Relevant bibliographies by topics / Pakistani State

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Pakistani State'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 9 March 2023
Last updated: 19 July 2025

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Journal articles on the topic "Pakistani State"

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Rathore, Altaf Hussain, and Kashif Rathore. "STATE OF HEALTH." Professional Medical Journal 21, no. 05 (2018): 925–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.29309/tpmj/2014.21.05.2496.

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The plight of surgical diseases in Pakistani workers in the gulf countries ishighlighted. Objective: To highlight the health problems of Pakistani workers in GS. It is doneby taking the information from the expatriates returning from the gulf states who present to usin the foundation hospital, Rajana, district Toba Tek Singh (TTS), for the treatment of varioussurgical illnesses. It is concluded that Pakistanis working in the gulf countries are not satisfiedby the treatment received in those states. Only one out of 50 patients was satisfied with thetreatment he got for his disease.
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Faqih, Muhammad, and Ellyda Retpitasari. "KONSEP KETATANEGARAAN PAKISTAN PERSPEKTIF FIQH SIYASAH." Tafáqquh: Jurnal Penelitian Dan Kajian Keislaman 9, no. 1 (2021): 115–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.52431/tafaqquh.v9i1.383.

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The purpose of this research is to find out the pakistani constitutional system in terms of tate institutions and fiqh siyasah. The method used is library reaserch with two approaches, namely conseptual approach and historical approach. The results of the research of the concept of Pakistani state regulation fiqh siyasah perspective in the era: (1) In general the state of Pakistan can be said to be a country with a weak democracies system, this is motivated by the unstable system of government and constitutional system since Pakistan's independence in 1947. In addition, the cause of the instability of the country is the violence and feud between three social forces, namely Hindus who are the majority in India, indian Muslims who are minorities and The British as invaders with modern political and technological forces that developed in the country of pakistan. (2) The establishment of the Indian Muslim League, Muhammad Ali Jinnah initiated the theory of "two nations" and formally presented the demands of a Muslim homeland separate from India. In a 1940 resolution the Muslim League conveyed the establishment of an independent and fully sovereign Pakistani state. (3) On 15 August 1947 Pakistan was born as a fully sovereign state for Indian Muslims. Islam and Muslims in Pakistan have made a real contribution in the development of civilization in the Islamic world. Pakistan is a country that takes Islam as a source of law has become a phenomenon in the study of the relationship of the country and religion in Islam.
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Wachani, Juliyana Usman, Itrat Batool, and Ghulam Murtaza Lahbar. "Application of the Concept of Islamic Welfare State is the Panacea to Remove the Evils of the Political System of Pakistan." Global Political Review VII, no. II (2022): 81–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2022(vii-ii).10.

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Muslims were promised to establish a separate homeland with the enforcement of the Islamic political system in case of the establishment of a new state. But with the passage of time, politicians of Pakistan became negligent of the principles of the political system of Islam. Reports of international forums demonstrate that the performance of the chief organs of the Pakistani political system is not satisfactory. The research study sets the hypothesis that the application of the concept of the Islamic welfare state is the panacea for removing the evils of the political system of Pakistan. In this connection, a comparative study will be conducted to evaluate both Pakistan's and the Islamic political systems. The nature of the research study is qualitative along with a thematic analysis approach by conducting interviews with ten scholars having MPhil and PhD education. Finally, the findings will be derived on how far application of the concept of an Islamic welfare state is fruitful in removing the evils of the Pakistani political system.
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NÆSS, ANDERS, and BJØRG MOEN. "Dementia and migration: Pakistani immigrants in the Norwegian welfare state." Ageing and Society 35, no. 8 (2014): 1713–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0144686x14000488.

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ABSTRACTThis article is about dementia disease in the context of transnational migration. Focusing on the example of Pakistani immigrants in Norway, the article explores response processes surrounding signs and symptoms of dementia. Particular attention is lent to understanding how Norwegian-Pakistani families ‘negotiate dementia’ in the space between their own imported, culturally defined system of cure and care, and the Norwegian health-care culture, which is characterised by an inclination towards public care and biomedical intervention. Based on field observations and in-depth interviews with Norwegian-Pakistani families and hospital professionals working with dementia, we show that the centrality of the traditional family in Norwegian-Pakistanis' identity claims has significant implications for how Norwegian-Pakistanis relate to the Norwegian health-care culture, and for how signs and symptoms of cognitive decline are read and responded to in a migratory context.
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Kapur, S. Paul, and Sumit Ganguly. "The Jihad Paradox: Pakistan and Islamist Militancy in South Asia." International Security 37, no. 1 (2012): 111–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00090.

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Islamist militants based in Pakistan pose a major threat to regional and international security. Although this problem has only recently received widespread attention, Pakistan has long used militants as strategic tools to compensate for its severe political and material weakness. This use of Islamist militancy has constituted nothing less than a central component of Pakistani grand strategy; supporting jihad has been one of the principal means by which the Pakistani state has sought to produce security for itself. Contrary to the conventional wisdom, the strategy has not been wholly disastrous. Rather, it has achieved important domestic and international successes. Recently, however, Pakistan has begun to suffer from a “jihad paradox”: the very conditions that previously made Pakistan's militant policy useful now make it extremely dangerous. Thus, despite its past benefits, the strategy has outlived its utility, and Pakistan will have to abandon it to avoid catastrophe. Other weak states, which may also be tempted to use nonstate actors as strategic tools, should take the Pakistani case as a cautionary lesson.
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Prokhorov, Ruslan. "Pakistani-American Relations: Current State and Perspectives." Russia and America in the 21st Century, no. 2 (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760015900-7.

