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Journal articles on the topic 'Pakistani State'
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1
Rathore, Altaf Hussain, and Kashif Rathore. "STATE OF HEALTH." Professional Medical Journal 21, no. 05 (2018): 925–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.29309/tpmj/2014.21.05.2496.
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The plight of surgical diseases in Pakistani workers in the gulf countries ishighlighted. Objective: To highlight the health problems of Pakistani workers in GS. It is doneby taking the information from the expatriates returning from the gulf states who present to usin the foundation hospital, Rajana, district Toba Tek Singh (TTS), for the treatment of varioussurgical illnesses. It is concluded that Pakistanis working in the gulf countries are not satisfiedby the treatment received in those states. Only one out of 50 patients was satisfied with thetreatment he got for his disease.
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Faqih, Muhammad, and Ellyda Retpitasari. "KONSEP KETATANEGARAAN PAKISTAN PERSPEKTIF FIQH SIYASAH." Tafáqquh: Jurnal Penelitian Dan Kajian Keislaman 9, no. 1 (2021): 115–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.52431/tafaqquh.v9i1.383.
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The purpose of this research is to find out the pakistani constitutional system in terms of tate institutions and fiqh siyasah. The method used is library reaserch with two approaches, namely conseptual approach and historical approach. The results of the research of the concept of Pakistani state regulation fiqh siyasah perspective in the era: (1) In general the state of Pakistan can be said to be a country with a weak democracies system, this is motivated by the unstable system of government and constitutional system since Pakistan's independence in 1947. In addition, the cause of the instability of the country is the violence and feud between three social forces, namely Hindus who are the majority in India, indian Muslims who are minorities and The British as invaders with modern political and technological forces that developed in the country of pakistan. (2) The establishment of the Indian Muslim League, Muhammad Ali Jinnah initiated the theory of "two nations" and formally presented the demands of a Muslim homeland separate from India. In a 1940 resolution the Muslim League conveyed the establishment of an independent and fully sovereign Pakistani state. (3) On 15 August 1947 Pakistan was born as a fully sovereign state for Indian Muslims. Islam and Muslims in Pakistan have made a real contribution in the development of civilization in the Islamic world. Pakistan is a country that takes Islam as a source of law has become a phenomenon in the study of the relationship of the country and religion in Islam.
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Wachani, Juliyana Usman, Itrat Batool, and Ghulam Murtaza Lahbar. "Application of the Concept of Islamic Welfare State is the Panacea to Remove the Evils of the Political System of Pakistan." Global Political Review VII, no. II (2022): 81–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2022(vii-ii).10.
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Muslims were promised to establish a separate homeland with the enforcement of the Islamic political system in case of the establishment of a new state. But with the passage of time, politicians of Pakistan became negligent of the principles of the political system of Islam. Reports of international forums demonstrate that the performance of the chief organs of the Pakistani political system is not satisfactory. The research study sets the hypothesis that the application of the concept of the Islamic welfare state is the panacea for removing the evils of the political system of Pakistan. In this connection, a comparative study will be conducted to evaluate both Pakistan's and the Islamic political systems. The nature of the research study is qualitative along with a thematic analysis approach by conducting interviews with ten scholars having MPhil and PhD education. Finally, the findings will be derived on how far application of the concept of an Islamic welfare state is fruitful in removing the evils of the Pakistani political system.
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NÆSS, ANDERS, and BJØRG MOEN. "Dementia and migration: Pakistani immigrants in the Norwegian welfare state." Ageing and Society 35, no. 8 (2014): 1713–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0144686x14000488.
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ABSTRACTThis article is about dementia disease in the context of transnational migration. Focusing on the example of Pakistani immigrants in Norway, the article explores response processes surrounding signs and symptoms of dementia. Particular attention is lent to understanding how Norwegian-Pakistani families ‘negotiate dementia’ in the space between their own imported, culturally defined system of cure and care, and the Norwegian health-care culture, which is characterised by an inclination towards public care and biomedical intervention. Based on field observations and in-depth interviews with Norwegian-Pakistani families and hospital professionals working with dementia, we show that the centrality of the traditional family in Norwegian-Pakistanis' identity claims has significant implications for how Norwegian-Pakistanis relate to the Norwegian health-care culture, and for how signs and symptoms of cognitive decline are read and responded to in a migratory context.
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Kapur, S. Paul, and Sumit Ganguly. "The Jihad Paradox: Pakistan and Islamist Militancy in South Asia." International Security 37, no. 1 (2012): 111–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00090.
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Islamist militants based in Pakistan pose a major threat to regional and international security. Although this problem has only recently received widespread attention, Pakistan has long used militants as strategic tools to compensate for its severe political and material weakness. This use of Islamist militancy has constituted nothing less than a central component of Pakistani grand strategy; supporting jihad has been one of the principal means by which the Pakistani state has sought to produce security for itself. Contrary to the conventional wisdom, the strategy has not been wholly disastrous. Rather, it has achieved important domestic and international successes. Recently, however, Pakistan has begun to suffer from a “jihad paradox”: the very conditions that previously made Pakistan's militant policy useful now make it extremely dangerous. Thus, despite its past benefits, the strategy has outlived its utility, and Pakistan will have to abandon it to avoid catastrophe. Other weak states, which may also be tempted to use nonstate actors as strategic tools, should take the Pakistani case as a cautionary lesson.
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Prokhorov, Ruslan. "Pakistani-American Relations: Current State and Perspectives." Russia and America in the 21st Century, no. 2 (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760015900-7.
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The article examines the political cooperation of Pakistan with the United States of America. The importance of maintaining dialogue is emphasized at all levels of interstate contacts, even in the most difficult conditions. Military and military-technical cooperation is highlighted as a traditional direction of Pakistani-American relations. Trade and economic relations between the two states are analyzed, including an analysis of the economic indicators of US-Pakistan cooperation in comparison with the traditional economic partners of Pakistan. The article covers the implementation of educational and ethnocultural programs by US government and public organizations. Summing up, it is concluded that bilateral contacts between the United States of America and Pakistan will continue and be predominantly of a partnership nature.
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Dr. Muhammad Kalim Ullah Khan Kalim та Hafiz Muhammad Imran. "IS (Islamic State) and the Pakistani Ṭālibān: Historical Back Ground, Similarities and Allegiances". Al-Qamar 3, № 2 (2020): 23–38. https://doi.org/10.53762/5ck9yn29.
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The new concept of “Islamic State (IS)” is as old as human history itself; and it has been a subject of discussion both academically and non-academically or even socially. This article examines the impact of the concept of IS on religious extremism in Muslim countries and Pakistan in particular. It discusses the alliance between the IS and the Pakistani Ṭālibān and examines its historical dimensions. It is pointed out that Pakistan is not a fertile land for the religious extremism as it is war-torn territories of the Levant. It is argued that IS and the Pakistani Ṭālibān remnants have aligned themselves with other splinter groups. Thus, the Pakistani Ṭālibān and IS understand each other and mutually express their allegiances. It is also argued that the IS phenomenon is an ideological war that finds its own place where there are ideological harmony and geographical resemblances. However, the IS ideology has no grassroots support but the Pakistani Ṭālibān ideology does. Yet, both ideologies are the denizens of the other organizations. They are supporters, facilitators, and financiers for each other. It is concluded that the IS is a weaker partner to the Pakistani Ṭālibān.
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Kukreja, Veena. "Ethnic Diversity, Political Aspirations and State Response: A Case Study of Pakistan." Indian Journal of Public Administration 66, no. 1 (2020): 28–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019556120906585.
