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1
ʿAlī, Sājid. "Governing education policy in a globalising world : the sphere of authority of the Pakistani State." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/5800.
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This thesis explores the degree of independent action possible by national governments in deciding their education policies – in other words, what may be termed their sphere of authority (SoA) – in the context of globalisation; whereby Pakistan, perhaps more than many nation states, is subject to a variety of geopolitical and economic pressures. This issue is explored through a study of the recent education policy review process in Pakistan that resulted in a White Paper: ‘Education in Pakistan’ in 2007. In exploring the SoA of the government of Pakistan in deciding its education policy priorities, key areas of enquiry include the tensions between national and global interests and their attempted discursive management by the government of Pakistan. The research uses Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) as its main methodological resource and looks at two kinds of textual data: interviews with key policy actors and selected policy texts. The methodology of CDA draws attention to the fact that texts are embedded within linguistic, discursive and structural contexts, and that these contexts provide resources that are mobilized by different actors. The textual data resources were analysed to see how language shapes the construction of the White Paper; what discourses are being drawn upon and contested in the articulation of the White Paper and thus what broad power structures shape the White Paper and illustrate the SoA of the government of Pakistan. The findings suggest that the policy review process as illustrated by the White Paper reveals various tensions caused by differences between global and national education policy interests. These tensions are visible in the style and genre of policy; the pursuit of global policy prescriptions; trends to privatization of provision; and disputes over the issue of language and about the ideological principles that should inform educational provision. The research suggests that inclusive and ‘soft’ governance discourse along with a process of consultation were used by the government in an attempt to manage these tensions. The expertise with which the government designed the consultation process and deployed discursive resources sought to establish and maintain its SoA.
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Adekoye, Raquel Abimbola. "Indo-Pakistani conflict and development of South Asia: is an independent Kashmir State a possible consideration?" Thesis, University of Zululand, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10530/1694.
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A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Arts in fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor Of Philosophy (Development Studies) in the Department of Anthropology and Development Studies at the University of Zululand, 2018<br>The thesis explores the conflict between India and Pakistan over Kashmir as a dispute symbol. It highlights the socio-economic implications of the conflict on the conflicting states of India and Pakistan. The conflicting symbol, Kashmir, as well as the entire South Asia that house all of them, with a view to suggest a lasting solution which it gives as, the creation of an independent Kashmir State. It is argued here that domestic politics in both India and Pakistan complicates the Kashmiri issue. In Pakistan, it has enabled the military to assume a dominant and pre-eminent position in politics. In India, a penchant for coalition government creates an immobility that is felt on the Kashmir crisis. In general, there is an on-going, serious and intense arms race between India and Pakistan that has increasingly led to a diversion of resources to investment in nuclear technology by both countries. Holding on to Kashmir has made India vulnerable to terrorist attacks, with the consequences of not only diverting developmental resources to enhancing security, but also exacerbating conflict with Pakistan. Economic relations between the main antagonists have remained marginal since the partition. Initiatives such as cooperation in water resource management between the two countries, and proposed joint development of oil and gas pipelines have failed to materialize. This led to the conclusion that both countries have allowed their economic relations with potential for huge benefits to be held hostage to the Kashmir crisis.
In terms of the level of economic development, India holds big advantage. This advantage is harnessed into a superior conventional military capability which has also enabled India to rule out first strike as its nuclear doctrine. However, the disadvantageous position of Pakistan makes it view nuclear weapons as the equalizer, and the possibility of a first use is not ruled out. As a possible negotiated solution to the Kashmir conflict, it is argued here that as long as both India and Pakistan cling to their historically-entrenched positions, there is hardly any chance for permanent peace in Kashmir, thereby complicating their strategic stance in the region. It also argues that the Independence of Kashmir is the only guarantee of a lasting solution to the Kashmir conflict and South East Asia development crisis. The theories of Neo-Realism and Neo-Liberalism are central in this thesis to explain outcomes towards peace initiatives between India and Pakistan, and the implications for South Asia. Three specific concepts advanced by neo-realists and neo-liberal theorists are chosen to explore and explain the three principles of this study: The Balance of Power, Security and Economic Co-operation. Kashmir’s embroidery of encounters from forces of brutality, state repression particularly on the Indian occupied territories, massive militarization, stunted infrastructural and socio-economic development, insecurity to gross human rights violations leaves impacts so grave for social structures needed for modernity and sense of decent livelihood. Methodologically, the thesis provides a conceptual definition of the right to self-determination particularly from the United Nations perspective. It then applies the United Nations declared right of self-determination to Kashmir. This is achieved by outlining United Nations action on Kashmiri self-determination and then by applying the components of the right to Kashmir. The thesis concludes with some observations regarding resolving the Kashmir crisis. The central of this is the inevitable position that the realization of the right to self-determination will bring to fore in realizing peace and development for the region as a whole and to the parties involved in the crisis.
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MUNIR, MUDASSAR. "EVERYDAY IMAGES AND PRACTICES OF THE STATE IN RURAL PAKISTAN." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/878019.
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In my thesis project, I provide an analysis of the way the image and the perception of the state is formed in the context of everyday social and political life in rural Pakistan. I demonstrate how people in a rural locality understand the Pakistani state and its laws and how these understandings shape the way the people carry out everyday engagement with the state authorities. This research undertaking is guided by three principal questions: 1) what is the common conception of Pakistani state at the local level; 2) how do people interact and experience the state institutions at the micro level; 3) what role do different non-state actors who act as ‘intermediaries’ between their fellow villagers and the wider political world play in shaping local embodiment of the state and people’s experiences with it? My fieldwork in a village in Pakistani Punjab, which was reduced to six months from one year due to the COVID-19 pandemic, reveals that the images and perceptions of the Pakistani state are split between ‘sublime’ and ‘profane’ dimensions. On the one hand, the people imagine the state as a sublime entity that exists in far-off places. The state is somewhere else, geographically detached from their locality. It can only be seen on television sets, in major urban centers of the country, and it is a rich institute with enormous financial resources. On the other hand, the people also talk about the state as a profane entity associated with corruption, hierarchy, fraud, and lies. The state is where culture of corruption and mistreatment is deeply pervasive. Fearing of difficulties and complications, the state is something with which they want to have minimum interaction. They consider the state offices are full of lazy and biased employees who provide no service without sifarish (recommendation), taaluq wasta (relationship), or rishwat (bribery). I argue that the people at the local level attach sublime qualities to the national and provincial realm of the Pakistani state, while its local realm with which the people engage on everyday basis is seen as profane. My ethnographic material also illustrates that since everyday state administration is perceived to be riddled with corrupt practices and abuse of authority, this condition creates favorable atmosphere in rural Pakistan for different actors of patronage system to operate – where different political intermediaries assume leading role in variety of political spaces and social relations, acting as a conduit between the state and residents, as well as at times performing certain roles at the local level as they are free from the state's control or at other times acting as helping hand of the state.
4
Iob, Elisabetta. "A betrayed promise? : the politics of the everyday state and the resettling of refugees in Pakistani Punjab, 1947-1962." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2013. http://repository.royalholloway.ac.uk/items/64d284d0-34e2-0a48-a6a0-2dbb6a83c5ba/7/.
