and bailouts provokes rather opposite conclusions. Pakistan’s strategic goals vis-à-vis Afghanistan and India exploit its own resources and strongly affect the regional security system whilst the country has no adequate means to achieve them. Consequently, there is a vital need of a paradigm shift in Pakistan’s regional security calculus from ideologically motivated, unfeasible claims to a more cooperative posture, supplemented by campaigns for de-radicalization. This research study was conducted during seven trips to Pakistan during the last decade; the results and conclusions of this study were discussed and debated with academics and other South Asia experts both in Asia and in Europe.
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BAXTER, CRAIG. "NASIM AHMAD JAWED, Islam's Political Culture: Religion and Politics in Predivided Pakistan (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1999). Pp. 309." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 1 (February 2001): 125–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801261066.
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This work is the result of a survey done in 1969 prior to the breakup of united Pakistan into Pakistan and Bangladesh. The author conducted the survey among groups he categorizes as ulama, East Pakistani professionals, and West Pakistani professionals. The questionnaire and the results are included in appendixes.
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Mukhtar, Shabnum. "History of Struggle for Freedom in Kashmir." Shanlax International Journal of Management 8, S1-Feb (February 26, 2021): 185–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.34293/management.v8is1-feb.3774.
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After the independence of India in 1947, it got divided into two territories of India and Pakistan. Kashmir, which was a princely ruled state at that time, was in a state of confusion whether it should accede to India or Pakistan or stay sovereign. Hari Singh, the then Maharaja of Kashmir, felt it better to accede with India than Pakistan and signed the instrument of accession with India. The government of Pakistan resisted this accession as they were keen to add this region to their territory and thus started the Kashmir conflict. India and Pakistan have fought for more than seventy years over Kashmir. Wars over Kashmir resulted in eleven United Nations resolutions and two peace agreements, but the problem of Kashmir remained unsolved. For more than seventy years, India and Pakistan have driven a cycle of violence, retaliation, and exploitation in Kashmir, and this dispute over Kashmir has caused at least forty-seven thousand deaths and made Kashmir one of the most militarized1 regions of the earth and is still a bone of contention between India and Pakistan. Kashmiris have roused many times against oppression, tyranny, and occupation. There are umpteen historical documents of earlier times, where they have challenged numerous rulers for their ugly behavior, right from 1585, at the onset of the Mughal rule.This paper deals with the origin of the Kashmir conflict and historical and political background, and its effect on India and Pakistan.
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Ishfaq, Uroosa, Khudija Sanam, and Kashif Ashfaq. "Federalism Crises in Pakistan: Impacts on Centre-Province Relations." Global Political Review VII, no. III (September 30, 2022): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2022(vii-iii).01.
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Despite having a lengthy history of transitional administration, Pakistan has never created a comprehensive federal framework. Since independence, Pakistan's federal structure has remained extremely centralized, resulting in a multitude of issues such as a sense of deprivation, inequity, and unfairness among the units, all of which have fueled regionalist sentiment. However, Pakistan's federation is progressively maturing, but it will take a long time to catch up to the US federation. This research will provide a detailed account of the problems and prospects faced by Pakistan's weak Federation along with remedial measures that can be beneficial inestablishing a strong federation in Pakistan. This research study will provide essential information to future researchers to address the issues of the federation in Pakistan from various aspects.
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Ozmanian, Midiya S. "KURDISH TRACE IN PAKISTAN." Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, no. 3 (21) (2022): 168–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2022-3-168-173.
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Noting the polyethnicity of the Pakistani state, the author tried to trace the «Kurdish trace in Pakistan». It was noted that representatives of various peoples and nationalities live on the territory of Pakistan, who speak more than 60 languages. And one of the small communities among them are the Iraqi Kurds, whose number, according to some estimates, reaches 250 people. In 1659, the Kurdish historian Akhund Mohmmad Saleh Zangana wrote the book «Kurd Talk Letter». It examines the history of the origin of the Baluch, originally from the Kurdish race. In recent decades, the Baluchs, like the Kurds, have been actively developing a movement for national self-determination demanding independence from Shiite Iran, as well as Pakistan. The main reason for the confrontation in Iran is related to the religious component, since the Baluchis are Sunnis. The examples of twice Prime Minister of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan Benazir Bhutto (1988–1990; 1993–1996), as well as Minister for Education (2002–2007) and for Defense Production of Pakistan Zubaida Jalal Khan (2018–2022) were cited as the most famous Kurds of Pakistan in the world Kurdish community. It was noted that the first in recent history the female head of government in a country with a predominantly Muslim population, Benazir Bhutto, was a Kurdish woman by her mother Begum Nusrat Bhutto (Nusrat Isfahani (1929–2011)). Despite the small number of Kurds in Pakistan, some of them, who have Kurdish roots, manage to occupy high positions in government structures and achieve a certain degree of self-realization during historical assimilation.