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This article seeks to analyse the ineluctable dilemma of Pakistan, how to weave a viable national identity out of the regional and linguistic loyalties and their political-aspirations. Ethnic divide or ethnic militancy ranging from autonomy to political reorganisation has been a constant phenomenon haunting Pakistani politics. It also aims at highlighting failure of the Pakistani state to translate its socio-cultural diversity in political terms, something that is at the heart of the country’s persistent problem of political order and legitimacy. The state in Pakistan has taken recourse to coercive measures, irrespective of the type of government (civilian or military), from the very beginning to counter the political demands of various ethnic groups in the country. The Pakistani state’s response towards ethnic demands has been shaped by ‘law and order’ and ‘assimilation’ orientation rather than that of a dignified accommodation of the diverse ethnicities.
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Golubtsova, Ekaterina V. "INDIA IN PAKISTAN’S MILITARY PROPAGANDA: FORMATION OF THE ENEMY IMAGE." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations, no. 4 (2024): 86–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2024-4-86-103.
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The relations between Pakistan and India have always been hostile. The disagreements between them had a significant impact on the formation of the images of these countries. Pakistani leaders’ perception of India is an example of the enemy image concept. The constant attribution to India of hostile intentions towards Pakistan is the evidence of it. In addition, the religious factor that was basic for the creation of Pakistan, contributed to the division of Muslims and Hindus into “friends” and “foes” and, as a result, added to the opposition between Pakistanis and Indians in the main. The generals who had ruled Pakistan directly for almost 30 years contributed to the creation of the enemy image of India. General Muhammad Ayub Khan was the first to start using the idea of an “aggressive neighbor” in order to unite the Pakistanis. The journals of the Pakistan army, as well as the political autobiographies of the military leaders, indicate that the development of the enemy image of the neighboring state was gradual: the generations of Pakistani officers perceived India differently. However, the tendency to demonize India can be seen as growing within every generation. The image of the neighboring country has a direct impact on the policy of Pakistan towards that country.
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Chekalin, Sergey. "THE AFGHAN ISSUE IN PAKISTAN'S RELATIONS WITH THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY." Eastern Analytics 13, No 4 (2022) (2022): 76–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2227-5568-2022-04-076-085.
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. The article analyzes the development and active implementation of Pakistan's policy of internationalization of the Afghan issue since the outbreak of the armed conflict in Afghanistan in the late 1970s. The author proves that the Afghan conflict has always been one of the pivotal factors for Pakistan in building its relations with the international community. In order to receive significant amounts of financial and military assistance, Pakistan sought to position itself as a frontline state. Since the late 2000s Pakistan has instrumentalized the Afghan issue to diversify its international relations searching for partners from the neighboring regions as a counterweight to the USA. The author examines the features and effectiveness of Pakistan's participation in various multilateral forums concerning the Afghan issue to some extent. The article emphasizes the essential infrastructure projects that will connect South and Central Asia, as well as potentially have a positive impact on the Pakistani economy. The article especially focuses on the Afghan issue as a part of Pakistan's foreign policy strategy since the Taliban's coming to power in Afghanistan in 2021. In this regard, Pakistan's key strategic documents, statements by Pakistani officials, and international community's expectations from the Pakistani authorities are analyzed. Based on this, it is predicted that Pakistan has to harmonize its position with the global and regional powers for a number of reasons and does not appear to be the first to recognize the Taliban government of Afghanistan. The author comes to the conclusion that Pakistan's correct approach towards the Afghan issue will contribute to its rise, above all, in the regional subsystem of international relations as a constructive actor and boost its socio-economic development.
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Qazi, Umer, Adnan Ahmad, Mirwais Khan, and Riffat Aisha. "Credit Risk Management Practices and Banks’ Performance in Pakistan." Journal of Entrepreneurship, Management, and Innovation 4, no. 1 (2022): 136–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.52633/jemi.v4i1.155.
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The main objective of this study is to investigate whether the credit risk management of Pakistan's commercial banks listed on the Pakistan Stock Exchange is linked to financial performance. For this purpose, the researchers have attempted to analyze the data trends of five major banks of Pakistan as a proxy representation of the entire banking sector of Pakistan. Five (5) years of panel data collected from the State Bank of Pakistan Annual publication and annual reports of respective banks was used to conduct the research. The study found that underperforming Credit Risk Management (CRM) loans and Capital Adjustment Ratios (CDRs) have an impact on the financial achievement of Pakistani commercial banks as measured by return on equity (ROE) and return on assets. For panel data analysis, inferential statistics (regression models) were used in this study. After analyzing the data, the researcher found that CRM has a significant impact on the financial performance of Commercial Banks of Pakistan. Furthermore, the researcher encourages the Pakistani banks to grow their profitability in terms of better CRM. Pakistan's banking sector must develop suitable CRM strategies and policies through a sound credit appraisal before lending to consumers and banks; an appropriate CRM mechanism must be developed, and the credit awards system must be thoroughly reviewed, properly informed and used to repay loans. Pakistani Banks would develop and implement strategies to improve their performance & competitiveness as well as limit their lending risk exposure.
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Ahmed, Muhammad Ashfaq. "Pakistan: State Autonomy, Extraction, and Elite Capture—A Theoretical Configuration." Pakistan Development Review 56, no. 2 (2017): 127–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v56i2pp.127-162.
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―When groups are adequately stated, everything is stated!‖1 Management of actions and interest groups has historically been sovereign‘s existentialist imperative. The paper revitalizes philosophical state autonomy debate and then narrows down its focus to capture extractive antics of as erratic a state as Pakistan. A typology of factions – captioned as Elites – operative in extractive realm of Pakistan is developed to round them in theory, identify their properties, and lay bare mechanics of intra-elite and elite-non-elite transactions. The paper seminally develops the rational actor dilemma confronting Pakistani elites and identifies the modes through which the dilemma plausibly resolves itself. The transactional engagement between Pakistan‘s internal and external rational actors is dissected to theorize that Pakistan essentially is an equilibrium consensus subsistence state thereby opening up vast vistas for future research. The paper concludes with the glum finding that Pakistan in its current essence and manifestation is fundamentally a captive state – beholden to elites of Pakistan. JEL Classification: H1 Keywords: State Autonomy; Elite Capture; Pakistan‘s Tax System; Pakistani Elites; Elites‘ Rational Actor Dilemma; Equilibrium Consensus Subsistence State; Captive State
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Filimonova, Alina L. "Foreign Policy Doctrines of Islamist Organisations in Pakistan (Late 1940s – Early 1970s) within the Context of Islamic Perception of International Law." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 2 (2022): 40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080017212-0.
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The article analyses the specifics of how Pakistani Islamists define the guidelines and aims of State’s foreign policy. It is during the initial period of Pakistan’s existence, scrutinized by the authors, that the basis for this vision was laid: at that time the Islamists were urged to form their own perception of Pakistan’s role and position in the world, as well as to transmit their attitude towards the official foreign policy of the Pakistani government. Since both these tasks were being accomplished in consonance with Islamic norms, the current study involves a general review of respective doctrines and demonstrates how they were interpreted within the Pakistani context. The article also provides evidence that at this stage there came into existence specific factors within Pakistan which influenced the Islamists’ worldview – including the matters of foreign policy. The main factors of this kind, laid out in the article, are the following: firstly, the attitude of the State government towards the Islamists and the level of their access to power; secondly, the place of “Islamic theme” within the foreign policy promoted by the State. Created as a Muslim state, Pakistan from the very beginning faced the need to define the role of Islam in policymaking – the task that considerably affected both domestic and foreign policy, complicating inter-State relations. Detailed study of the established points determines under which circumstances Pakistani Islamists developed their views of foreign policy and to what extent these views came in harmony with dogmatic Islamic perception of International Law.