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Lahore, Anarkali, mid-1950s. A distinguished-looking refugee is standing in front of a petition writer in the hope of getting the better of the Pakistani bureaucracy and having a property allotted. A few miles ahead, another refugee, camped in a school, is drafting a letter to the editor of the Pakistan Times. He will hide his identity through the pseudonym ‘desperate'. Both of them belonged to the throng of those muhajirs who, back in 1947, had embarked on a dreadful journey towards what they perceived to be their homeland. Historiographical trends have tended to overlook the everyday experience of the state among those middle-class Partition refugees who resettled in Pakistani Punjab. Focusing mainly on their ‘less fortunate' fellow citizens, these explanations have reproduced that historically-unproven popular narrative that ascribes pain and sufferings only to the economically-backward sectors of the local society. Even more frequently, well-rooted argumentative patterns have superimposed historical and present-day socio-geographical mappings of refugee families onto both urban and rural Punjab. These somehow echo that government rhetoric that, up to the early 1960s, paid lip service to the notion of a ‘biraderi-friendly' rehabilitation. This thesis challenges standard interpretations of the resettlement of Partition refugees in Pakistani Punjab between 1947 and 1962. It argues the universality of the so-called ‘exercise in human misery', and the heterogeneity of the rehabilitation policies. As it sheds light on these latter original contributions to the current knowledge, it questions the ability of the local bureaucracy to establish its own ‘polity', the unsuitability of patronage political systems as an autonomous politological category, and the failure of Pakistan as a state. Individual chapters pursue questions of emotional belonging to spatial and political places, social change, everyday experiences of the state through its institutions, electoral politics, and the deployment of integration/accommodation practices as nation- and state-building processes.
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Ahmed, Shamila Kouser. "The impact of the 'war on terror' on Birmingham's Pakistani/Kashmiri Muslims' perceptions of the state, the police and Islamic identities." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2012. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3635/.
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This thesis explores British Muslims’ counter discourse to the ‘war on terror’ through revealing the impact of the dominant ‘war on terror’ discourse created by the state. The research explores the counter discourse through investigating the impact of the ‘war on terror’ on Birmingham’s Pakistani / Kashmiri Muslims’ perceptions of the state, the police and Islamic identities before the ‘war on terror’ and since the ‘war on terror’. The theoretical perspectives of cosmopolitanism and citizenship are used as a foundation from which the ‘war on terror’ and the role of the state and the police in the ‘war on terror’ can be deconstructed, critiqued and reconstructed according to Muslim citizens’ perceptions. In particular attention is paid to the challenges and difficulties the 32 respondents interviewed for the research have faced since the ‘war on terror’. Many themes emerged through this framework and the core themes were injustice, legitimacy and human rights. The impact of the ‘war on terror’ showed the battle for Islamic identity construction versus resistance and the negative impact of regulatory discourses on perceptions of commonality, unity and shared identities.
6
Rivard, David S. Lavoy Peter. "Pakistan : frontline state again? /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1995. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/1995/Dec/95Dec_Rivard.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, December 1995.<br>Thesis advisor(s): Peter Lavoy. "December 1995." Includes bibliographical references (p. 73-74). Also available online.
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Rivard, David S., and Peter Lavoy. "Pakistan: frontline state again?" Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/31368.
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The objective of this study is to determine Pakistan's place in contemporary U.S. national security strategy. Today, U.S.-Pakistan relations are strained due to the Pressler Amendment to the Foreign Assistance Act. The Pressler Amendment prohibits arms transfers from the United States to Pakistan in response to Pakistani efforts to develop a nuclear weapon capability. This thesis provides a historical background to the current impasse by examining Pakistani foreign objectives in South And Southwest Asia. Current security objectives analyzed are the U.S. strategies to contain Iran and Iraq and to preven nuclear proliferation in the region. In order to attain security objectives in the region, the suthor concludes that the U.S. needs a close cooperative relationship with Pakistan. Since the Pressler Amendment stands as the greatest obstacle to improved U.S.-Pakistan relations, the amendment should be repealed.
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Middleton, Samuel L. "The new fight on the periphery : Pakistan's Military relationship with the United States /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FMiddleton.pdf.
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Anwar, Wasim. "Higher education in Pakistan : from state control to state supervision /." Oslo : Institute for Educational Research, Universitetet i Oslo, 2007. http://www.duo.uio.no/publ/pfi/2007/67351/thesisx291007.pdf.
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Soherwordi, Syed Hussain Shaheed. "Pakistan foreign policy formulation, 1947-65 : an analysis of institutional interaction between American policy making bodies and the Pakistan Army." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/4280.
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This thesis examines through the use of archives and oral evidence the role of the Pakistan Army in the context of Pakistan’s domestic politics and foreign policy. Its main purpose is to explore the autonomy of the Pakistan Army in shaping national and foreign policy between the years 1947-1965. Focusing on its independent relationship with three instruments of policy-making in the United States – the Department of State, the White House and the Pentagon – the thesis argues that the relationship between the Army and these policy-making bodies arose from a synergistic commonality of interests. The Americans needed a country on the periphery of the Soviet Union to contain Communism while the Pakistan Army needed US military support to check Indian regional military hegemonism in South Asia. This alliance was secured to the disadvantage of democratic political institutions of Pakistan. The Army, which became stronger as a result of US military and economic support, came progressively to dominate domestic politics. This led not only to weakened civilian governments in the period I am examining, but in 1958 to the military seizure of political control of the country itself. The infringement of the Army into civilian spheres of government further caused a deterioration in relations between East and West Pakistan. The increasing clout of a US-backed Army whose elite officers had a bias against the eastern wing of the country, the thesis argues, thus indirectly resulted in the dismemberment of Pakistan itself. To explain the Army’s ascendancy its transformation from British colonial army into a national political actor, is documented. The thesis explores the influence of the martial-race theory and of Punjabisation in the Army as it developed in the colonial era. Secondly, it reconstructs how provincial politics weakened the Federal Government and allowed the Army to usurp political power to a disproportionate degree. Thirdly, the thesis considers the extent to which the US-Army relationship influenced and even took precedence over decision-making within the government itself. It details the military pacts made between the two countries to contain the USSR in this period. Finally, it explores where and how the interests of the US and Pakistan Army diverged, in particular concerning their respective relations with India. The complications arising in Indo-Pakistan relations in consequence of an abrupt tilt of the US towards India after the Sino-Indian war in 1962 are also examined. In reaction to this new Indo-US nexus, it is argued the Pakistani military junta leaned towards China and in 1965 endeavoured to make use of it advanced, US-supplied weaponry before – as they saw it – the strategic balance was to be irrecoverably lost in favour of India. In conclusion, the thesis argues that the period under consideration saw a complete failure of the US policy of containing communism whilst at the same time avoiding war between its allies in the region, and that this had tragic consequences for the future of democracy in Pakistan.
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Hayat, Muhammad Umer. "Centrifugal Forces and Challenges to Nation-State Integration : The Case Study of Pakistan." Thesis, Toulouse 1, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013TOU10082.