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The article examines the political cooperation of Pakistan with the United States of America. The importance of maintaining dialogue is emphasized at all levels of interstate contacts, even in the most difficult conditions. Military and military-technical cooperation is highlighted as a traditional direction of Pakistani-American relations. Trade and economic relations between the two states are analyzed, including an analysis of the economic indicators of US-Pakistan cooperation in comparison with the traditional economic partners of Pakistan. The article covers the implementation of educational and ethnocultural programs by US government and public organizations. Summing up, it is concluded that bilateral contacts between the United States of America and Pakistan will continue and be predominantly of a partnership nature.
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Dr. Muhammad Kalim Ullah Khan Kalim та Hafiz Muhammad Imran. "IS (Islamic State) and the Pakistani Ṭālibān: Historical Back Ground, Similarities and Allegiances". Al-Qamar 3, № 2 (2020): 23–38. https://doi.org/10.53762/5ck9yn29.

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The new concept of “Islamic State (IS)” is as old as human history itself; and it has been a subject of discussion both academically and non-academically or even socially. This article examines the impact of the concept of IS on religious extremism in Muslim countries and Pakistan in particular. It discusses the alliance between the IS and the Pakistani Ṭālibān and examines its historical dimensions. It is pointed out that Pakistan is not a fertile land for the religious extremism as it is war-torn territories of the Levant. It is argued that IS and the Pakistani Ṭālibān remnants have aligned themselves with other splinter groups. Thus, the Pakistani Ṭālibān and IS understand each other and mutually express their allegiances. It is also argued that the IS phenomenon is an ideological war that finds its own place where there are ideological harmony and geographical resemblances. However, the IS ideology has no grassroots support but the Pakistani Ṭālibān ideology does. Yet, both ideologies are the denizens of the other organizations. They are supporters, facilitators, and financiers for each other. It is concluded that the IS is a weaker partner to the Pakistani Ṭālibān.
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Kukreja, Veena. "Ethnic Diversity, Political Aspirations and State Response: A Case Study of Pakistan." Indian Journal of Public Administration 66, no. 1 (2020): 28–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019556120906585.

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This article seeks to analyse the ineluctable dilemma of Pakistan, how to weave a viable national identity out of the regional and linguistic loyalties and their political-aspirations. Ethnic divide or ethnic militancy ranging from autonomy to political reorganisation has been a constant phenomenon haunting Pakistani politics. It also aims at highlighting failure of the Pakistani state to translate its socio-cultural diversity in political terms, something that is at the heart of the country’s persistent problem of political order and legitimacy. The state in Pakistan has taken recourse to coercive measures, irrespective of the type of government (civilian or military), from the very beginning to counter the political demands of various ethnic groups in the country. The Pakistani state’s response towards ethnic demands has been shaped by ‘law and order’ and ‘assimilation’ orientation rather than that of a dignified accommodation of the diverse ethnicities.
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Golubtsova, Ekaterina V. "INDIA IN PAKISTAN’S MILITARY PROPAGANDA: FORMATION OF THE ENEMY IMAGE." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations, no. 4 (2024): 86–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2024-4-86-103.

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The relations between Pakistan and India have always been hostile. The disagreements between them had a significant impact on the formation of the images of these countries. Pakistani leaders’ perception of India is an example of the enemy image concept. The constant attribution to India of hostile intentions towards Pakistan is the evidence of it. In addition, the religious factor that was basic for the creation of Pakistan, contributed to the division of Muslims and Hindus into “friends” and “foes” and, as a result, added to the opposition between Pakistanis and Indians in the main. The generals who had ruled Pakistan directly for almost 30 years contributed to the creation of the enemy image of India. General Muhammad Ayub Khan was the first to start using the idea of an “aggressive neighbor” in order to unite the Pakistanis. The journals of the Pakistan army, as well as the political autobiographies of the military leaders, indicate that the development of the enemy image of the neighboring state was gradual: the generations of Pakistani officers perceived India differently. However, the tendency to demonize India can be seen as growing within every generation. The image of the neighboring country has a direct impact on the policy of Pakistan towards that country.
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Chekalin, Sergey. "THE AFGHAN ISSUE IN PAKISTAN'S RELATIONS WITH THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY." Eastern Analytics 13, No 4 (2022) (2022): 76–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2227-5568-2022-04-076-085.

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. The article analyzes the development and active implementation of Pakistan's policy of internationalization of the Afghan issue since the outbreak of the armed conflict in Afghanistan in the late 1970s. The author proves that the Afghan conflict has always been one of the pivotal factors for Pakistan in building its relations with the international community. In order to receive significant amounts of financial and military assistance, Pakistan sought to position itself as a frontline state. Since the late 2000s Pakistan has instrumentalized the Afghan issue to diversify its international relations searching for partners from the neighboring regions as a counterweight to the USA. The author examines the features and effectiveness of Pakistan's participation in various multilateral forums concerning the Afghan issue to some extent. The article emphasizes the essential infrastructure projects that will connect South and Central Asia, as well as potentially have a positive impact on the Pakistani economy. The article especially focuses on the Afghan issue as a part of Pakistan's foreign policy strategy since the Taliban's coming to power in Afghanistan in 2021. In this regard, Pakistan's key strategic documents, statements by Pakistani officials, and international community's expectations from the Pakistani authorities are analyzed. Based on this, it is predicted that Pakistan has to harmonize its position with the global and regional powers for a number of reasons and does not appear to be the first to recognize the Taliban government of Afghanistan. The author comes to the conclusion that Pakistan's correct approach towards the Afghan issue will contribute to its rise, above all, in the regional subsystem of international relations as a constructive actor and boost its socio-economic development.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Pakistani State"

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ʿAlī, Sājid. "Governing education policy in a globalising world : the sphere of authority of the Pakistani State." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/5800.