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Filimonova, Anna Igorevna, and Ivan Vladimirovich Vasiliev. "Indo-Pakistani conflict: internal and external factors of confrontation as security risks for the South Asian region." Uchenyy Sovet (Academic Council), no. 5 (April 29, 2025): 286–99. https://doi.org/10.33920/nik-02-2505-04.
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The security architecture of South Asia is largely determined by the Indo-Pakistani conflict, which currently has a high confl ict potential associated with the historical aspects of the formation of the Indian and Pakistani states and nations, the intervention of regional and global players, and the presence of nuclear weapons on both sides, which greatly increases the potential danger of escalation of the confrontation. In historical terms, after the end of World War II, the withdrawal of Great Britain, which ended a long colonial expansion, led to the violent partition of the Indian subcontinent in 1947. The artificially drawn borders alone created several levels of conflict: interreligious (Hindu-Muslim confrontation), political (between the Muslim League and the Indian National Congress Party), international military and political (between Islamic Pakistan and secular India, where Hindus dominate). Consequently, the formation and development of two civilizational communities — the dominant Hindu and the relatively “young” Muslim — leaves a signifi cant imprint on the relations between the two countries. The Kashmir issue has taken a special place in this complex and multi-layered confl ict. It concerns the princely state of Kashmir (currently the state of Jammu and Kashmir, approximately two-Thirds of which is owned by India, and the rest is under Pakistani control), which has been independent since the time of British rule, is predominantly populated by Muslims, and is the subject of mutual claims by India and Pakistan. The Kashmir issue has increased the level of antagonism between the two countries many times over, causing the Indo-Pakistani conflict to become one of the most complex knots in world politics for many decades. The religious, national, and political aspects of the conflict are inextricably linked with the peculiarities of the processes of nation- and state-building in India and Pakistan. In examining the reasons for the continued high potential of the Indo-Pakistani confrontation at the present stage, it should be noted that the incompleteness of the processes of state-building in India and especially Pakistan, the complex interweaving of internal and external security threats for both countries, as well as changes in the security system of South Asia have paved the way for regional transformation.
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Khan, Imran, Shahbaz Ahmad, and Maqbool Ahmad Awan. "Civil-Military Relations in Pakistan 2018-2019." Journal of Social & Organizational Matters 4, no. 2 (2025): 240–53. https://doi.org/10.56976/jsom.v4i2.213.
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The study of the dynamics of civil-military relations in Pakistan following the emergence of a new political party after three decades of a two-party system in 2018 is a creative idea for research. The massive flow of information, as well as new modes of media and public engagement in the twenty-first century, has had a significant influence on Pakistanis, calling into question the military's lengthy involvement in Pakistani politics. Morris Janowitz's model of a 'constabulary force’ has given the idea of submission of the military to civilian authority as an ideal state of civil-military relations. It is an important model for the survival of Pakistan as a democratic nation and the military as a professional institution. This study has investigated the impact of the indirect involvement of the Pakistan army on the functioning of civil government, the democratic process, and the stability in the country. This paper systematically examines the working relationship of Imran Khan as Prime Minister of Pakistan with military leadership in his first year of power in the light of related issues of national and international politics. This work investigates Pakistan's prospects under a constabulary paradigm because its army has avoided direct involvement in politics and extended its role sitting behind the civilian faces after 2008. The Pakistani military has been working to promote the idea of non-interference in politics, which gives hope for Pakistan as a nation with rule of civilian supremacy. This paper also explains why the Pakistan army has avoided imposing martial law and instead created a new approach to manage political power in Pakistan.
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Haqqani, Husain. "Pakistan and the Islamists." Current History 106, no. 699 (2007): 147–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2007.106.699.147.
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Zharbossynova, Nazerke. "STATE INSTITUTIONS AND ETHNIC IDENTITY OF PUNJABIS IN MODERN PAKISTAN." Journal of Oriental Studies 110, no. 3 (2024): 48–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.26577/jos.2024.v110.i3.05.
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The article analyzes the role of state policy in solving ethnic problems on the example of Punjabis, taking into account the ethnic structure and historical specifics of Pakistani society. In this article, the authors discusses the legislative acts of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, regulating the relations connected with the preservation and development of cultural identity of national and ethnic minorities, the preservation and development of regional language, as well as defining the tasks and competency of public administration bodies and units of local self-government in the area of these questions. Using the example of Pakistani Punjabis, the author analyzes the processes of interaction between official state institutions and ethnic groups. The development of globalization processes in the modern world actualizes the problems of ethnic identity and interethnic communications. On the one hand, the process of globalization is blurring the boundaries between countries and regions. However, it strengthens the public discussion around the issues of national languages, cultures, and mental characteristics. In this regard, the study of the Pakistani experience in the development of interethnic relations seems relevant from the point of view of analyzing the experience of implementing national policy in a multiethnic society, where interethnic contacts are multi-channel and intensive. The theoretical and methodological basis of the study was the results of field studies by foreign authors, as well as the work of domestic and Pakistani researchers.
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Shehabuddin, Elora. "Between Orientalism and Anti-Muslim Racism." Meridians 20, no. 2 (2021): 340–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15366936-9547921.
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Abstract This article explores some of the ways in which, in the early years of the united Pakistan experiment, elite educated Muslim East Bengali women experienced and narrated their relationship to the new Pakistan nation as they navigated the international stage as citizens of a new sovereign Muslim-majority state. In the context of the nascent Cold War and the Pakistani state’s efforts to develop its own relationship with the United States, one that was distinct from that of India and yet motivated almost entirely by concerns about the greater military might of this large neighbor, Pakistani women from both wings were quickly pulled into the orbit of US- and Soviet-sponsored women’s organizations targeting women around the world. In this article, the author focuses on the relationship between Pakistani and US women in the 1950s that emerges from the memoirs, biographies, and writings of Bengali Pakistani women active in this period, as well as from the archives—housed in Smith College’s Sophia Smith Collection—of one of the first formal US women’s groups to establish contact with East Bengali women leaders: the New York-based Committee of Correspondence.
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Waheed, Ahmed Waqas. "State Sovereignty and International Relations in Pakistan." South Asia Research 37, no. 3 (2017): 277–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0262728017725624.
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In Pakistan, the field of international relations (IR) theory remains firmly embedded in the ‘realist’ tradition, to the detriment of a wider range of considerations. This stranglehold, strengthened by the particular evolutionary trajectory of the Pakistani state as well as a complacent academia, seems to have created a vicious circle of knowledge reproduction, reinforced by various bids for power, or proximity to it. This article scrutinises specifically the dominant understandings in Pakistan of state sovereignty and security in a broadly historical perspective, showing how the rise of the military, combined with security paranoia, has prevented academic creativity in this field, including scrutiny of recent concerns over rather close China–Pakistan links.
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Fatima, Mahnoor, Behzad Anwar, and Uswa Shahid. "Placement of Adverbials in Pakistani English: A Pedagogical Perspective." Qlantic Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 5, no. 4 (2024): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.55737/qjssh.543897547.