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Cette étude souligne le dilemme de « l'intégration nationale ». L'étude de cas sur le Pakistan est très pertinente, en raison du fait qu'il a obtenu son indépendance au nom de la religion mais n'a pas pu maintenir son intégrité et a dû faire face à la désintégration en 1971. La recherche et l'identification des forces centrifuges et leur menace pour l’État du Pakistan se fait à différents niveaux. La recherche historique sur les différents facteurs permet de comprendre l'attachement aux identités locales et ethniques et leur impact sur les actions de l’État pour maintenir le fédéralisme. L‘Islam, le motif de base pour l'indépendance arrachée au Royaume-Uni n'a pas constitué une force suffisante pour garder le peuple uni. Un certain nombre d'autres facteurs tels que la pauvreté accrue, une intervention probablement insuffisante de l’État pour faire face aux demandes et aux problèmes locaux sont également responsables. La violence sectaire et le facteur externe de l‘intervention des États arabes ont également déstabilisé la situation au Pakistan. Dans la période de crise des années 90, la situation stratégique du Pakistan l‘a rendu plus vulnérable aux conflits internes. Cette situation a favorisé l'intervention militaire dans la politique pakistanaise. Le prétorianisme a affaibli l’État au fur et à mesure que les militaires se sont emparés des différents domaines de l‘État. Les défis majeurs à la cohésion de l‘État pakistanais sont la résistance baloutche pour l'indépendance du Baloutchistan, le nationalisme pachtoune et la menace posée par la minorité Mohajir qui revendique une l'autonomie en agitant la menace de la sécession. Notre étude amène à penser que la religion n'est pas une force suffisante d‘intégration, et que l'homogénéité ethnique et le processus de socialisation par la production et la transmission de normes et de la connaissance de l'histoire commune sont également fondamentaux. Ainsi, nous avons eu la possibilité au travers de cette recherche d'évaluer les forces et les faiblesses de l’État pakistanais, ainsi que les lignes de fracture politiques, idéologiques, religieuses et économiques<br>This study emphasizes the dilemma of ―national integration‖. The case study on Pakistan is very relevant, due to the fact that the state obtained its independence in the name of religion yet could not maintain its integrity and had to face dis-integration in 1971. The search and identification of centrifugal forces and their threat to the state of Pakistan is examined at various levels of analysis. The historical research of the various factors enables us tounderstand the importance of the attachment to local and ethnic identities and their impact on state‘s actions to maintain the federalism. Islam, the basic motive for independence from the United Kingdom has not been so much able to keep the people united. A number of other factors such as increased poverty, insufficient concentration of the state to deal with the local issues and grievances are also responsible for the difficulties in the process of integration. The sectarian violence and the external factor of the Arab states intervention contributed to the destabilization of the situation of Pakistan. During the crisis of the 1990s its strategic location made Pakistan more prone to internal conflict. This situation favoured the military intervention in Pakistani politics. Praetorianism has weakened the state at the various levels of military intervention. The biggest challenges to the cohesion of the Pakistani state are Baloch struggle for the independence of Baloutchistan, Pashtun nationalism and the Mohajir threat for autonomy or secession. Our study contributes to the demonstration of the idea that religion is not a sufficient force to bind the people but that ethnic homogeneity and socialized norms of common history are also fundamental. Thus it provides an opportunity to assess the strengths and weaknesses of the state along with the political, ideological, religious and economic fault lines
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Aziz, Mazhar. "The parallel state : understanding military control in Pakistan." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.430307.
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Khan, Ayela. "Imploding state Pakistan on the brink of collapse /." Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2009. http://worldcat.org/oclc/457162757/viewonline.
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Adeel, Liaqat, and n/a. "The politics of Islam in a postcolonial state: Pakistan." University of Canberra. Information, Language and Culture Studies, 1996. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20060531.163022.
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During the last one year, while working on this thesis, I have been asked several times as to how
Islam or Islamic fundamentalism makes a communication thesis. The answer is simple: my
concern is not Islam as a religion or fundamentalism as a religious or political movement but the
way Islam is defined and fundamentalism presented. In the age of communication reality is not just
what we see or sense but what we are shown and made to perceive. It would be no exaggeration to
suggest that today our dependence on the communication networks is such that even for something
that happens in front of us we need interpretations to fully comprehend it. Thus reality without
interpretations, in most cases, has come to carry little meaning. Our perception of reality today is
not based on our individual experiences only. It is, in fact, the sum total of the reality plus
interpretations by the 'public arenas' such as education institutions, mass media, the civil service,
parliament, the courts, industry, the research and scientific community, political parties etc.
(Cracknell, 1993: 4).
This study deals with the interpretations of Islam and Islamic fundamentalism by the Muslim as
well as western public arenas. Throughout this thesis I use the word 'Islam' not as a religion but as
a symbol of political power and cultural identity. Because, I believe that Islam as a faith is a
personal and spiritual matter that for majority of the Muslims, like the believers of any religion,
need not be compared with any other religion unless to prove it superior. But as a symbol of
political power and cultural identity Islam does need interpretations and has been interpreted in
many different ways. What triggered my interest in yet another interpretation was that what I had
seen in Pakistan and what I felt the West thought of Muslim societies had no logical connection.
For instance, there is a widespread belief in the West that Muslim societies are deeply religious and
Islam guides every aspect of the Muslims' life. The reality that I have seen and experienced in
Pakistan society, which is ninety-six per cent Muslim, is that few, very few indeed, Muslims may
be willing to die or kill for Islam, but will not live according to Islam. The people of Pakistan, in
their day-to-day life, are as secular as the people of any other part of the world. They have all
human virtues and vices that human beings are capable of anywhere in the world. But still there is
no denying the fact that Pakistan, or for that matter any underdeveloped society, is different from
the industrialised West. How and why are they different is what I have investigated in this thesis.
I have no hesitation in admitting that except for the discrepancy in the reality that I had seen in
Pakistan and its perception that I noticed in the West, I had no clear idea about the subject. But I
have always believed, as Sartre has said somewhere, that the honourable thing about reading is to
let yourself be influenced. I claim to have started this thesis with an open mind, but I do not claim
to be an objective writer, unless objectivity is seen as nothing but to be honest to one's self as well
as others. All of us live with our subjectivity that is influenced by our individual and collective
objective conditions. Most of us are content to live with what we have learnt during our formative
phase in life. Some of us are not. I belong to the latter tribe. Through the years I have unlearnt
many a thing about religion, culture and human beings that I had learnt from my family, school and
society, to accommodate more ideas, opinions and concepts, not less. That process still continues.
One thing that I have learnt in life, and which I shall cherish forever, is that human beings must not
be frozen in their cultural, religious and social categories; they must not be seen as good and bad
without an understanding of their environment.
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Adeel, Liaqat. "The politics of Islam in a postcolonial state Pakistan /." Canberra, 1996. http://erl.canberra.edu.au/public/adt-AUC20060531.163022/.
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Aiyar, Swarna. "Violence and the State in the partition of Punjab, 1947-48." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1994. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/251566.
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Ali, Sameen Andaleeb Mohsin. "Staffing the state : the politicisation of bureaucratic appointments in Pakistan." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2018. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/26180/.
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This thesis contributes to the literature on the politics of bureaucracy. I show how politicised bureaucratic appointments in Pakistan 'get things done' even beyond the career advancement of a particular patron and her bureaucratic appointee. In order to show this, I trace the politicised appointment of senior and mid-tier bureaucrats by political and bureaucratic patrons using legal, extra-legal, and illegal methods in pursuit of three types of outcomes: (i) bureaucratic efficiency; (ii) electoral gain; and (iii) personal enrichment and protection. I contend that particular combinations of actor 'objectives' and 'methods' result in particular types of bonds - either strong or diffuse - between the patron and the appointed bureaucrat. It is, in turn, the interaction of these three variables (objective, method, bond) that determines whether or not the patron achieves the outcome she wanted, i.e. 'what gets done'. This thesis contributes to the literature on the politics of bureaucracy. I show how politicised bureaucratic appointments in Pakistan 'get things done' even beyond the career advancement of a particular patron and her bureaucratic appointee. In order to show this, I trace the politicised appointment of senior and mid-tier bureaucrats by political and bureaucratic patrons using legal, extra-legal, and illegal methods in pursuit of three types of outcomes: (i) bureaucratic efficiency; (ii) electoral gain; and (iii) personal enrichment and protection. I contend that particular combinations of actor 'objectives' and 'methods' result in particular types of bonds - either strong or diffuse - between the patron and the appointed bureaucrat. It is, in turn, the interaction of these three variables (objective, method, bond) that determines whether or not the patron achieves the outcome she wanted, i.e. 'what gets done'.