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This thesis explores the degree of independent action possible by national governments in deciding their education policies – in other words, what may be termed their sphere of authority (SoA) – in the context of globalisation; whereby Pakistan, perhaps more than many nation states, is subject to a variety of geopolitical and economic pressures. This issue is explored through a study of the recent education policy review process in Pakistan that resulted in a White Paper: ‘Education in Pakistan’ in 2007. In exploring the SoA of the government of Pakistan in deciding its education policy priorities, key areas of enquiry include the tensions between national and global interests and their attempted discursive management by the government of Pakistan. The research uses Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) as its main methodological resource and looks at two kinds of textual data: interviews with key policy actors and selected policy texts. The methodology of CDA draws attention to the fact that texts are embedded within linguistic, discursive and structural contexts, and that these contexts provide resources that are mobilized by different actors. The textual data resources were analysed to see how language shapes the construction of the White Paper; what discourses are being drawn upon and contested in the articulation of the White Paper and thus what broad power structures shape the White Paper and illustrate the SoA of the government of Pakistan. The findings suggest that the policy review process as illustrated by the White Paper reveals various tensions caused by differences between global and national education policy interests. These tensions are visible in the style and genre of policy; the pursuit of global policy prescriptions; trends to privatization of provision; and disputes over the issue of language and about the ideological principles that should inform educational provision. The research suggests that inclusive and ‘soft’ governance discourse along with a process of consultation were used by the government in an attempt to manage these tensions. The expertise with which the government designed the consultation process and deployed discursive resources sought to establish and maintain its SoA.
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Adekoye, Raquel Abimbola. "Indo-Pakistani conflict and development of South Asia: is an independent Kashmir State a possible consideration?" Thesis, University of Zululand, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10530/1694.

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A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Arts in fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor Of Philosophy (Development Studies) in the Department of Anthropology and Development Studies at the University of Zululand, 2018<br>The thesis explores the conflict between India and Pakistan over Kashmir as a dispute symbol. It highlights the socio-economic implications of the conflict on the conflicting states of India and Pakistan. The conflicting symbol, Kashmir, as well as the entire South Asia that house all of them, with a view to suggest a lasting solution which it gives as, the creation of an independent Kashmir State. It is argued here that domestic politics in both India and Pakistan complicates the Kashmiri issue. In Pakistan, it has enabled the military to assume a dominant and pre-eminent position in politics. In India, a penchant for coalition government creates an immobility that is felt on the Kashmir crisis. In general, there is an on-going, serious and intense arms race between India and Pakistan that has increasingly led to a diversion of resources to investment in nuclear technology by both countries. Holding on to Kashmir has made India vulnerable to terrorist attacks, with the consequences of not only diverting developmental resources to enhancing security, but also exacerbating conflict with Pakistan. Economic relations between the main antagonists have remained marginal since the partition. Initiatives such as cooperation in water resource management between the two countries, and proposed joint development of oil and gas pipelines have failed to materialize. This led to the conclusion that both countries have allowed their economic relations with potential for huge benefits to be held hostage to the Kashmir crisis. In terms of the level of economic development, India holds big advantage. This advantage is harnessed into a superior conventional military capability which has also enabled India to rule out first strike as its nuclear doctrine. However, the disadvantageous position of Pakistan makes it view nuclear weapons as the equalizer, and the possibility of a first use is not ruled out. As a possible negotiated solution to the Kashmir conflict, it is argued here that as long as both India and Pakistan cling to their historically-entrenched positions, there is hardly any chance for permanent peace in Kashmir, thereby complicating their strategic stance in the region. It also argues that the Independence of Kashmir is the only guarantee of a lasting solution to the Kashmir conflict and South East Asia development crisis. The theories of Neo-Realism and Neo-Liberalism are central in this thesis to explain outcomes towards peace initiatives between India and Pakistan, and the implications for South Asia. Three specific concepts advanced by neo-realists and neo-liberal theorists are chosen to explore and explain the three principles of this study: The Balance of Power, Security and Economic Co-operation. Kashmir’s embroidery of encounters from forces of brutality, state repression particularly on the Indian occupied territories, massive militarization, stunted infrastructural and socio-economic development, insecurity to gross human rights violations leaves impacts so grave for social structures needed for modernity and sense of decent livelihood. Methodologically, the thesis provides a conceptual definition of the right to self-determination particularly from the United Nations perspective. It then applies the United Nations declared right of self-determination to Kashmir. This is achieved by outlining United Nations action on Kashmiri self-determination and then by applying the components of the right to Kashmir. The thesis concludes with some observations regarding resolving the Kashmir crisis. The central of this is the inevitable position that the realization of the right to self-determination will bring to fore in realizing peace and development for the region as a whole and to the parties involved in the crisis.
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MUNIR, MUDASSAR. "EVERYDAY IMAGES AND PRACTICES OF THE STATE IN RURAL PAKISTAN." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/878019.

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In my thesis project, I provide an analysis of the way the image and the perception of the state is formed in the context of everyday social and political life in rural Pakistan. I demonstrate how people in a rural locality understand the Pakistani state and its laws and how these understandings shape the way the people carry out everyday engagement with the state authorities. This research undertaking is guided by three principal questions: 1) what is the common conception of Pakistani state at the local level; 2) how do people interact and experience the state institutions at the micro level; 3) what role do different non-state actors who act as ‘intermediaries’ between their fellow villagers and the wider political world play in shaping local embodiment of the state and people’s experiences with it? My fieldwork in a village in Pakistani Punjab, which was reduced to six months from one year due to the COVID-19 pandemic, reveals that the images and perceptions of the Pakistani state are split between ‘sublime’ and ‘profane’ dimensions. On the one hand, the people imagine the state as a sublime entity that exists in far-off places. The state is somewhere else, geographically detached from their locality. It can only be seen on television sets, in major urban centers of the country, and it is a rich institute with enormous financial resources. On the other hand, the people also talk about the state as a profane entity associated with corruption, hierarchy, fraud, and lies. The state is where culture of corruption and mistreatment is deeply pervasive. Fearing of difficulties and complications, the state is something with which they want to have minimum interaction. They consider the state offices are full of lazy and biased employees who provide no service without sifarish (recommendation), taaluq wasta (relationship), or rishwat (bribery). I argue that the people at the local level attach sublime qualities to the national and provincial realm of the Pakistani state, while its local realm with which the people engage on everyday basis is seen as profane. My ethnographic material also illustrates that since everyday state administration is perceived to be riddled with corrupt practices and abuse of authority, this condition creates favorable atmosphere in rural Pakistan for different actors of patronage system to operate – where different political intermediaries assume leading role in variety of political spaces and social relations, acting as a conduit between the state and residents, as well as at times performing certain roles at the local level as they are free from the state's control or at other times acting as helping hand of the state.
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Iob, Elisabetta. "A betrayed promise? : the politics of the everyday state and the resettling of refugees in Pakistani Punjab, 1947-1962." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2013. http://repository.royalholloway.ac.uk/items/64d284d0-34e2-0a48-a6a0-2dbb6a83c5ba/7/.