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This study aims to analyze the variation in the placement of adverbials in the non-native variety of English i.e. Pakistani English. From the current pedagogical point of view, the placement of adverbials in Pakistani English is influenced both by the Pakistani languages itself and by local teaching practices. Identifying the diverse placement and position of adverbials in the different registers under consideration is the key issue that has been addressed in the present research. A corpus of Pakistani English newspapers, short stories and novels was compiled to analyze the variations in the use of adverbials in non-native contexts. AntConc software has been used to extract the adverbials. The extracted examples reflect the state of development and the degree of variation in Pakistan English. The results and findings of this study show that there are some changes in the placement of adverbial in Pakistani English as compared to British English. These differences point out the specificities and novelties that are the characteristics of Pakistani English. These positional differences show variation in style in Pakistani English in comparison to the norms of Standard English. This study contributes to the flow of knowledge about variation in English and maps out the distinct use of English in Pakistan.
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Batool, Asma. "Pakistan's State Sovereignty in the Light of Saudi Arab's Overt Dictation." Global Pakistan Studies Research Review II, no. I (2019): 20–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpsrr.2019(ii-i).03.
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Historically Pakistan's relations with Saudi Arab have been concerted and coordinated on the basis of calculated strategy, except for the few exceptions. Pakistan had maintained friendly ties with Saudi Arab but with time Saudi Arab started playing more assertive role in relation to Pakistan. Since inception Pakistan tends to look towards the Saudi Arab due to cultural orientation of its public. The unprecedented transition in paradigm of Pak-Saudi relations came when Saudi Arab assumed the role of major economic aid donor. Today, the role of Pakistan can be described as 'shatter belt' vis-à-vis major powers. Pakistani an attempt to pull itself out of Western influence relied on Saudi Aid which resulted in explicit dictation of Saudi Arab.The internal weakness of Pakistan extended the opportunity for accepting external pressure which compromised the sovereignty of state directly and placed Pakistan in compliant position in relation to Saudi Arab. This paper will divulge the unique relations of Saudi Arab and Pakistan by dissecting the dimensions of Saudi Arab's political, economic and cultural influence on Pakistan. It will also illume the Saudi hegemonic policies in which Pakistan adjusts and influenced to revise its own policy choices. This paper will dwell on the way forward in Pak-Saudi relations in order to restore balance and maintain sovereignty of the state.
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Ishaque, Waseem, Mudassir Mukhtar, and Rubina Ali. "Infusing National Integration in the Fractured Society of Pakistan." Global Political Review VI, no. IV (2021): 21–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(vi-iv).03.
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There is a common proverb that national integration in Pakistan appears in crises only. The nation has responded during calamities in a unified manner. However, when the crisis is dealt with, the internal incongruities resurface. The Pakistani society is divided into fault lines, like, political, ethnic, linguistic, societal, feudal, religious,and provincial etc., which has fractured national integration. This publication is in continuation of my previous articles on the challenges of national integration in Pakistan 2018 and the national security paradigm of Pakistan published in 2019. This article investigates the existing status of the Pakistani State and society and how far we have progressed towards achieving national integration both as the State and society. The article also examines various factors impacting the national integration in Pakistan and suggests a course of action for achieving tolerance and harmony in the society to fulfill the dream of creating a progressive and tolerant society.
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Khan, Asghar Ullah, Zain Ul Abiden Malik, and Hani Fatima. "AN EXPLORATORY STUDY ON THE DYNAMICS OF RELIGIOUS EXTREMISM IN PAKISTAN." Journal of Social Research Development 01, no. 01 (2020): 85–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.53664/jsrd/01-01-2020-08-85-92.
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Although domestic terrorism has long been a global threat, many countries have only just started developing systemic policies to tackle the root causes of religious extremism. Studying front-line countries like Pakistan is critical to understanding how to tackle the challenge effectively. Despite Pakistan's war with anti-government rebels like Pakistani Taliban, Pakistan has struggling for more than decade to resolve theoretical aspects of those problems. Since the key majority of nefarious activities in Pakistan are carried out by entities that promote religion and justify Islam. It is vital that extremist drivers should be eliminated from Pakistan and other countries. We understand theological element. Ethnic minorities have targeted and harassed often by the religious fundamentalist groups for years. Unless the state avoids this trend, state will soon base itself on the prevailing narrative of extremism; it will only provide Sunni living space while restricting the limits of religious beliefs of minorities and living as free citizens. Most sensitive issue of Pakistan national security is extremism.
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IQTIDAR, HUMEIRA, and DAVID GILMARTIN. "Secularism and the State in Pakistan: Introduction." Modern Asian Studies 45, no. 3 (2011): 491–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x11000229.
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Pakistan occupies an uncertain and paradoxical space in debates about secularism. On the one hand, the academic consensus (if there is any), traces a problematic history of secularism in Pakistan to its founding Muslim nationalist ideology, which purportedly predisposed the country towards the contemporary dominance of religion in social and political discourse. For some, the reconciliation of secularism with religious nationalism has been a doomed project; a country founded on religious nationalism could, in this view, offer no future other than its present of Talibans, Drone attacks and Islamist threats. But on the other hand, Pakistan has also been repeatedly held out as a critical site for the redemptive power of secularism in the Muslim world. The idea that religious nationalism and secularism could combine to provide a path for the creation of a specifically Muslim state on the Indian subcontinent is often traced to the rhetoric of Pakistan's founder, Muhammad Ali Jinnah. But debate among Muslim League leaders specifically on the relationship of religious nationalism with secularism—and indeed on the nature of the Pakistani state itself—was limited in the years before partition in 1947. Nevertheless, using aspects of Jinnah's rhetoric and holding out the promise of secularism's redemptive power, a military dictator, Pervez Musharraf, was able to secure international legitimacy and support for almost a decade.
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Bordilovska, Olena. "PAKISTAN’S STRATEGIC CULTURE." Strategic Panorama, no. 1 (December 30, 2023): 84–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.53679/2616-9460.1.2023.08.
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The article examines the strategic culture of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, with the focus on the dominance of military elites in the political life of this state. The author’s goal is to analyze the factors that led to the rise of the army in the specific political and security environment of Pakistan. The generalship has done more than merely determine the main directions of the security policy and make principled decisions of a strategic nature; it has fully controlled all aspects of Pakistani society. This has been the case not only during military coups and direct military rule, but also when civilian governments were in power. Crucial decisions have been made only with the consent of or even as initiated by the army leadership. Moreover, from the very beginning of its independence, Pakistan has been nurturing its own version of the "army + Islam" formula, in which one component complemented and upheld the other. This "duet" was deeply rooted in the very emergence of Pakistani identity as a Muslim state of South Asia, i.e., a state established on a religious basis. After highlighting the preceding historical factors of the formation of such a specific culture, the study then explores its manifestations in the contemporary state through examples illustrating the influence of military leaders on the internal development and international behavior of the country. The author argues that for the 75 years of its independence, the Pakistani army has been a guarantor of social stability, which has brought it significant support from the population. On the other hand, the generalship has been repeatedly criticized for inhibiting the development of democratic institutions in the country and active interference in domestic policies and the life of the population. The author places a special emphasis on investigating the strategic behavior of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan in the context of the development of Ukrainian-Pakistani relations. The army has the power to influence bilateral cooperation and Pakistan’s official neutral position regarding the Russian-Ukrainian war by adjusting this attitude.
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Farid, Irfan, Asma Aftab, and Zubair Iqbal. "A Critique of American Supremacist Politics in Cold War in Sorayya Khan's City of Spies." Global Social Sciences Review VI, no. II (2021): 9–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2021(vi-ii).02.