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Naseem, Muhammad Ayaz. "Education, the state and subject constitution of gendered subjectivities inthrough school curricula in Pakistan : a post-structuralist analysis of social studies and Urdu textbooks for grades I-VIII." Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=85025.
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In this study I challenge the uncritical use of the long held dictum of the development discourse that education empowers women. From a post-structuralist feminist position I show that in its current state the educational discourse in Pakistan actually disempowers women. This discourse constitutes gendered identities and positions them in a way that exacerbates and intensifies inequalities between men and women. Gendered constitution and positioning of subjects also regulates the relationship between the subjects and the state in such a way that women and minorities are excluded from the citizenship realm.<br>Educational discourse in Pakistan is the premier site where meanings of signs such as woman, man, mother, father, patriot, nationalist, etc., are gendered and fixed. It also provides the techniques of discipline and surveillance for naturalization of meaning and normalization of subjects. Urdu and social studies curricula and textbooks for classes 1-8 and 3-8 respectively constitute subjects and subjectivities and relations among them by means such as inclusion and exclusion from the text, hierarchization of the meanings ascribed to the subjects, normalization of the ascribed meanings (so that subjects stop questioning the meaning fixation), totalization (where all theoretical and explanatory differences are obfuscated), and classification of subjects in terms of binary opposites where one is superior to the other.<br>As a result of such gendered subjectivity constitution and subject positioning, women in Pakistan have been subjected to the worst kind of social, political, economic and juridical discrimination. However, Pakistani women have refused to be passive victims. They have used their agency to put up a spirited resistance against the unequal citizenship status and rights resulting from the gendered subjectivity constitution and subject positioning. In order to make education more meaningful and empowering for the women of Pakistan it is imperative that both women's groups as well as the educational policy makers understand the working and dynamics of the educational discourse in conjunction with the judicial and economic discourses and those of the state and the media. It is only from within the discourses that a change can be brought about.
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Colbert, Jason M. "Pakistan, madrassas, and militancy." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/2385.
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Following the terrorist attacks of September 11th, 2001, the US government has become increasingly concerned with madrassas, Islamic schools of religious education in Central and South Asia. U.S. Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld and Secretary of State Colin Powell denounced these religious seminaries as radical institutions which produce Islamic jihadists capable of threatening U.S. national security and interests. This thesis examines the history and current evidence available on madrassas. Specifically, it analyzes their historical evolution and reaction to domestic, regional and international developments. It finds that there is little evidence to connect madrassas to transnational terrorism, and that they are not a direct threat to the United States. However, Pakistani madrassas do have ties to domestic and regional violence, particularly Sunni-Shia sectarian violence in Pakistan and the Pakistani-Indian conflict in Kashmir, making them a regional security concern. This thesis argues that the best path for combating religious militancy in madrassas is by helping to create better alternatives to madrassa education, including state run and private schools, and not by targeting madrassas directly.
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Karim, Jena. "Polarization of political culture : Islam and Pakistan, 1958-1988." Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=83114.
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This study examines the relationship between Islam and political culture in Pakistan in the four decades following its naissance. It assesses the validity of the argument that a polarity has emerged in the Pakistani political culture, consisting of Islamism and Islamic modernism. In the case of Pakistan, Islamism refers to the use of the primary sources of Islam law, the Qur'an, hadith, and sunnah, in crafting both policy and political institutions. Islamic modernism refers to the systematized use of these primary sources as well as other (external) sources, adjusted for contemporary circumstances. These ideologies, as defined here, are gleaned from the discourse of a Pakistani ideologues, Sayyid Abu'l A 'la Mawdudi and Fazlur Rahman. It examines the thought of Mawdudi and Rahman as the discursive backdrop to the polarity of political culture. It then provides analysis of three regimes which exacerbate this polarity. They include the Islamic modernist regime of Ayub Khan, from 1958 to 1969, the quasi-Islamist regime of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, from 1971 to 1977, and finally the Islamist regime of General Zia ul-Haq, from 1977 to 1988.
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Akhtar, Aasim Sajjad. "The overdeveloping state : the politics of common sense in Pakistan, 1971-2007." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.497836.
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Hamza Alavi's groundbreaking study of the 'overdeveloped' post-colonial state represented the first major attempt in the Marxist tradition to capture the specificity of the post-colonial historical experience. Alavi's empirical focus was Pakistan, but sadly the majority of the literature dealing with the state in the Pakistani context has tended to engage with Alavi's theoretical formulation in a very descriptive manner. This thesis is an attempt to address this gap within the literature.
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Jamil, Uzma. "Minorities and "Islamic" states : explaining Baha'i and Ahmadi marginalization in Iran and Pakistan." Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=29509.
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This study is a comparative analysis of the marginalizarion of the Baha'is in Iran and the Ahmadis in Pakistan over the last forty years. It explores the relationship between Islam, the ulama and the state as explanatory variables. In particular, the increasing political influence of fundamentalist ulama and their closer association with state mechanisms, accompanied by the creation of a "purist," "Islamic" state ideology in Iran and Pakistan, leads to greater discrimination against these two heterodox Muslim minorities. The outcome is continuing institutionalized, state-sponsored discrimination that denies substantial legal, political and social rights to the Baha'is and the Ahmadis.
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Ahmed, Ishtiaq. "The concept of an Islamic state an analysis of the ideological controversy in Pakistan /." Stockholm : Dept. of Political Science, University of Stockholm, 1985. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/14241375.html.
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Dunne, Justin S. "Crisis in Baluchistan : a historical analysis of the Baluch Nationalist Movement in Pakistan /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Jun%5FDunne.pdf.
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Taylor, Matthew P. "Pakistan's Kashmir policy and strategy since 1947." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Mar%5FTaylor.pdf.
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Waheed, Ahmed Waqas. "Sovereignty, failed states and US foreign aid : a detailed assessment of the Pakistani perspective." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2014. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/8971.
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This thesis explores the international politics of Pakistan’s conditional sovereignty through a comparative analysis of Pakistan-US relations during the Cold War (1979-88) and the War on Terror (2001-08). The thesis seeks to understand whether the end of the Cold War restructured, reshaped and reconfigured US attitudes towards Pakistan when caught up in a new geo-political conflict, namely the War on Terror. The thesis is constructed around three main arguments focusing on Pakistan’s sovereignty, US foreign assistance to Pakistan and Pakistan’s state failure. Firstly, the thesis demonstrates that US conditions on Pakistan’s sovereignty fluctuate according to whether or not the US is strategically interested in Pakistan. In both cases, different sets of conditions are applied to Pakistan’s sovereignty. The thesis also details Pakistan’s response to these conditions on its sovereignty. Secondly, the thesis argues that given the importance of the normative value of state failure in the post-9/11 US policy and its absence in the War on Terror as a condition on Pakistan’s sovereignty, it is expected that Pakistan’s state failure status will come to dominate the conditions on Pakistan’s sovereignty when the US is not strategically interested. Thirdly, the conditions on Pakistan’s sovereignty are a means to secure Pakistan’s compliance to US demands, by either withholding foreign assistance or disbursing it. In that case then, given the centrality of human rights and state failure in post-9/11 international relations, the thesis demonstrates that US statebuilding efforts remain pivoted on US political interests rather than human rights and development. The qualitative research includes elite interviews, unclassified documents and builds on existing literature, while the quantitative portion involves statistical data.
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Faiz, Asma. "Ethnic nationalism, State and party politics : the Sindhi and Siraiki movements in Pakistan." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017IEPP0044.