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Lahore, Anarkali, mid-1950s. A distinguished-looking refugee is standing in front of a petition writer in the hope of getting the better of the Pakistani bureaucracy and having a property allotted. A few miles ahead, another refugee, camped in a school, is drafting a letter to the editor of the Pakistan Times. He will hide his identity through the pseudonym ‘desperate'. Both of them belonged to the throng of those muhajirs who, back in 1947, had embarked on a dreadful journey towards what they perceived to be their homeland. Historiographical trends have tended to overlook the everyday experience of the state among those middle-class Partition refugees who resettled in Pakistani Punjab. Focusing mainly on their ‘less fortunate' fellow citizens, these explanations have reproduced that historically-unproven popular narrative that ascribes pain and sufferings only to the economically-backward sectors of the local society. Even more frequently, well-rooted argumentative patterns have superimposed historical and present-day socio-geographical mappings of refugee families onto both urban and rural Punjab. These somehow echo that government rhetoric that, up to the early 1960s, paid lip service to the notion of a ‘biraderi-friendly' rehabilitation. This thesis challenges standard interpretations of the resettlement of Partition refugees in Pakistani Punjab between 1947 and 1962. It argues the universality of the so-called ‘exercise in human misery', and the heterogeneity of the rehabilitation policies. As it sheds light on these latter original contributions to the current knowledge, it questions the ability of the local bureaucracy to establish its own ‘polity', the unsuitability of patronage political systems as an autonomous politological category, and the failure of Pakistan as a state. Individual chapters pursue questions of emotional belonging to spatial and political places, social change, everyday experiences of the state through its institutions, electoral politics, and the deployment of integration/accommodation practices as nation- and state-building processes.
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Ahmed, Shamila Kouser. "The impact of the 'war on terror' on Birmingham's Pakistani/Kashmiri Muslims' perceptions of the state, the police and Islamic identities." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2012. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3635/.

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This thesis explores British Muslims’ counter discourse to the ‘war on terror’ through revealing the impact of the dominant ‘war on terror’ discourse created by the state. The research explores the counter discourse through investigating the impact of the ‘war on terror’ on Birmingham’s Pakistani / Kashmiri Muslims’ perceptions of the state, the police and Islamic identities before the ‘war on terror’ and since the ‘war on terror’. The theoretical perspectives of cosmopolitanism and citizenship are used as a foundation from which the ‘war on terror’ and the role of the state and the police in the ‘war on terror’ can be deconstructed, critiqued and reconstructed according to Muslim citizens’ perceptions. In particular attention is paid to the challenges and difficulties the 32 respondents interviewed for the research have faced since the ‘war on terror’. Many themes emerged through this framework and the core themes were injustice, legitimacy and human rights. The impact of the ‘war on terror’ showed the battle for Islamic identity construction versus resistance and the negative impact of regulatory discourses on perceptions of commonality, unity and shared identities.
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Rivard, David S. Lavoy Peter. "Pakistan : frontline state again? /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1995. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/1995/Dec/95Dec_Rivard.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, December 1995.<br>Thesis advisor(s): Peter Lavoy. "December 1995." Includes bibliographical references (p. 73-74). Also available online.
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Rivard, David S., and Peter Lavoy. "Pakistan: frontline state again?" Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/31368.

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The objective of this study is to determine Pakistan's place in contemporary U.S. national security strategy. Today, U.S.-Pakistan relations are strained due to the Pressler Amendment to the Foreign Assistance Act. The Pressler Amendment prohibits arms transfers from the United States to Pakistan in response to Pakistani efforts to develop a nuclear weapon capability. This thesis provides a historical background to the current impasse by examining Pakistani foreign objectives in South And Southwest Asia. Current security objectives analyzed are the U.S. strategies to contain Iran and Iraq and to preven nuclear proliferation in the region. In order to attain security objectives in the region, the suthor concludes that the U.S. needs a close cooperative relationship with Pakistan. Since the Pressler Amendment stands as the greatest obstacle to improved U.S.-Pakistan relations, the amendment should be repealed.
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Middleton, Samuel L. "The new fight on the periphery : Pakistan's Military relationship with the United States /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FMiddleton.pdf.

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Anwar, Wasim. "Higher education in Pakistan : from state control to state supervision /." Oslo : Institute for Educational Research, Universitetet i Oslo, 2007. http://www.duo.uio.no/publ/pfi/2007/67351/thesisx291007.pdf.

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Soherwordi, Syed Hussain Shaheed. "Pakistan foreign policy formulation, 1947-65 : an analysis of institutional interaction between American policy making bodies and the Pakistan Army." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/4280.