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The present study investigates the representation of America in Anglophone Pakistani Literature with a special focus on Sorayya Khan's City of Spies with the assumption to trace some possible connection between American intervention and the rise of Islamic fundamentalism in the context of Pakistan's politics. Given the American intervention in Pakistani politics and its indelible impact on the domestic and international scenario had made the country a virtual battleground for the superpowers of the world. Khan's novel situates this conflict in the aftermath of the military coup of General Zia, followed by the Afghan war and (c)overt American alliance in it, which brought about serious implications for the Pakistani state. The story of the novel offers some pertinent extracts which deal, literally or metaphorically, with the role and representation of America in these geostrategic events. The article has used the critical cultural angle by investing the theoretical views of Ziauddin Sardar in terms of the Muslim world's apathy for America in the aftermath of cold war politics are used to get a better insight into the central problem by underscoring how this foreign policy of America has been responsible for the rise of Islamic fundamentalism in Pakistan.
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Azim, Syed Wasif, Yaseen Ullah, and Fazal Wahab. "Religion, Conflict and Identity: Islam, Pakistani identity and the conflict in Swat." Journal of Peace, Development & Communication Volume 5, no. 1 (2021): 416–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.36968/jpdc-v05-i01-35.
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Other than an identity in itself, religion plays a central role in other forms of collective identities, like ethnic and national. Moreover, as the constructivist theoretical position argues that identities are fluid and can be impacted by different factors, we propose that conflict and violence have repercussions for religion and the associated identities. Extending the constructivist theoretical position, we contend that conflicts do not ‘soften’ or ‘harden’ identities, rather its impacts are complex, multiple and significant. In the backdrop of recent conflict and violence in Pukhtun region of Swat, Islam is substantial due to its centrality to Pakistani national identity (represented and promoted by the Pakistani state) and Pukhtun ethnic identity (represented by the Pukhtuns in Swat) and militant discourse in the region. This study argues that, amidst the conflict in Swat, three forms and positions of Islam have emerged, including the Islam adopted by Pukhtuns as marker of their identity, Islam used by Pakistan for framing a national identity and the one promoted, rather imposed, by the militants. Pukhtuns in Swat try to detach and distance their ‘form’ of Islam (having both symbolic and practical aspects) from that of the Pakistani state and the militants. Moreover, Pukhtun’s form of Islam is considered closer to that of the state with a sharp distance from that of the militants. Pakistani state, religious clergy and militants are blamed and criticized for using Islam for their interests. Militant’s Islam is termed ‘violent’ and only based on their form of justice and is thus rejected. Pakistani state’s Islam is considered least practiced and more symbolic and thus disowned. Islam adopted and practiced by Pukhtuns, majority, in Swat is considered as peaceful and in practice and thus assumed to be better than the other contesting forms of Islam. Thus, the conflict in Swat, involving militants and Pakistani state, has complicated the divisive role of Islam in relation to its unifying role as a component and marker of Pakistani national identity. This has repercussions for Pakistani national identity. The study is based on 45 open-ended in-depth interviews and five focus group discussions in diverse parts of Swat, coupled with ethnographic observation.
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Sulaiman, Hasti. "M Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s Struggle In The Formation Of The Pakistan State." Santhet: (Jurnal Sejarah, Pendidikan, dan Humaniora) 6, no. 2 (2022): 136–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.36526/santhet.v6i2.2162.
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This study aims to determine the educational history, career in the political world of Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the factors that caused the separation of the State of Pakistan and the State of India and the struggle of Muhammad Ali Jinnah in the formation of the State of Pakistan. The type of research used is library research. With a qualitative research method that is descriptive analytic. Library research is research whose data collection is carried out by collecting data from various literatures related to the history of education, career in politics and the struggle of Muhammad Ali Jinnah in the formation of the Pakistani state. The data that has been obtained is then analyzed using a historical approach. The results of this study can illustrate that Muhammad Ali Jinnah attended junior high school at one of the Islamic madrasas, namelyat Sind Madrasatul Islam. At the age of 15, Jinnah continued her high school at the Christian missionary school (mission high school) in Karachi, after graduating from high school, she continued her studies at the University of Mumbai and majored in Law. In 1913 Ali Jinnah joined the Muslim League, In his political development Ali Jinnah served as president of the Muslim League . The factors that led to the formation of the Pakistani state were religious and cultural factors, economic factors, educational factors and political factors of Ali Jinnah's struggle or efforts in the formation of the Pakistani state. One of his efforts was to carry out negotiations known as the Lucknow pact agreement in 1916.
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Khan, Maham Zahid, Dr Maira Qaddos, and Muhammad Suleman. "Portrayal of Kashmir Issue in the Editorial Cartoons of English Dailies: A comparative study of Indian and Pakistani newspapers." Journal of Peace, Development & Communication V05, no. 04 (2021): 111–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.36968/jpdc-v05-i04-08.
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Kashmir issue has been the bone of contention between India and Pakistan since their independence. However, abrogation of article 370 on Aug 05, 2019, in Indian Occupied Kashmir by the Indian government to revoke its’ special status has escalated the conflict to an extreme level. This paper is an attempt to examine the portrayal of the Kashmir issue in the editorial cartoons of English dailies of India and Pakistan published in August 2019 (just after the abrogation of article 370) in the light of Framing theory and Barthes’s model of connotation and denotation. The main objective of this research is to examine the signs, symbols, and metaphors used by Pakistani and Indian cartoonists to highlight the Kashmir issue. The study concludes both Pakistani and Indian newspapers frame the Kashmir issue in their way representing their perception, newspaper's policy, and ideology. Cartoons published in Indian newspapers depict Pakistan as a confused and baffled state whereas Pakistani newspapers highlight the barbarianism of the Indian army in Indian Occupied Kashmir.
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Ali, Naeem, and Faiza Arshad. "Multidimensional Challenges and its Impacts on the Security of Pakistan." Journal of Human Dynamics 2, no. 1 (2024): 01–08. http://dx.doi.org/10.55627/jhd.002.01.0717.
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Over the last decades, internal challenges faced by Pakistan include a fractured state and society, weak governance, fragile institutions, extremism and poor economy which are also affecting the image of Pakistan in the outer world as well. This research explains the nature of security challenges and its impacts on the stability of the society and the state. It is an attempt to dig out the security issues and its influence on the state and society of Pakistan. According to complex mix of the nature of challenges has created the security threats for Pakistan, these are divided into two types, internal and external. The technological, cultural, political, social, religious, economic environmental and self-security are internal, while defense, nuclear proliferation, geography and foreign threats including in the major external threats or challenges for Pakistan. The greatest challenge that the Pakistani government and its people are facing, concerned with the national security. The inability of Pakistani security institutions are may not fully equip and ready to meet the internal and external security challenges effectively. The research is an attempt to create an alternative reading of various security threats related to the people at the social, political and economic levels in Pakistan. All these elements are negatively influencing the image of Pakistan at the international level as well
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Khan, Surat, Muhammad Faheem, and Saima Gul. "Understanding Pashtunwali and the Manifestation of Pashtun Nationalism in Pakistan: A Conceptual Analysis." Global Social Sciences Review IV, no. I (2019): 264–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2019(iv-i).35.