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Cette thèse examine l'origine, le mécanisme et la mobilisation du nationalisme ethnique au Pakistan. Depuis sa création en 1947, le Pakistan a souffert d'un manque de consensus ethnique important face aux projets de construction nationale et consolidation de l'État du Centre. Les mouvements et partis ethniques du Pakistan sont un reflet important de la résistance sociétale contre l'hégémonie perçue de l'Etat. À l'heure actuelle, le Pakistan abrite plusieurs mouvements ethniques qui sous-tendent la grande désaffection avec les politiques de l'État. L'objet de cette thèse portera sur deux de ces mouvements, à savoir les nationalismes ethniques Sindhi et Siraiki. Au-delà de l'étude des mouvements et dirigeants nationalistes, cette thèse propose également une étude sur les courants plus larges de la politique partisane et du comportement électoral dans les provinces du Sindh et du sud du Punjab<br>This dissertation examines the origin, mechanism and mobilization of ethnic nationalism in Pakistan. From its inception in 1947, Pakistan has suffered from a serious lack of ethnic consensus in the face of nation-building and state-consolidation projects of the Center. The ethnic movements and parties of Pakistan are an important reflection of societal resistance against the perceived hegemony of the state. At present, Pakistan is home to several ethnic movements underlying the broad disaffection with the policies of the state. The focus of this dissertation will be on two of these movements, i.e. the Sindhi and Siraiki ethnic nationalisms. Going beyond the study of nationalist movements and leaders, this dissertation will also engage with the broader currents of party politics and electoral behavior in Sindh and south Punjab
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Bangash, Yaqoob Khan. "The integration of the princely states of Pakistan 1947-55." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.543719.
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Williams, David E. "Iran's nuclear program as assessment of the threat to the United States /." Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/Dec/09Dec%5FWilliams.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Homeland Security and Defense))--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2009.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Hafez, Mohammed ; Kadhim, Abbas. "December 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 27, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Iran, Nuclear weapons, Deterrence, Homeland defense, Homeland security. Includes bibliographical references (p. 81-90). Also available in print.
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Khan, Mohamed Umer. "Re-emergent pre-state substructures : the case of the Pashtun tribes." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2011. http://repository.royalholloway.ac.uk/items/f5943f61-e7b7-14f2-12c0-d5b7388534a3/9/.
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This study explores borderlands as a function of the imposition of the post-colonial state upon primary structures of identity, polity and social organisation which may be sub-state, national or trans-state in nature. This imposition, particularly in the postcolonial experience of Asia, manifests itself in incongruence between identities of nation and state, between authority and legitimacy, and between beliefs and systems, each of which is most acutely demonstrated in the dynamic borderlands where the competition for influence between non-state and state centres of political gravity is played out. The instability in borderlands is a product of the re-territorialisation of pre-state primary structures, and the state's efforts in accommodating, assimilating or suppressing these structures through a combination of militarisation, providing opportunities for greater political enfranchisement, and the structure of trans-borderland economic flows. The Pashtun tribes of the Afghan borderland between Pakistan and Afghanistan are exhibiting a resurgence of autonomy from the state, as part of the re-territorialisation of the primary substructure of Pakhtunkhwa that underlies southern Afghanistan and north-western Pakistan. This phenomenon is localised, tribally driven, and replicated across the entirety of Pakhtunkhwa. It is a product of the pashtunwali mandated autonomy of zai from which every kor, killi and khel derives its security, and through the protection of which each is able to raise its nang, and is able to realise its position within the larger clan or tribe. Other examples of competition between postcolonial states and primary structures are the Kurdish experience in south-eastern Turkey and the experience of the Arab state. While manifesting significant peculiarities, all three cases - the Kurds, the Arabs and the Pashtuns - demonstrate that the current configuration of the postcolonial state system in Asia is a fragile construction, imposed upon enduring, pre-state primary structures which are resurgent through competition with the state.
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Safdar, Naveed. "Internal security threats to Pakistan." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Dec%5FSafdar.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Security Building in Post-Conflict Environments))--Naval Postgraduate School, Dec. 2004.<br>Thesis advisor(s): Robert E. Looney, Feroz Hassan Khan. Includes bibliographical references. Also available online.
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Rahman, Tariq. "Enabling Development: A Housing Scheme in Rural Pakistan." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/20410.
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This thesis explores the development of a housing scheme in rural Pakistan. In the so-called ‘backward’ district of Bhakkar, five entrepreneurs formed a partnership in 2004 to build the area’s first privately developed housing scheme. As housing schemes are associated with development in Pakistan, they saw themselves as providing services that the state was expected, but failed, to deliver.
Departing from normative conceptions of the state, this case study demonstrates how state power functions in Pakistan. Though it is an entrepreneurial venture, the construction of the housing scheme is structured by a discourse of national development. Further, the project was made possible through the state’s integration of Bhakkar into global economic circuits. I argue that the Pakistani state’s power in this instance does not obtain from its felt presence in Bhakkar but rather from its assurance of access to various physical and digital networks through which it is reconfigured.
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Ahmad, Farooq. "Healthcare reforms in the state teaching hospitals of Peshawar, Pakistan : a multi-stakeholder perspective." Thesis, University of Southampton, 2017. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/422208/.
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This study examines the local government reforms embodied in the Medical Teaching Institution (MTI) Act of 2015 in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province (KP), Pakistan. The aim of the Act was to improve employee performance in the province’s public teaching hospitals, and this research explores the reforms from the perspectives of key stakeholders, especially with regard to the introduction of performance-related pay. This research fills gaps in the current body of knowledge on performance-related pay in developing countries and makes a significant addition to the few existing studies on this topic. It addresses the contradictory theoretical stance between the discourses of New Public Management and Public Service Motivation on performance-related pay in the public sector. The theoretical concepts are derived by integrating New Public Management, Institutional Theory, Public Service Motivation Theory and Cross-cultural Theory. The study uses a mico-meso-macro framework of analysis to investigate the actions and reactions of those affected by the reforms in three of the public teaching hospitals. The underlying philosophy is one of critical realism. Following the case study approach, a multiple case study involving three public teaching hospitals was designed. The data were collected in three phases from participants at the Khyber Teaching Hospital (KTH), Lady Reading Hospital (LRH) and Hayatabad Medical Complex (HMC), Peshawar, KP, Pakistan. The respondents were doctors, ward managers, members of the boards of governance and the provincial health minister. The semi-structured interviews, as the main data collection tool, were corroborated by participant observation, field notes, memo writing and MTI reforms documents. The MTI reforms were a political initiative by the newly elected government in KP province to address problems of performance, poor service structure and the corrupt appraisal system. Changes included decentralisation, autonomy, a new system of accountability and the introduction of performance-related pay in the case hospitals. Poor communication, conflict of interest, lack of consultation with local actors, poor planning and dismissive behaviour by the higher leadership were the main reasons for doctors’ resistance to the reforms. The research findings show that performance-related pay was acceptable to the study participants due to institutional and social realities in KP, Pakistan and that it did not undermine their public service motivation due to high professional standards and strong religious belief. The research makes a number of contributions. First, it provides rich empirical material on employees’ reactions to public-sector healthcare reform and offers valuable insight into how policy from a secular individualist culture can successfully integrate with a religious collectivist culture. Second, it addresses the contradictory stances of New Public Management and Public Service Motivation on performance-related pay in the public sector by taking an inter-disciplinary approach. Third, this research adds to the body of empirical research on public healthcare reform in a developing country, and fourth, it yields findings which, we hope, will inform and influence the academic community as well as public-sector policy-makers.