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This thesis examines through the use of archives and oral evidence the role of the Pakistan Army in the context of Pakistan’s domestic politics and foreign policy. Its main purpose is to explore the autonomy of the Pakistan Army in shaping national and foreign policy between the years 1947-1965. Focusing on its independent relationship with three instruments of policy-making in the United States – the Department of State, the White House and the Pentagon – the thesis argues that the relationship between the Army and these policy-making bodies arose from a synergistic commonality of interests. The Americans needed a country on the periphery of the Soviet Union to contain Communism while the Pakistan Army needed US military support to check Indian regional military hegemonism in South Asia. This alliance was secured to the disadvantage of democratic political institutions of Pakistan. The Army, which became stronger as a result of US military and economic support, came progressively to dominate domestic politics. This led not only to weakened civilian governments in the period I am examining, but in 1958 to the military seizure of political control of the country itself. The infringement of the Army into civilian spheres of government further caused a deterioration in relations between East and West Pakistan. The increasing clout of a US-backed Army whose elite officers had a bias against the eastern wing of the country, the thesis argues, thus indirectly resulted in the dismemberment of Pakistan itself. To explain the Army’s ascendancy its transformation from British colonial army into a national political actor, is documented. The thesis explores the influence of the martial-race theory and of Punjabisation in the Army as it developed in the colonial era. Secondly, it reconstructs how provincial politics weakened the Federal Government and allowed the Army to usurp political power to a disproportionate degree. Thirdly, the thesis considers the extent to which the US-Army relationship influenced and even took precedence over decision-making within the government itself. It details the military pacts made between the two countries to contain the USSR in this period. Finally, it explores where and how the interests of the US and Pakistan Army diverged, in particular concerning their respective relations with India. The complications arising in Indo-Pakistan relations in consequence of an abrupt tilt of the US towards India after the Sino-Indian war in 1962 are also examined. In reaction to this new Indo-US nexus, it is argued the Pakistani military junta leaned towards China and in 1965 endeavoured to make use of it advanced, US-supplied weaponry before – as they saw it – the strategic balance was to be irrecoverably lost in favour of India. In conclusion, the thesis argues that the period under consideration saw a complete failure of the US policy of containing communism whilst at the same time avoiding war between its allies in the region, and that this had tragic consequences for the future of democracy in Pakistan.
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Books on the topic "Pakistani State"

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Blair, Charles P. Anatomizing non-state threats to Pakistan's nuclear infrastructure: The Pakistani Neo-Taliban. Federation of American Scientists, 2011.

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Verkaaik, Oskar. A people of migrants: Ethnicity, state, and religion in Karachi. VU University Press, 1994.

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Fair, C. Christine. Pakistan: Can the United States secure an insecure state? RAND, 2010.

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Christine, Fair C., ed. Pakistan: Can the United States secure an insecure state? RAND, 2010.

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Khan, Idris. Pakistan: A complex state. Jumhoori Publications, 2017.

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Sreedhar. Pakistan, a withering state? Wordsmiths, 1999.

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1960-, Panhwar Sani Hussain, ed. Pakistan a slave state. publisher not identified, 2014.

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Quddus, Syed Abdul. Pakistan: Towards a welfare state. Royal Book, 1989.

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Siddiqi, Kamil. Is Pakistan a failed state? Royal Book Company, 2016.

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Chopra, J. K. Pakistan as an islamic state. Sublime Publications, 2000.

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Book chapters on the topic "Pakistani State"

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Jehangir, Ayesha. "Cosmopolitan efficacy of peace journalism." In Afghan Refugees, Pakistani Media and the State. Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003325291-7.

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Jehangir, Ayesha. "‘Insider’ becoming the ‘outsider’." In Afghan Refugees, Pakistani Media and the State. Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003325291-5.

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Jehangir, Ayesha. "Afghan refugee as the ‘terrorist’, ‘enemy’ and ‘bad neighbour’." In Afghan Refugees, Pakistani Media and the State. Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003325291-4.

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Jehangir, Ayesha. "Cautious peace journalism." In Afghan Refugees, Pakistani Media and the State. Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003325291-6.

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Jehangir, Ayesha. "Introduction." In Afghan Refugees, Pakistani Media and the State. Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003325291-1.

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Jehangir, Ayesha. "At the state's mercy." In Afghan Refugees, Pakistani Media and the State. Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003325291-2.

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Jehangir, Ayesha. "Peace journalism as a deliberative practice." In Afghan Refugees, Pakistani Media and the State. Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003325291-3.

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Jehangir, Ayesha. "Conclusion." In Afghan Refugees, Pakistani Media and the State. Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003325291-8.

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Malik, Anushay. "Alternative Politics and Dominant Narratives: Communists and the Pakistani State in the Early 1950s." In State of Subversion. Routledge India, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003420620-5.

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Schoeman, Albertus. "Weak Parties, Civil–Military Relations and the Pakistani State." In Political Parties and the State in the Global South. Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003365518-7.

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Conference papers on the topic "Pakistani State"

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Ali, Zain, Areej Ahmed, and Hafsa Bibi. "Streamlining Sustainability: Innovative Approaches for Hazardous Waste Treatment - A Comprehensive Overview." In 14th International Civil Engineering Conference. Trans Tech Publications Ltd, 2025. https://doi.org/10.4028/p-c2hp0i.

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The construction sector has played a dynamic part in the economy by contributing a major portion of its GDP towards the development of infrastructure of Pakistan and also employment generation sector to help in minimizing the poverty ratio of the country. In the recent past, Pakistan has witnessed severe urbanization and that has not only added to problems of infrastructure but has added to problems related to waste management. Some of the activities undertaken in this work included; Reviewing literature to determine the current best knowledge on waste management, interviewing different stakeholders with a view of identifying the existing conditions, surveying to identify the current state of waste management. The primary recommendations discussed are: the encouragement of material re-used, the improvement of training activities, and the overall regulation of waste generation data collection. Hence, these recommendations are made in order to establish sustainable practices in Construction Industry in Pakistan along with improving the operation efficiency of waste management system. However, provided below are some preliminary recommendations which are designed to address the existing issues in waste management within the construction sector of Pakistan in general since the survey is still in progress. The three principles of waste disposal include waste minimization which is reduce, utilizing waste again, which is reuse, and recycling.
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Khan, Akmal, Naik Muhammad Babar, Mir Ali Abbas, Ahmed Ullah, Zara Rafique, and Muhammad Moiz. "Bridge Failures Caused by Flood: A Case Study of Balochistan." In 14th International Civil Engineering Conference. Trans Tech Publications Ltd, 2025. https://doi.org/10.4028/p-sjte1a.