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This paper describes the key elements of Pashtunwali and the manifestation of Pashtun nationalism, especially in Pakistan. This study on Pashtun nationalism finds that Pashtunwali is a centuries-old primordial customary code of life and it is important in the context of nationalism as it strengthens the sentiments and feelings of closeness and affinity; central to the phenomenon of nationalism, among the Pashtuns. This paper also highlights two different aspects of Pashtun nationalism in Pakistan. In the formative phase of Pakistans independence, the stance of Pashtun nationalists was more inclined towards the idea of a separate state for the Pashtuns. However, as a result of various factors; including state policies, currently the manifestation of Pashtun nationalism has adopted the internal dimension of highlighting and struggling for the rights of the Pashtuns in the ambit of the Pakistani constitution and by remaining an integral and constitutional part of the country.
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Surat, Khan. "Understanding Pashtunwali and the Manifestation of Pashtun Nationalism in Pakistan: A Conceptual Analysis." Global Social Sciences Review 4, no. 1 (2019): 264–70. https://doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2019(IV-I).35.
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This paper describes the key elements of Pashtunwali and the manifestation of Pashtun nationalism, especially in Pakistan. This study on Pashtun nationalism finds that Pashtunwali is a centuries-old primordial customary code of life and it is important in the context of nationalism as it strengthens the sentiments and feelings of closeness and affinity; central to the phenomenon of nationalism, among the Pashtuns. This paper also highlights two different aspects of Pashtun nationalism in Pakistan. In the formative phase of Pakistans independence, the stance of Pashtun nationalists was more inclined towards the idea of a separate state for the Pashtuns. However, as a result of various factors; including state policies, currently the manifestation of Pashtun nationalism has adopted the internal dimension of highlighting and struggling for the rights of the Pashtuns in the ambit of the Pakistani constitution and by remaining an integral and constitutional part of the country.
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Ullah, Imran, Rooh ul Amin Khan, and Saqib Shah. "Pakistani Journalist: In the Line of Fire." Global Digital & Print Media Review VI, no. I (2023): 133–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gdpmr.2023(vi-i).11.
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This study aims to identify the challenges posed by Pakistan's Journalists and Media workers during the war on terror. Pakistan being the strategic ally of US interests became the combined foe of terror groups. Its citizens too became the target of terrorism. Since its inception; Pakistan has been struggling to hold on to the criterion of a stable state. Its constantly deteriorating state of affairs had left deep marks on the lives of its people. The ones who had suffered and sacrificed the most for their professional obligations were the media workers. They have been held at gunpoint by both the state and non-state actors. Their steadfastness in the face of terrorism, treason charges, torture and threats had made a remarkable chapter in the history of Pakistan.
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Charania, Moon. "Outing the Pakistani queer: Pride, paranoia and politics in US visual culture." Sexualities 20, no. 1-2 (2016): 41–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1363460716633393.
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This article draws on the 26 June 2011 US embassy-sponsored Gay Pride parade in Islamabad, Pakistan alongside popular US visual cultural moments (2008–2012). I use visual culture to reread US intrigue in Pakistani queer subjects through specific images of terrorist/feminized masculinities – images that elucidate the conspicuous shifts in the technologies of power and sexuality in the context of contemporary Pakistani LGBT visibility. I move through popular US representations of Pakistan, Muslim masculinity and US LGBT visibility – all of which attempt to capture homoerotic desire (and dread) in the transnational landscape of sexuality-racial-gender politics and all of which, I argue, are embroiled in US national identity (and ‘security’). My analysis is two-pronged. First, I look closely and critically at the narrative and visual character of the knowledge the US has created around defining Pakistan and Pakistani (sexual) subjects. Second, I demonstrate that in Pakistan queer resistance is often produced and animated from below the state and articulated against US hegemonic practices of visibility and representation.
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Ali, Sikandar, and Sumra M. J. Satti. "Jargon in Military: A Comparative Analysis of English Varieties in Pakistan based on Hallidiyan’s Functional Perspective." Journal of South Asian Studies 9, no. 3 (2021): 207–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.33687/jsas.009.03.3860.
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Pakistani English is (also known as Paklish or Pinglish) is the group of English language varieties that are spoken or written in Pakistan. It was recognized in terms of different varieties and forms first time in the 1970s and 1980s. This paper elucidated the phenomenon of transition that Pakistani English was undergoing in the current scenario because of its contact with other Pakistani languages in general, Urdu and Punjabi in particular. This study attempted to explore and interpret the varieties of Pakistani English in the Military at two different levels i.e. Officers to Officers Communication and Officers to Rank (Soldier). These constantly diverging forms and functions of English may not have reached stability and recognition among its users probably bilinguals or multi-linguals as Pakistan is a multi-lingual state. This study endeavored to use a Qualitative approach and data will be collected through observation from Pakistani English varieties used in the Military. This paper aimed to apply Halliday’s (1960) theory of Systemic Functional Linguistics (SFL) to conduct a comparative study of varieties of English to describe, interpret and explain the forms and functions of Pakistani English at two different levels. The findings revealed that the variations of Military language were unique and distinct from all other varieties of English. In addition, these variations were acceptable by the whole language community shared by individuals in the Military.
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Shah, Syed Asad Ali. "Challenges and Opportunities: The Fluctuating Relations Between Pakistan and Iran." Journal of Advances in Humanities Research 2, no. 3 (2023): 69–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.56868/jadhur.v2i3.165.
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Pakistan and Iran are considered key players in regional and international politics. Despite their religious and cultural similarities, Pakistan and Iran have had a long history of strained diplomatic ties. This paper explores both countries' significant security and political challenges in maintaining friendly relationships. Furthermore, public perception has also been considered to examine public opinion on the relationship between Pakistan and Iran. This study uses the Gallup and Gilani Pakistan National Survey's (1991 & 2015) empirical polling data on public opinion regarding Pak-Iran relations to understand how Pakistanis view the relationship between the two countries. The survey results indicate that the majority of the Pakistani general public favor Pak-Iran relations. The study shows that Pakistan and Iran have managed to ensure their state survival by making tough security and political decisions that, in many cases, have damaged or even caused disharmony and friction between them.
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Ahmed, Ashfaq, and Maryam Tahir. "The Existing Ethnic Fault Lines of Pakistan: Its Impact on the Survival of State." Fall 2023 VI, no. I (2023): 28–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpsrr.2023(vi-i).03.
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The paper examines Pakistan's complex network of ethnic fault lines and considers their significant ramifications for the existence of the nation. Deeply ingrained ethnic conflicts have been brought about by the historical, socio-cultural, and political terrain of the country, creating serious obstacles to national unity. The study clarifies the possible risks these fault-lines may offer to the stability and unity of the Pakistani state by looking at their historical background and historical development. Ethnic conflict is fueled by a number of factors, some of which are examined in detail, including cultural differences, political marginalization, and economic inequities. Using a multidisciplinary approach, the research provides a thorough knowledge of the intricate interactions between ethnic dynamics and state survival in Pakistan by referencing political science, sociology, and historical analysis.
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Sarfraz, Maliha, Amara Javed, and Muhammad Iqbal. "Socio-Cultural and Historico-Political Crisis in Harris Khalique's "Between You and Your Love"." Global Language Review VII, no. I (2022): 373–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/glr.2022(vii-i).30.
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This paper examines the socio-cultural and political crisis in Between You and Your Love (2012) by the Pakistani Anglophone poet Harris Khalique.Employing Greenblatt's concepts of new historicism as a theoretical framework, this research attempts to establish the embedment of the selected verses in Pakistani society. As the selected poetry collection has not been analyzed through the lens of new historicism, this research will also fill this gap. The study reveals that the people of Karachi have been facing ethnocultural violence, sectarian clashes, and native-migrant conflicts since the inception of Pakistan. The shrinking space for cultural expression and thriving terrorism due to politico-sectarian division on the one hand, and Pakistan's involvement in the War on terror in the context of 9/11 on the other hand, have pushed the country into a perpetual state of crisis. Khalique has given voice to such dire issues related to regional identities and marginalized communities who are either not represented or misrepresented in the official narrative.