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IQTIDAR, HUMEIRA, and DAVID GILMARTIN. "Secularism and the State in Pakistan: Introduction." Modern Asian Studies 45, no. 3 (April 28, 2011): 491–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x11000229.
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Pakistan occupies an uncertain and paradoxical space in debates about secularism. On the one hand, the academic consensus (if there is any), traces a problematic history of secularism in Pakistan to its founding Muslim nationalist ideology, which purportedly predisposed the country towards the contemporary dominance of religion in social and political discourse. For some, the reconciliation of secularism with religious nationalism has been a doomed project; a country founded on religious nationalism could, in this view, offer no future other than its present of Talibans, Drone attacks and Islamist threats. But on the other hand, Pakistan has also been repeatedly held out as a critical site for the redemptive power of secularism in the Muslim world. The idea that religious nationalism and secularism could combine to provide a path for the creation of a specifically Muslim state on the Indian subcontinent is often traced to the rhetoric of Pakistan's founder, Muhammad Ali Jinnah. But debate among Muslim League leaders specifically on the relationship of religious nationalism with secularism—and indeed on the nature of the Pakistani state itself—was limited in the years before partition in 1947. Nevertheless, using aspects of Jinnah's rhetoric and holding out the promise of secularism's redemptive power, a military dictator, Pervez Musharraf, was able to secure international legitimacy and support for almost a decade.
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Karrar, Hasan H. "The Politics of Land and Belonging in North Pakistan." Current History 123, no. 852 (April 1, 2024): 141–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2024.123.852.141.
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Pakistan’s mountainous north borders China. Deepening bilateral ties, together with increasing investments from within Pakistan, have amplified local anxiety over loss of control over resources. A complicated history left the area with multiple land tenure systems. Much of this region, today known as Gilgit-Baltistan, is disputed with India. Consequently, it has a constitutionally liminal status and its people do not enjoy equal citizenship rights. With the construction of the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor, a major part of the global Belt and Road Initiative, Chinese influence has been entangled in local histories and political economies.
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Siddique, Naghmana, and H. M. Zahid Iqbal. "Exploring Pluriverse: A Decolonial Examination of the Pakistan Independence Movement through Hamza Alavi’s Works." Qlantic Journal of Social Sciences 5, no. 2 (June 30, 2024): 452–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.55737/qjss.139756475.
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This study offers a decolonial study of Hamza Alavi’s discernment on the Pakistan independence movement in the theoretical framework of decoloniality by Walter Mignolo. It endeavors to unearth indigenous intellection of the post-colonial Pakistan that confronts the hegemonic knowledge claims that tends to essentialize the Pakistan independence movement. This research intends to explore the ductile pluriversality of narratives and border thinking versus the inflexible concept of a single ideology based on religion as the driving force of the Pakistan independence movement. The significance of this study lies in bringing forward literary decoloniality by promoting critical thinking from post-colonial Pakistan. Mignolo’s concepts of pluriversality and border thinking provide a theoretical lens through which to interpret Alavi's notion of Pakistan's independence movement in the contemporary era. By deploying an interdisciplinary approach encompassing perspectives from politics, history, and cultural studies, this research explores deeper, covert layers of multifarious factors that accelerated the partition of the subcontinent, leading to Pakistan's independence.
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Qasim, Muhammad, Safdar Hussain, and Kousar Ali. "Political Evolution in Gilgit Baltistan: A Historical Analysis of Governance Structures and Regional Dynamics." Journal of Asian Development Studies 13, no. 1 (February 28, 2024): 341–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.62345/jads.2024.13.1.29.
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This research explores the history and administrative evolution of the Gilgit Baltistan (GB) region, employing a comprehensive approach that combines historical analysis and empirical investigation. The study spans from the region's earliest history, characterized by limited accessibility and remote location, to its pre-independence eras divided into BCE to the 7th century, monarchs' invasion era (8th to 18th century), and the European colonization to Dogras (Sikhs) era (1840 to 1947-48). The research highlights vital dynasties and influences during each phase, emphasizing the role of Dogras as the last rulers before independence. The study explores GB's independence in two consecutive years, with Gilgit gaining independence in late 1947 and Baltistan in 1948, marking Pakistan's independence as a catalyst for the region's freedom. The affiliation with Pakistan, driven by the "Two Nation Theory" and Islamic principles, is detailed, emphasizing the sequence of regional affiliations with Yasin, Gilgit, and the states of Hunza and Nagar. The standpoint of Pakistan on GB as part of the Kashmir dispute is analyzed, and the region's constitutional status is examined. Despite being affiliated with Pakistan since its independence, GB lacks representation in the upper and lower houses of the Pakistani parliament as of 2023. The research methodology traces the administrative development of GB, from advisory councils to the current Gilgit Baltistan legislative assembly, reflecting the region's political transformation. The study concluded by detailing the latest government in power, providing a thorough understanding of the region's historical overview and contemporary governance.