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The flood caused by the heavy rainfall during July and August 2022 in Balochistan led to massive and widespread damage to the infrastructure and lifelines. A total of 6953.83 km of roads and 435 bridges were damaged in Pakistan. To prevent such losses and create a climate-resilient transport infrastructure system by creating bridges strong enough to endure various natural challenges with minimal harm and swiftly recover their functionality, this study used the data from 35 flood-affected bridges in Balochistan as a case study to create patterns and relationships between flood disaster and bridge failure mechanisms. Using qualitative data from field visits, the bridges were statistically analyzed for failure modes such as geological and structural failure, and for damage states including slight, moderate, extensive, and completely washed out. Then all possible failures in each component of the substructure and superstructure were observed. After data interpretation, it was disclosed that most bridges were moderately damaged, accounting for 37.14% of the total, with 62.86% experiencing a combination of geological and structural failures. The abutments, wing walls, and approaches were identified as the most affected components. Based on these findings, practical recommendations are proposed to mitigate the possible failures due to floods.
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Mehmood, Khalid, Natalja Lace, and Irena Danilevičienė. "Comparative efficiency analysis of conventional banks and Islamic banks: in evidence of Pakistan." In 11th International Scientific Conference „Business and Management 2020“. VGTU Technika, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/bm.2020.583.

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The study evaluates the comparison and efficiency of Pakistani Islamic and conventional banks. Data are collected from the reports of banks website and state bank of Pakistan for the period 2013−2017. Used financial ratios for methodology and descriptive summary, correlation and Trend for analysis technique. The analysis shows conventional banks are more liquid, solvent and less risky. According to profit-ability ratio, Islamic banks are more profitable. Trend analysis shows, both banks have positive trends, but the conventional banks disclose more efficiency and positive trend. Conventional banks are technologically advanced and extensive, but the future of Islamic banks looking bright in case of Pakistan.
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Khan, Kamran. "Double-edged sword of the economic sanctions harms the regional economic connectivity and globalization and disturbs the international economic relations." In The 28th International Scientific Conference "Competitiveness and Innovation in the Knowledge Economy". Academy of Economic Studies of Moldova, 2025. https://doi.org/10.53486/cike2024.05.

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The country that imposes sanctions and the sanctioned country both face significant economic losses in miscellaneous sectors of the economy, employment shrinkages, and in many cases create obstacles for projects of an economic nature. Economic sanctions make it difficult to achieve the United Nations sustainable development goals. Pakistan cannot start construction work on the 56-inch diameter Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline because of United States sanctions fear. The result will be the 18 billion dollar penalty, which will seek Iran from Pakistan in the future if Pakistan fails to complete the project. Forty percent of Pakistani people are living below the poverty line. The imported pipeline gas is the cheapest option for poor Pakistanis than an imported liquefied natural gas pipeline. No United Nations member state has the right to impose economic sanctions on other United Nations member states as per the United Nations Declaration on the Inadmissibility of Intervention in the Domestic Affairs of States and the Protection of Their Independence and Sovereignty. The Republic of Moldova joined the Vertical Natural Gas Corridor. Diversification of gas supply sources is a good approach from Moldova’s energy security point of view. The natural gas received from the Vertical Natural Gas Corridor will be the combination of costly liquefied natural gas and cheap Azeri Trans-Adriatic Gas Pipeline. A Russian pipeline gas through the territory of Ukraine is another dimension of energy security, and the government of Moldova needs to benefit from this opportunity. The Iasi-Ungheni pipeline from Romania to Moldova is the third source of gas supply diversification. Regional economic interdependence and globalization are the key instruments for economic growth. Economic sanctions harm the economies of not only the sanctioned country but the economies of multiple other countries. Sanctions on Belarusian potash negatively impact the food security of the world. It increases fertilizer prices and food prices. The economies of Belarus and Lithuania are not only suffering but also multiple other nations of the world are caused harm by this sanction.
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MAȚOI, Ecaterina. "TEHREEK-E-LABBAIK PAKISTAN (TLP): A RISING EXTREMIST FORCE, OR JUST THE TIP OFA LARGER RADICALISED ICEBERG IN THE AFPAK REGION?" In SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH AND EDUCATION IN THE AIR FORCE. Publishing House of “Henri Coanda” Air Force Academy, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19062/2247-3173.2021.22.26.