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Khan, Shehryar. "The un-official performance of official business in Pakistan : the interface with state bureaucracy." Thesis, University of Bath, 2012. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.558877.
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It is widely recognised, both locally and internationally, that poor or bad governance is a major impediment to the effective performance of public sector institutions in Pakistan. A careful analysis of the literature suggests that good governance is a sine qua non for achieving human development in the country. From the standpoint of providing an empirical understanding of the above assessment of the role of governance, the literature and current scholarship analyse problems of governance in Pakistan with reference to normative literature on good governance and public administration. This normative literature predominantly reflects principles and conceptions drawn from Western political systems. As an ideal type, these systems reflect liberalpluralistic societies in which there is a clear separation between the executive and the legislature. Moreover, they highlight the significance of technical expertise, managerial competencies and effective public sector institutions. The literature compares the experience of countries like Pakistan to this ideal construct, and therefore encourages a ‘subtractivist’ and normative approach in its assessment of governance. In so doing, it points to practices of corruption, political interference, lack of accountability, and patron–client forms of behaviour as explanations of Pakistan’s poor or bad governance trajectory. My thesis offers a very different perspective on governance in Pakistan. It adopts an interactionist-epistemological stance in order to develop a framework which focuses on the actual behaviour of state bureaucracy. Using ethnographic data collected from three distinct case studies, the thesis demonstrates the significance of informal social norms: in particular, clientelism, personal relationships and moral attachments. These social norms deeply affect the actual behaviour of public officials. In the implementation of policies and development interventions, public officials both deploy and are exposed to these informal social norms. This can result in behaviour or decisions which run counter to official or expected norms. In this thesis, I argue that the challenges of governance in Pakistan are firmly situated in the historical account of the state’s formation and in the deeper structures of society. This characterisation better captures state–society relationships and allows for the development of a more realistic insight into real governance trajectories in the country. In Pakistan, the operations of public administration are complex and require a close examination of porous public–private boundaries. These boundaries constantly shape administrative practices as well as stakeholder interactions and negotiations. This is the actual landscape of governance in which citizens have to negotiate access to public and collective services.
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Saeed, Raza. "Contested legalities, (de)coloniality and the state : understanding the socio-legal tapestry of Pakistan." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2014. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/66360/.
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The study develops two significant arguments in relation to Pakistan’s socio-legal situation and analysis. First, it outlines and discusses the various prominent facets of the country’s legal architecture to formulate and present, what the thesis terms as, Pakistan’s Socio-Legal Tapestry. It considers the historical and conceptual trajectories of some of the multiple legal and normative structures that prevail in the country, their interplay and encounters, as well as their limitations and problems. It puts this socio-legal architecture at the heart of the examination, and by making the different constituents of the legal terrain explicit – components that include common law, Islamic law, colonial law, traditional law, legal ‘exteriority’ of tribal regions, and issues of ‘lawlessness’ – it makes the case for a holistic understanding of law as the necessary prerequisite to understanding the difficulties that that the country’s law, state and the wider society are faced with. The second significant argument of the study emerges from this expansion of the subject matter of (socio)legal analysis. It is argued that a shift in the understanding of what constitutes law in the context of Pakistan logically leads towards a (re)consideration of the lenses and narratives generally employed to examine it. The identification, examination and problematisation of these narratives – which include the dominant state-oriented legal narrative and the legal positivistic approach, the Islamic law narrative, legal pluralistic approach and the ascendant discourse on human rights – formulate the second substantive part of the study. It is argued that these Narratives of law differ in terms of how they perceive the context, identify their priorities, frame the problems and then propose solutions for their rectification. However, caught in a struggle to maintain their definitional consistencies, these narratives are only able to adopt a partial view of the picture and, owing to that, they generate contradictions that ultimately weaken their approach and proposed solutions. The purpose behind these two arguments is both to make a case for new avenues of context-specific legal analysis, as well as to create possibilities for it in the case of Pakistan. The problems that the country faces and the suffering that its people experience create an urgent need to recognise the deficiencies, both in our conceptualisation of law in this particular context, as well as the narratives, perspectives, theories and ideologies that we employ to approach it. This necessitates the search for alternative narratives for comprehending Pakistan’s socio-legal situation, to offer more nuanced approaches that might enable us to frame issues differently. This, I argue, is the most pressing task for those engaged in the analyses of legal, social and political spheres of Pakistan, and the necessary first step if our goal is the (re)formation of the legal and normative orders to make them more accountable to the people. By adopting the framework of colonialism and Coloniality to offer a different lens to understand Pakistan’s socio-legal peculiarities, the study presents one such attempt in this vein, with the purpose of initiating discussion and inviting critique.
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Haines, Timothy Daniel. "Building the Empire, building the nation : water, land and the politics of river development in Sind 1898-1969." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2011. http://repository.royalholloway.ac.uk/items/131eccc5-0dda-22dd-5f83-61deaccd07ac/9/.
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Major attempts to control the natural environment characterized government ‘developmental' activity in twentieth-century Sind. This thesis argues that the construction of three barrage dams across the River Indus, along with a network of irrigation canals, enacted human control over nature as a political project. The Raj and its successor state in Sind, Pakistan, thereby claimed legitimacy through their capacity to benefit humans by re-modelling the landscape. These claims depended on an implied narrative of material progress, which irrigation development was expected to bring about, in a province considered technologically and socially backward. In allocating land that was newly made available for cultivation, government officials found an unprecedented opportunity to also re-shape agrarian society. As well as providing the means by which ‘ideal types' of cultivator could be encouraged to proliferate, the development of Sind's irrigation system was based on concepts of modernization that promoted increasing state intervention in agrarian life to render a ‘disordered' society more easily governable. This trend was constrained, however, by successive administrations' need to balance the lure of radical modernization against the powerful claims on new land of local magnates. The colonial belief in the agricultural, economic, and social benefits of large-scale irrigation projects was transplanted into the post-colonial state. The construction of irrigation works, the colonization of land, and their political implications before and after Independence are therefore analyzed, in order to demonstrate how and why the logic of large infrastructure schemes remained consistent. At the same time, differences in how successive administrations framed and enacted barrage projects are shown to have depended on contemporary circumstances. In the process, the thesis sheds new light on the tensions between and within the central and provincial governments, demonstrating the contested nature of concepts of Imperial governance, nation-building, and material progress.
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Sayira, Tazayian. "Tourism development and women in under crises destinations : a case study of Chilas, Pakistan." Thesis, Liverpool John Moores University, 2015. http://researchonline.ljmu.ac.uk/4515/.
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This thesis discusses tourism development for the purpose of improvement in the current environment, including financial and socio-cultural conditions of an under crises destination and community. The emphasis of this thesis is to explore factors which have significant impact on a place and local community that is under natural and anthropogenic crises. For this research Chilas- a valley situated on the Silk Road under the control of the Gilgit-Baltistan territory of Pakistan is being used as a case study. The main purpose of this research is to explore the problems relating to tourism and development since the destination and community is facing the situation of crises which have worsened since the September 2011 terrorist attacks and the following involvement of Pakistan in the “war against terrorism”. Chilas- being a remote destination and present in North of Pakistan was known to be a hiding place of terrorists who were assumed to cross the Pak-Afghan border. Due to Chilas’s location access by communication media and law enforcement agencies is not an easy task, However since the opening of the Babusar pass- that connects Islamabad the capital city of Pakistan to Chilas the valley has become less isolated. With the opening of the Babusar pass and efforts by the local authorities in terms of promoting tourism for example opening tourist resorts named Pakistan Tourism Development Corporation there has been a slight increase in tourist arrivals. Though Chilas was always a centre of attention for Archaeologists and Botanists, the destination however at all times lacked basic tourism infrastructure. There have been several internal and external causes for instance: attitudes of local community towards visitors especially women tourists and place image propagated by com-media, which hinder tourism development in the region. Using ethnographic methods to collect data this thesis discusses how tourism development accompanied with NAC and com-media can change the situation of a destination and a community specifically women members of a community in an under crises destination. The last chapter of this thesis makes recommendations for the tourism development in Chilas and for Chilassi community by concluding the findings from the fieldwork.