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Galistcheva, N. V. "Foreign Aid as a Factor of Development of Economy of the Developing State: The Experience of Pakistan." MGIMO Review of International Relations 65, no. 2 (2019): 136–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2019-2-65-136-158.
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The aim of this study is to analyze the use of foreign aid for stimulating economic development using the case of Pakistan and to find out advantages and disadvantages of raising national financial resources through foreign aid. The article analyzes the evolution of the policy of attracting financial resources through this channel, as well as the main Pakistani donors and their conditions.The author uses the most representative theories which consider the consequences of attracting foreign assistance to the national economy making the theoretical basis of the study a synthesis of the concept of aid as the most important factor to stimulate development and M.A. Rahman’s approach to determining an impact of foreign aid inflows on economic growth. The article emphasizes that foreign aid has always been very significant in stimulating the development of the Pakistani economy due to the serious limitation of the volume of national capital since its independence. The author considers the effectiveness of assistance provided to Pakistan during the import substitution period of its economic policy. The construction of large objects of heavy industries and infrastructure in various regions of the country was financed from external resources.The article also analyzes the current volume, conditions and forms of foreign assistance provided to Pakistan. The author considers the main donors of the Pakistani economy in the 1990s and 2010s and reveals the tendency of shifting the terms of aid’s allocation from grants to concessional loans, which inevitably leads to an increase in the volume of the country's external debt.
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Qureshi, Ayaz. "The Politics of Pakistan's COVID-19 Response: A State-in-Society Approach." Pacific Affairs 95, no. 4 (2022): 731–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5509/2022954731.
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This paper takes a "state-in society" approach to understand the evolution of Pakistan's COVID-19 response, which was laid claim to and contested by multiple agencies within and adjacent to the state, and by multiple levels of government. The capacity of the health system of Pakistan was already overstretched by the needs of its population but in recent years it has been hamstrung by ongoing protests by the medical community concerning the privatisation of public sector hospitals, to which were added protests over the lack of PPE in the public sector. These resulted in frequent closures of out-patient departments at major hospitals. When the government announced a relief package to mitigate effects of COVID, traders and big businesses lobbied the government to obtain the lion's share in the form of concessions such as loan deferments and tax refunds. The unconditional cash grants programme was hyped about by the government but the cash for the poor could not be disbursed effectively due to the absence of local governments at the grass-root level. As an appropriate response to the pandemic, especially in relation to the lockdown policies, was contested and negotiated among multiple actors in the Pakistani state and society, the Pakistan military emerged as a dominant force in this "field of power". In this paper, I present an account of Pakistan's response to COVID-19 as it evolved in 2020 and discuss the implications of this response for democratic culture in Pakistan.
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Rikhye, Indar Jit. "United Nations Peacekeeping Operations and India." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 41, no. 3-4 (1985): 303–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848504100301.
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Since independence, India has played an important role in strengthening the United Nations capability in the maintenance of international peace and security. Faced with the problem of Kashmir where Pakistan supported raiders, in violation of the Six Month Stand Still Agreement to work out future status of the princely state of Jammu and Kashmir, had entered the state, the ruler of the state called for assistance from India. Within hours Indian troops started to move by air and surface transportation and on entering the state faced Pakistani raiders. Some hard fighting ensued. In spite of the critical times, India pledged its support for the United Nations security system by calling on the Security Council to play a role in ending the fighting in Jammu and Kashmir and readily agreed to deploy United Nations military observers to supervise a cease fire which was negotiated by the United Nations between India and Pakistan. The decision by the Prime Minister, Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru to stop fighting, instead of allowing the Indian Army to continue with its successful campaign, in favour of UN sponsored ceasefire and negotiations was significant. Nehru wished to avoid direct fighting between Indian and Pakistani forces by stepping in the general area of Uri which was at some distance from the Pakistani frontier. Regardless of the merits or demerits of this decision, the Indian Prime Minister had chosen United Nations direct military action.
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Ghulam, Wajahat Ali, Shujahat Ali, and Waqas Ali. "Risk Management Nexus by Pakistan and China to Combat Novel Corona Virus in the Light of Actor-Network Theory." Logistic and Operation Management Research (LOMR) 2, no. 1 (2023): 25–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.31098/lomr.v2i1.1311.
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This research paper presents the COVID-19 situation and early control measures the Government of Pakistan took. The first coronavirus case was confirmed in Pakistani on February 25, 2020. To avoid any disastrous situation, The Pakistani Government has done everything possible to reduce the number of coronavirus cases across its provinces as much as possible up until now. We have investigated Pakistan's thorough response compared to the neighboring country China. The researcher performed trend analysis based on the data from the official COVID-19 record website of the government of Pakistan and GitHub - JHU CSSE for China. The data indicates a decline in COVID-19 cases and a high recovery rate in Pakistan. No double-figure positive cases from the last few weeks are recorded as of March 16, 2023. We have compared the strategies of Pakistan to combat COVID-19 with China as it shut down its border from March 2020 to October 2023 to protect its social system. On the other hand, Pakistan didn't shut down the border completely during COVID-19. According to the findings, we can state that no large-scale death toll has been recorded in Pakistan. Pakistan maintains its survival during COVID-19 due to the efficient cooperation of the stakeholders in the light of the Actor-Network Theory. Despite the lack of effective antiviral treatment, Pakistan took proactive steps to combat coronavirus. Furthermore, the lockdowns and other preventative measures implemented by the provincial governments led to decreased COVID-19 cases in the nation. The fact that only 4% of Pakistan's population is over 60 indicates less risk of a COVID-19 outbreak leading to a large-scale death toll. Despite the lack of effective antiviral treatment, Pakistan took proactive steps to combat coronavirus.
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Khan, Mujahid. "Family Laws and Domestic Violence in Pakistan: A Shariah Perspective." Social Prism 01, no. 04 (2024): 21–28. https://doi.org/10.69671/cxfvws14.
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Family laws in Pakistan intertwine with Islamic jurisprudence, state legislation, and cultural norms, shaping domestic relationships and societal values. This article critically evaluates Pakistani family laws, particularly their provisions on marriage, divorce, maintenance, custody, inheritance, and domestic violence, through a Shariah lens. It identifies points of congruence and divergence between Pakistani statutes and Islamic principles, highlighting the gaps that undermine women's rights and justice. Recommendations for legal reforms and enhanced implementation mechanisms are provided to harmonize these laws with both Shariah ideals and modern human rights frameworks.
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Khan, Zakir Ullah, Muhammad Basharat Hameed, and Khan Abdul Wajid. "The Role Of Media Transformation In Pakistan's Mass Communication Industry." INternational Journal of Art, Culture and Communication Volume 03, no. 01 (2024): 10–19. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.10990747.