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As if Afghanistan’s recent takeover by the Taliban was not a sufficiently significant development in the AfPak region, reports indicate that Pakistan’s largest sect, the Barelvi, becomes increasingly militant and aggressive by the day. Since another important movement for the history of Pakistan - the Deobandi - has generally dominated the violence scene in Pakistan starting with the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, this trend within the Barelvis is a rather new one, and deserves extensive attention keeping in mind the recent regional developments. Taking a brief look at the history of the region to identify possible causes that may underlie the radicalization of the Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan group, it is noticeable that emergence of Barelvi and Deobandi sects in the first part of 19th century was part of a larger movement to revive Islam in the Northern part of India, but in different manners: while the Deobandi kept close to the Hanafi Sunni teachings in a strictly manner, the Barelvi sect – developed itself mostly on a Sufi legacy, as part of a larger Folk Islam inherited from the Mughal Empire, despite being itself affiliated with the Hanafi school. The differences between the two movements became critical from a political, security and social point of view, especially after the division of British India in 1947, into two states: a Muslim one – present day Pakistan, and a Hindu one - present day India, of which, the first, became the state entity that encompassed both Hanafi revivalist movements, Deobandi and Barelvi. Therefore, this research is aiming to analyse the history of Barelvi movement starting with the British Raj, the way in which Pakistan was established as a state and the problems that arose with the partition of the former British colony, the very Islamic essence of the new established state, and the potential for destabilization of Barelvi organisations in an already prone to conflict area. Consequently, the current research aims to identify the patterns of latest developments in Pakistan, their historical roots and causes, main actors active in religious, political and military fields in this important state-actor from the AfPak region, in order to project Barelvi recent in a defined environment, mainly by using a historical approach.
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Aun Ali, Syed Muhammad, Syeda Fardees Zaidi, Clifford Louis, et al. "Sustainable Economic Strategies for Corporate CEOs: AI-Driven Leadership in Driving Innovation, Growth, Safety, Sustainability, and Climate Change Resilience to Save Lives and Our Planet -A Comprehensive Comparative Policy Analysis on Unlocking Pakistan's Geothermal Potential." In ADIPEC. SPE, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/216413-ms.

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Abstract This research investigates pressing need for sustainable practices, and examines the current state of geothermal energy development in Pakistan, despite its significant untapped potential. Through comparative analysis of policies and regulations prevalent in geothermal-rich nations like Iceland, the United States, and Kenya, valuable insights emerge. These insights can provide a roadmap for promoting geothermal energy growth within Pakistan. Furthermore, the paper discusses about sustainable economic strategies tailored for corporate CEOs, centered around AI-driven leadership. It also illuminates the potential of artificial intelligence in steering innovation, promoting growth, enhancing safety measures, ensuring sustainability, and fortifying climate change resilience. By harnessing AI's capabilities, corporate leaders can play a pivotal role in safeguarding lives and the planet. In addition the research addresses upon utilizing a comparative policy analysis methodology. The study evaluates institutional frameworks and arrangements of leading geothermal nations. By identifying challenges and opportunities specific to geothermal energy advancement in Pakistan, the research suggests strategic steps for progress. These include the formulation of regulatory frameworks, provision of investor incentives, and support for research and development. The study's outcomes contribute to energy security and sustainability, while its innovative perspective serves as a benchmark for Pakistan's geothermal initiatives. Moreover, these findings extend to other countries aspiring to harness their own geothermal resources.
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Raza, Syed M. Alamdar, Farrukh Kamran, and Muhammad Akbar. "State and Event Loop Model of Evolutionary Programs of Multi-Agent Systems for Control of Distributed Renewable Energy Network." In 2005 Pakistan Section Multitopic Conference. IEEE, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/inmic.2005.334398.

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Ahmed, Sheraz, and Saad bin Abrar. "Integrated Approach of Retrograde Condensate Simulation Using Pseudo-Pressures with Modified Equation of State and Velocity Dependent Relative Permeability." In PAPG/SPE Pakistan section Annual Technical Conference. Society of Petroleum Engineers, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/174714-ms.

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Bannikov, M. G. "USE OF BIOFUELS IN PAKISTAN: CURRENT STATE AND PERSPECTIVE." In 14th SGEM GeoConference on ENERGY AND CLEAN TECHNOLOGIES. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgem2014/b41/s17.077.

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Hussain, Syed Ahmed, and Tariq Mahmood. "A Survey on State of Enterprise Machine Learning in Pakistan." In 2021 6th International Multi-Topic ICT Conference (IMTIC). IEEE, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/imtic53841.2021.9719818.

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Reports on the topic "Pakistani State"

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Gallien, Max, Umair Javed, and Vanessa van den Boogaard. Zakat Payments in Pakistan Exceed State Social Protection. Institute of Development Studies, 2025. https://doi.org/10.19088/ictd.2025.018.

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Every year, hundreds of millions of Muslims across the world pay a proportion of their wealth as zakat, one of the five pillars of Islam mandating an annual payment of a proportion of an individual’s productive wealth, broadly representing 2.5 per cent. Consequently, zakat represents a significant part of how redistribution and social protection works in practice. And yet there have been almost no empirically robust estimates of its quantum and effect. Since 2021, a partnership between the ICTD and the Lahore University of Management Sciences has enabled more systematic accounts of how zakat is paid in practice, including through a new nationally representative survey of 7,500 Sunni Pakistanis conducted via computer-assisted telephone interviews in 2024. Using this novel data, this factsheet explains how much zakat we can estimate is being paid in Pakistan every year – and where the money is going.
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Hussain, Dr Amjad. Digital Transformation and Workforce Skills Strategy for Pakistan’s Manufacturing Sector. Asian Productivity Organization, 2025. https://doi.org/10.61145/jtud9520.

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Pakistan’s manufacturing sector faces significant challenges in digital adoption, workforce skills, and infrastructure readiness. This report analyzes the current state of digitalization, identifies key skill gaps, and presents a roadmap for digital transformation. It highlights the urgent need for industry-academia collaboration, targeted workforce training, and policy support to drive competitiveness. By integrating emerging technologies and reskilling the workforce, Pakistan can boost productivity and accelerate its transition to Industry 4.0.
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Bano, Masooda. Low-Fee Private-Tuition Providers in Developing Countries: An Under-Appreciated and Under- Studied Market—Supply-Side Dynamics in Pakistan. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-wp_2022/107.