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Mahmood, Khalid. "Salinity, sodicity tolerance of Acacia ampliceps and identification of techniques useful to avoid early stage salt stress." Kassel Kassel Univ. Press, 2007. http://www.uni-kassel.de/hrz/db4/extern/dbupress/publik/abstract.php?978-3-89958-330-4.
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Tabbasum, Salamat Ali. "The political economy of the United States aid for development and democracy in Pakistan since 2002." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708280.
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Hedberg, Nicholas J. "The exploitation of a weak state Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula in Yemen." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2010/Jun/10Jun%5FHedberg.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Middle East, South Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2010.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Hafez, Mohammed M. ; Second Reader: Springborg, Robert. "June 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 14, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Yemen, al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, Terrorism, Weak States. Includes bibliographical references (p. 89-95). Also available in print.
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Siddiqi, Ahmad Mujtaba. "From bilateralism to Cold War conflict : Pakistan's engagement with state and non-state actors on its Afghan frontier, 1947-1989." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e904bd42-76e9-4c73-8414-dbd7049eb30f.
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The purpose of this thesis is to assess Pakistan’s relationship with Afghanistan before and after the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979. I argue that the nature of the relationship was transformed by the region becoming the centre of Cold War conflict, and show how Pakistan’s role affected the development of the mujahidin insurgency against Soviet occupation. My inquiry begins by assessing the historical determinants of the relationship, arising from the colonial legacy and local interpretations of the contested spheres of legitimacy proffered by state, tribe and Islam. I then map the trajectory of the relationship from Pakistan’s independence in 1947, showing how the retreat of great power rivalry following British withdrawal from the subcontinent allowed for the framing of the relationship in primarily bilateral terms. The ascendance of bilateral factors opened greater possibilities for accommodation than had previously existed, though the relationship struggled to free itself of inherited colonial disputes, represented by the Pashtunistan issue. The most promising attempt to resolve the dispute came to an end with the communist coup and subsequent Soviet invasion, which subsumed bilateral concerns under the framework of Cold War confrontation. Viewing the invasion as a major threat, Pakistan pursued negotiations for Soviet withdrawal, aligned itself with the US and gave clandestine support to the mujahidin insurgency. External support enhanced mujahidin military viability while exacerbating weaknesses in political organization and ideology. Soviet withdrawal in 1989 left an unresolved conflict. Faced with state collapse and turmoil across the border, heightened security concerns following loss of US support, and intensified links among non-state actors on both sides of the frontier, the Pakistan government drew on its recently gained experience of working through non-state actors to attempt to maintain its influence in Afghanistan. There would be no return to the relatively stable state-state ties prevailing before 1979.
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Puri, Samir. "Strategic theory and state engagement of non-state armed groups : Pakistan's and Turkey's experiences of bargaining with and coercing armed groups." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.607935.
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Riddell, Katrina. "Securitising population growth in Muslim states and societies : a case study of Iran and Pakistan." University of Western Australia. Political Science and International Relations Discipline Group, 2007. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2007.0147.
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To securitise an issue is to elevate it above politics to security status. At the global level, population growth has been securitised by a number of change agents. They have arrived at an understanding of population growth as existentially threatening and of population control as the best solution. This transformative process took place during the twentieth century and was enabled largely by the United Nations. However, in some Muslim states and societies where population growth is potentially threatening and securitisation of it is necessary, Islamic factors and agents might prevent this from happening. Events and experiences suggest that population control is antithetical to Islam. Muslim states and societies tend to experience higher growth and fertility rates than their non-Muslim counterparts. Furthermore, some Islamic agents have vocally opposed global and national population control objectives. Because of these two occurrences, Islam is assumed to be pro-natalist and anti-population control. It is also assumed that Islam is causal to high fertility and growth and the failure of control efforts. But is this necessarily true? Is population control antithetical to Islam? Moreover, will Islam and its agents prevent the securitisation of population growth by Muslim states and societies? These questions are explored through the case studies of Iran and Pakistan.
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Malik, Mohammed Rehan. "Improving decision-making systems for decentralized primary education delivery in Pakistan." Santa Monica, CA : RAND, 2007. http://www.rand.org/pubs/rgs_dissertations/RGSD223/.
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Iqbal, Asima. "Muslim headteachers' religion in their professional role : a comparative study in state schools in England and Pakistan." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2018. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/106813/.
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This cross-national research is a comparative study of Muslim headteachers working in state schools in England and Pakistan. The primary focus of this research is to explore the role of religion in Muslim headteachers' professional practice; how it influences their leadership actions, the principles underlying these actions and the different sources from which the headteachers seek guidance while leading their schools. Bearing in mind the importance of context, this research considers various factors operating at the micro (personal), meso (institutional) and macro (national) levels and which influence the way Muslim headteachers in both countries perceive religion in their leadership role. Within the multi-level contextual framework, this thesis focuses on those factors which are particularly related to the Muslim headteachers’ religion and to the place of religion in the public spheres of England and Pakistan. The main participants of this research were Muslim headteachers selected from ten state-maintained schools (primary and secondary); five each in England and Pakistan. A qualitative approach was adopted using semi-structured interviews with the Muslim headteachers and focus group interviews with pupils and teachers in their schools. The interviews from Muslim headteachers provided insight into the influence of religion on their leadership principles and actions. The focus groups elicited the perceptions of teachers and pupils of their experiences of the headteachers’ religion in a leadership role. Key findings of the research have revealed that while the need to act professionally in a state school is somewhat similar between Muslim headteachers in both countries, the religion of the headteachers plays out very differently in the two countries. In England, the Muslim headteachers expressed their religion in a covert way although they acknowledged that religion was at the base of most of their leadership principles. The language/discourse of leadership principles used by these headteachers was mostly secular and reflected their consciousness of the need to conform to professional expectations as well as to the multi-religious and multi-cultural environment in the selected schools. In Pakistan, the Muslim headteachers viewed religion as the primary source of guidance for their personal as well as professional actions. Although the language/discourse of the leadership principles used by these headteachers was quite similar to their counterparts in England, they emphasised the religious foundation of their principles and guidance. By demonstrating the impact of (a) the individual contexts of the schools and (b) the place of religion in the national context on the different ways in which the religion of Muslim headteachers is played out in their leadership, this research has made an original contribution to knowledge in England and Pakistan. Considering the historical weakening of the public expression of religion in England, this study on Islam in education and educational leadership has the potential of offering insights into how a minority religion in a Christian-majority country can be considered influential in the face of growing apprehensions about religion in general and Islam in particular. In Pakistan, while acknowledging the dominance of Islam in the public sphere, the findings of this research can contribute to wider debates about the role of Islam in education and its possible implications on issues pertaining to religious minority students.