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<strong>Abstract:</strong><strong> </strong><em>Pakistan gets drawn into conflicts due to causes beyond its control and choice because of its strategic location. Both the external and internal fronts have been impacted by the challenges of the neighborhood and the conflict in Afghanistan before and after September 11. The polarization, regression, and weaponization of a subset of Pakistani society have been among the most harmful, among many others. Efforts are being made to reverse this trend through various national power instruments, but success will depend on contributions from across society working in concert to combat this threat. Pakistani media, especially electronic media, has expanded rapidly as a result of Musharraf's liberalization measures, but it has yet to play the beneficial role the state hopes it would play in strengthening the inner front of the state and bringing about constructive change in society. All branches of government must work together to develop a unified media policy (Tolson, 2001). One must be well-versed in both social issues and media complexities to offer an unbiased assessment of the media's impact from a communication perspective. The media landscape of Pakistan includes television, radio, newspapers, and magazines. Pakistan has one of the world's and South Asia's most active media industries due to the country’s growing middle class. The vast majority of Pakistan's media organizations are privately owned. The scope of the study demanded a reduction of the focus to the most crucial aspects and adopting a perspective with an eye toward the future of mass communication. Ultimately, this research aims to tackle a complicated subject, the role of media transformation in Pakistan's mass communication industry.<strong>Keywords</strong>: Mass Communication, Media, Transformation, </em>
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Saeed, Sadia. "Pakistani Nationalism and the State Marginalisation of the Ahmadiyya Community in Pakistan." Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism 7, no. 3 (2007): 132–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1754-9469.2007.tb00166.x.
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Fedorova, Irina E. "CURRENT STATE OF IRAN-PAKISTAN RELATIONS." Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, no. 3 (21) (2022): 188–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2022-3-188-193.
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Current state of relations between Iran and Pakistan is shown in the article. Coming to power of president E. Raisi, a representative of conservative elite in the Islamic Republic of Iran in 2021 and election of Shahbaz Sharif as a prime minister in the Islamic Republic of Pakistan in 2022 increases attention to the subject. The article focuses on political relationship between the two countries. Special attention is paid to the situation in Afghanistan after the withdrawal of American troops in 2021 and its influence on the politics of Islamabad and Tehran. The author analyses problems on the Iran-Pakistan border, that divides Iranian province of Sistan and Baluchistan and Pakistani province of Baluchistan, that have great influence on the relations between the two countries. The present study notes that in spite of the shortage of power resources in Pakistan, economic cooperation with Iran, that can be a natural supplier of energy to Pakistan, is developing at a too low rate. Negative influence of US sanctions against Iran on economic relations with Pakistan is convincingly shown in the article. Based on the arguments raised in the article, it is obvious that they are of considerable importance for assessing the current situation in Iran Pakistan relations and prospects of their development.
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Makarevich, G. G. "«Islamic Socialism» in Pakistan: Evolution, Implementation and Legacy in Domestic and Foreign Policy." MGIMO Review of International Relations 16, no. 5 (2023): 58–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2023-5-92-58-76.
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The article examines the phenomenon of "Islamic socialism" in Pakistan and its impact on the nation's current domestic and foreign policies. Employing critical theory, the author delves into an analysis of the political class's objectives and how the environmental context influenced the political process, offering insights into the perceptions held by higher echelons. The application of elite theory allows for a deconstruction of the Pakistani statehood, unveiling the specific social groups shaping developmental trajectories. By leveraging historical sociology in international relations, the article investigates the influence of historical underpinnings on the decision-making of social groups, shedding light on their endeavors to construct the past for political purposes.The study meticulously traces the origins of "Islamic socialism," exploring the discourse's evolution in the initial decades following the country's independence. It identifies the driving forces that led the state leadership to adopt the model of "Islamic socialism." Focused on the tenure of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto (1971-1977), the article examines the implementation of the "Islamic socialism" policy and the subsequent reasons for its failure, culminating in a military coup. The author contends that the principles of "Islamic socialism" introduced in Pakistan's domestic and foreign policy retained relevance even after its rejection.Conclusively, the article posits that the "Islamic socialism" constructed by Pakistani elites, often viewed through an orientalist lens, emerged not only as a response to the crisis in Pakistani statehood but paradoxically, became a crucial driver in shaping Islamabad's foreign policy determinants. Notably, this development forged integral relationships with China and the Islamic world, evolving into pivotal imperatives in Pakistan's grand strategy.This study highlights the interplay between "Islamic socialism," the crisis in Pakistani statehood, and its unforeseen impact on foreign policy, ultimately forming the bedrock for Islamabad's strategic engagements with China and the Islamic world.
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Awan, Safia, Naila Shahbaz, Syed Wasim Akhtar, et al. "Validation Study of the Mini-Mental State Examination in Urdu Language for Pakistani Population." Open Neurology Journal 9, no. 1 (2015): 53–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2174/1874205x01509010053.
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Validation study of the Mini-Mental State Examination in Urdu language for Pakistani population Objective: This study was conducted primarily to validate and determine the optimal cutoff score in the diagnosis of dementia among Pakistani’s and study the effects of gender and education on the MMSE performance in our population. Methods: Four hundred participants took part in the study. Patient with dementia recruited from five major hospitals from Pakistan. The MMSE was translated into Urdu. Results: There were 61 men and 39 women in dementia group and 225 men and 75 women in the control group. The mean score of Urdu MMSE were lower in patients with dementia 18.5 ± 5.6 (range 0-30) as compared to the controls 26.8 ± 2.6 (range 7-30). This difference between groups was statistically significant (p<0.001). Educational based MMSE score below 15 yielded perfect sensitivity and specificity for the diagnosis of dementia. Conclusions: These finding confirm the influence of level of education on MMSE score and education stratified cutoff scores should be used while screening for cognitive impairment in this population.
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Sarwar, Amina. "Ilhan Niaz. The Culture of Power and Governance of Pakistan 1947–2008. Karachi, Pakistan: Oxford University Press. 2010. 320 pages. Pak Rupees 595.00." Pakistan Development Review 52, no. 2 (2013): 175–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v52i2pp.175-177.
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“The Culture of Power and Governance of Pakistan 1947–2008” by Ilhan Niaz makes a strong case for the quotation, “the one who does not remember history is bound to live through it”. In the book, the author has tried to trace the current culture of power and governance in Pakistan through the rich history of the subcontinent. He has asked the question that why the State of Pakistan is constantly losing its writ as many incidents, such as the “Laal Masjid” debacle, are challenging the writ of the state. He has also analysed why State of Pakistan is always facing issues in domains of administration, legislation, execution and judiciary. These issues are becoming existential threat to the Pakistani State. The author has blamed the rulers of Pakistan who behave like “Bureaucratic Continental Empires”.
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Shahnawaz, Shahnawaz. "State of Human Security in Security State: A Case Study of Pakistan." GMPI Conference Series 1 (April 18, 2022): 54–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.53889/gmpics.v1.85.
Full textAbstract:
Human Security is one of the novel concepts in international relations developed by the United Nations Development Projects (UNDP). The concept of human security revolves around protecting people from illiteracy, diseases, non-development, and food security. It describes how the state is developing and investing in human development and human capabilities. It is significant to note that international relations literature critically focuses on national security and the importance of state security. Most pundits of international relations do not give importance to human security and assert that the state should protect and invest in its national security instead of human security. However, some countries are utterly focused on national security and spend a significant amount on that, like Pakistan, which spends around 1.37 trillion Pakistani rupees (USD 8.78 billion) for 2021. According to the Asian Development Bank 24% of the population is living below the poverty line. This study is qualitative research that mainly employs case study methodology. Therefore, this paper analyzes whether illiteracy and poverty are a threat to the country's national security. How can national security be improved by investing in human security? This research analysis discovers that human security is equally essential for any state that profoundly focuses on national security and sovereignty by investing more in defense acquisition and military needs. In addition, the study concludes that lack of investment in human security is triggering extreme poverty, illiteracy, and religious radicalization, causing a direct threat to Pakistan's national security.