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Although low-income parents’ dependence on low-fee private schools has been actively documented in the past decade, existing research and policy discussions have failed to recognise their heavy reliance on low-fee tuition providers in order to ensure that their children complete the primary cycle. By mapping a vibrant supply of low-fee tuition providers in two neighbourhoods in the twin cities of Rawalpindi and Islamabad in Pakistan, this paper argues for understanding the supply-side dynamics of this segment of the education market with the aim of designing better-informed policies, making better use of public spending on supporting private-sector players to reach the poor. Contrary to what is assumed in studies of the private tuition market, the low-fee tuition providers offering services in the Pakistani urban neighbourhoods are not teachers in government schools trying to make extra money by offering afternoon tutorial to children from their schools. Working from their homes, the tutors featured in this paper are mostly women who often have no formal teacher training but are imaginative in their use of a diverse set of teaching techniques to ensure that children from low-income households who cannot get support for education at home cope with their daily homework assignments and pass the annual exams to transition to the next grade. These tutors were motivated to offer tuition by a combination of factors ranging from the need to earn a living, a desire to stay productively engaged, and for some a commitment to help poor children. Arguing that parents expect them to take full responsibility for their children’s educational attainment, these providers view the poor quality of education in schools, the weak maternal involvement in children’s education, and changing cultural norms, whereby children no longer respect authority, as being key to explaining the prevailing low educational levels. The paper presents evidence that the private tuition providers, who may be viewed as education entrepreneurs, have the potential to be used by the state and development agencies to provide better quality education to children from low-income families.
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Loureiro, Miguel, Maheen Pracha, Affaf Ahmed, Danyal Khan, and Mudabbir Ali. Accountability Bargains in Pakistan. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ids.2021.046.

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Poor and marginalised citizens rarely engage directly with the state to solve their governance issues in fragile, conflict and violence-affected settings, as these settings are characterised by the confrontational nature of state–citizen relations. Instead, citizens engage with, and make claims to, intermediaries some of them public authorities in their own right. What are these intermediaries’ roles, and which strategies and practices do they use to broker state–citizen engagement? We argue that in Pakistan intermediaries make themselves essential by: (1) being able to speak the language of public authorities; (2) constantly creating and sustaining networks outside their communities; and (3) building collectivising power by maintaining reciprocity relations with their communities. In doing so, households and intermediaries engage in what we are calling ‘accountability bargains’: strategies and practices intermediaries and poor and marginalised households employ in order to gain a greater degree of security and autonomy within the bounds of class, religious, and ethnic oppression.
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Acemoglu, Daron, Ali Cheema, Asim Khwaja, and James Robinson. Trust in State and Non-State Actors: Evidence from Dispute Resolution in Pakistan. National Bureau of Economic Research, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w24611.

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Sentell, David S. On the Brink: Instability and the Prospect of State Failure in Pakistan. Defense Technical Information Center, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada523136.

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Wirsing, Robert G. Pakistan and the United States 2004-2005: Deepening the Entente. Defense Technical Information Center, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada627432.

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Demartino, Anthony. The United States in Pakistan: Toward a More Unified Effort. Defense Technical Information Center, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada568540.

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Javed, Umair, Aiza Hussain, and Hassan Aziz. Demanding Power: Contentious Politics and Electricity in Pakistan. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ids.2021.047.

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This paper explores Pakistan’s electricity supply crisis that lasted from 2007 to 2015, and the ensuing contention that shaped public discourse and political events in the country. During this period, which witnessed electricity outages of up to 14 hours per day, 456 incidents of contention took place, with just under 20 per cent escalating into some form of violence. Electricity became the number one political issue in the country and was integral in shaping the outcomes of the 2013 General Election. Following the election, public authorities undertook extensive investment to expand capacity and ensure consistency in supply while evading questions about affordability and sustainability. On the surface, this appears to be a case of extensive protest working towards shaping state responsiveness. And it is true that the state now sees supply as a non-negotiable aspect in the social contract with citizens. However, a range of factors contributed to the chronology and the selective, generation-focused nature of this response. On the other hand, citizen inclusion and participation in decision-making, and issues of affordability and sustainability, which impact vulnerable and disempowered groups the most, remain absent from the political and policy conversation around energy. This suggests that while protests were useful in generating a short-term response, their long-term legacy in empowerment related outcomes is less visible.
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Gallien, Max, Umair Javed, and Vanessa van den Boogaard. Between God, the People, and the State: Citizen Conceptions of Zakat. Institute of Development Studies, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ictd.2023.027.

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The global pool for zakat – one of the five pillars of Islam mandating an annual payment typically equivalent to 2.5 per cent of an individual’s productive wealth – is estimated to make up between USD 200 billion and 1 trillion. States have long sought to harness zakat for their own budgets – and legitimacy. To date, however, there has been no systematic empirical discussion of how citizens perceive and engage with state involvement in zakat and how they perceive state-run zakat funds. These perceptions and experiences are central to important questions of how we conceptualise fiscal transfers and the relationship between citizens and states: if it is legally treated as one, does zakat function like a tax? Do citizens engage with it differently? Does its formalisation strengthen or undermine the social norms in which it is embedded? This paper provides, to the best of our knowledge, the first comparative analysis of how citizens in Muslim-majority countries conceptualise zakat, attempting to situate it between religion, charity, and the state. We do so in the context of three lower middle-income countries (LMICs) – Morocco, Pakistan, and Egypt – representing variation in state involvement in zakat, relying on nationally representative surveys covering 5,484 respondents, of whom 2,648 reported that they had paid zakat in the preceding 12 months. Despite heterogeneity in state practice across the three countries, and in contrast to our expectations, we find commonalities in how citizens perceive zakat. Across our cases, citizens understand zakat as existing beyond the state, even where the state is involved in zakat administration and enforcement. Rather than viewing it as a legal obligation akin to taxation or merely as a charitable payment, Muslims across diverse religious and institutional contexts predominately conceive of zakat as a form of informal tax, rooted in social pressures and sanctions in the afterlife, but existing beyond the limits of state authority. This has important conceptual implications for the study of public finance, which has been predominately state-centric, while suggesting that there are clear limits to states’ ability to harness zakat payments into public finance systems. It also suggests clear limits to the ability of states to ‘harness’ zakat as a fiscal tool through centralised administration or mandated enforcement.
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