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Saadat, Muhammad K. "The drone dilemma: investigating the causes of controversy between the United States and Pakistan." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/44660.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited<br>The thesis examines the effects of U.S. drone strikes on Pakistan’s politics, internal security, and relationship with the United States. It analyzes the perspectives of the United States and Pakistan within the realm of national interests, legal framework, and ethical aspects, as well as considers short-term benefits and long-term consequences. Whatever the tactical efficacy of drone strikes may be, they have contributed to anti-American feelings and a growing trust deficit between the United States and Pakistan, and adversely affected the actual cause of fighting terrorism. The thesis concludes that drones have not achieved significant success in the war on terror. The attacks have achieved tactical successes at a very heavy cost for Pakistan—and possibly to the detriment of the global war on terror. Drone operations have supplemented terrorist recruitment and resolve, pumped up anti-U.S. feeling in Pakistan and across the globe, and have set up dangerous precedents for countries potentially possessing other countries. The study offers a number of recommendations that are not new, but if followed can promote improvement at every tier.
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Ahmed, Q. R. "An evaluation of practical work at intermediate stage in biology in Pakistan with special reference to science process skills." Thesis, Keele University, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.378517.
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Johnston, Jason A. Taylor Stephen C. "Effective and efficient training and advising in Pakistan." Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2010/Jun/10Jun%5FJohnston.pdf.
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Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2010.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Simons, Anna ; Second Reader: Sepp, Kalev. "June 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 14, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Foreign Internal Defense (FID), Training and Advisory Assistance, Pakistan, Frontier Corps, Special Service Group (SSG), U.S. Army Special Forces, Tehrik e Taliban Pakistan (TTP), al-Qaeda, Northwest Frontier Province (NWFP), Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), Waziristan Accord, Internal Defense and Development (IDAD), Security Force Assistance (SFA), International Military Education and Training (IMET), Operation Iraqi Freedom (OIF), Operation Enduring Freedom-Afghanistan (OEF-A), Unconventional Warfare (UW), counterinsurgency, Operational Planning and Assistance Training Teams (OPATT), Civilian Auxiliary Force-Geographical Unit (CAFGU), Joint Special Operations Task Force-Philippines (JSOTF-P), Operation Cyclone, Movimento Popular di Libertacao di Angola (MPLA), Security Assistance Training Program (SATP). Includes bibliographical references (p. 73-80). Also available in print.
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Zia-Us-Sabur, Mohammed. "State-non-state relationship within the context of decentralization : understandings of school-level actors in Gopalpur sub-district, Bangladesh." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2016. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/60172/.
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The focus of this study is to understand how policies to decentralize governance have affected the primary education sector in Bangladesh with specific reference to non-state schools. Decentralizing education has emerged as an important strategic tool to reform and enhance education quality globally. The study analyzes the relationship between the state and non-state primary education providers in the context of education reforms delivered via decentralization. The investigation used a qualitative case study approach with respondents residing and working in Gopalpur, a small township 125 km away from the capital of Bangladesh, Dhaka. Three categories of school-level actors were interviewed - School Management Committee (SMC) members, head teachers and teachers within two types of schools: Registered Non-Government Primary Schools (RNGPS) and Quomi madrassas. A primary focus of the study is to explore what the basic comprehension of the respondents regarding concepts and the implications of decentralization. The findings indicate that most of the school-level actors interviewed in the Gopalpur area were in fact familiar with the concepts of decentralization and related to it as an act of transfer of power and participatory education processes. The study further revealed that most of the RNGPS respondents supported policy guidelines and directives from the state, which is based on deconcentration, while the Quomi madrassas preferred delegated space. The research also explored the operational relationship between state and non-state providers in terms of two specific aspects. The first aspect was the relationship between state and non-state providers in three specific areas: the SMCs, monitoring activities and the training of education personnel with a focus on teachers. The other aspect involves the extent of trust and respect displayed from the center towards the school-level actors. The SMCs apparently do not feel motivated to be proactive in schools‘ affairs due to limited scope as dictated by the state and lack of authority to hold the school administrations accountable for their actions. However, Quomi Madrassa Management Committees (MMC) is very involved and act as effective mediators on behalf of the community as well as madrassas. In regards to monitoring and training inputs, the state‘s centralized system does not produce far-reaching enough results according to the RNGPS respondents. This study also investigated the mindset of officials belonging to the DPE (Directorate of Primary Education) and MOPME (Ministry of Primary & Mass Education) towards the school-level actors, which are characterized by lack of mutual trust and respect. This study reveals that given the diverse nature of non-state providers, each category of non-state providers has its own historical origins and its own understanding and approaches towards the state. The study also shows that SMCs, monitoring and training sub-systems within the governance play an important role in defining operational relationship between the state and non-state providers. The findings and analyses included herein contribute to the current policy discourse on decentralizing education in Bangladesh within the context of non-state providers and their relationship in operational terms with the state. It adds to more informed and participatory policy formulation and planning processes. Along this process, it serves to inform policy makers, school-level actors and researchers about the value of collective ownership of the policy discourse through meaningful dialogue.
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Blom, Amélie. "La violence d’Etat en partage : le Pakistan et la privatisation de la guerre au Cachemire (1947-2007)." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018IEPP0042.
Full textAbstract:
Cette thèse plaide pour une approche contextualisée de la violence jihadiste à partir d’une étude des mouvements politico-religieux menant une lutte armée au Cachemire mais basés au Pakistan. Elle questionne les conditions spécifiques au contexte historique, politique et social qui expliquent cette forme de radicalisation politique. La démonstration déploie un large spectre, tant au niveau de la durée que des champs d’étude et des focales de l’analyse. La première hypothèse, méthodologique, est que seule une démarche croisant la sociologie historique de l’Etat et la sociologie politique de l’engagement peut rendre intelligible la complexité du processus. Les mouvements jihadistes sont alors réinscrits dans le temps long d’une pratique, la « privatisation de la violence extérieure autorisée », dont cette thèse démontre qu’elle est une propriété structurante de la trajectoire de l’Etat pakistanais depuis 1947. La seconde hypothèse, développée à partir d’une analyse du point de vue de l’armée, des milices et des recrues, souligne la dimension équivoque des relations entre ces acteurs. Ainsi, le rapport entre le secteur militarisé régulier et le secteur milicien oscille entre convergences idéologiques, transaction collusive et conflit. Les liens des combattants avec les groupes armés ne sont pas plus stables. L’absence de transitivité entre les différents temps de la radicalisation suggère qu’à chaque étape, les idéaux et émotions mobilisés par les entrepreneurs de violence et ceux qui mobilisent les recrues peuvent entrer en collision. D’où l’intérêt de croiser approche processuelle de l’engagement et études sur les émotions dans l’analyses de la radicalisation jihadiste<br>This thesis makes the case for a contextualized approach to jihadist violence. From an analysis of politico-religious movements based in Pakistan and engaged in an armed struggle in the disputed territory of Kashmir, it investigates the conditions – related to the historical, political and social context – that can explain this particular form of political radicalization. The argumentation rests on a large analytical spectrum, in terms of timeframe, disciplinary fields and empirical focus. The first hypothesis, of a methodological nature, is that the complexity of the process should be apprehended through an approach mixing the historical sociology of the state and the political sociology of mobilisation. Jihadist movements are indeed understood as being part of a long-term “state-authorized privatization of extra-territorial violence”, a practice that proves to be a structural property of the trajectory of the Pakistani state since 1947. The second hypothesis, based places the focus on the perspective of the army, the militias, and the recruits so as the highlight the ambivalent nature of the relations between these different actors. Links between the military and the militias vary from ideological agreement to “collusive transactions” to conflict. Relations between combatants and armed groups are not stable either. The lack of transitivity between different phases of radicalisation (recruitment, training, self-sacrificial violence) suggests that at each step, the narratives and emotions mobilized by entrepreneurs of violence can clash with those that actually mobilize recruits. Hence the importance of bridging the processual approach of militancy with emotions studies