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1

Arellano, Jorge. "Primeras evidencias sobre el Paleoindio en Bolivia." Estudios Atacameños. Arqueología y antropología surandinas., no. 8 (1987): 183–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.22199/s07181043.1987.0008.00011.

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2

Arellano, Jorge A. "El Chaco Boliviano : del paleoindio al período alfarero tardío." Folia Histórica del Nordeste, no. 22 (November 24, 2014): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.30972/fhn.02254.

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El Chaco de Bolivia, que forma parte del Gran Chaco Sudamericano, tuvo en el pasado prehispánico un rol importante en las tierras bajas por su carácter de frontera natural entre dos ecosistemas y cuencas importantes: amazónica y chaqueña. A pesar de la información etnohistórica y etnográfica, esta zona marginal fue relegada en las investigaciones arqueológicas. En este artículo, integrando datos paleoambientales y arqueológicos, se presenta un nuevo análisis de la evolución del proceso cultural en el Chaco marginal, desde el paleoindio hasta el período alfarero tardío. En este sentido, se sugiere que cada evento ambiental importante está traducido en la adopción de diferentes sistemas y modos de vida en las poblaciones prehispánicas.
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3

Scheffler, Timothy E., Kenneth G. Hirth, and George Hasemann. "The El Gigante Rockshelter: Preliminary Observations on an Early to Late Holocene Occupation in Southern Honduras." Latin American Antiquity 23, no. 4 (December 2012): 597–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/1045-6635.23.4.597.

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La cueva de El Gigante en las tierras altas de Honduras fue ocupada tan temprano como 10,000 años a.P. y da información previamente desconocida sobre la prehistoria de Honduras. Las condiciones climáticas secas resultan en una excelente preservación de esta área residencial. Las excavaciones documentaron una clara secuencia de ocho estratos culturales bien definidos que contienen hogares, así como depósitos densos de lítica, y restos microbotánicos y faunísticos. Basándose en métodos de fechamiento de radiocarbon convencional y AMS, se identificaron tres horizontes culturales distintos. La ocupación más antigua es de la fase Esperanza, la cual representa ocupación del Arcaico Temprano que se extiende entre 10,040–9100 a.P. La segunda es la fase Marcala que corresponde al periodo Arcaico Medio, entre 7350–6050 a.P. La tercera y más reciente ocupación en estas cuevas es en la fase Estanzuela, entre 3900–1500 a.P. El Gigante fue usado como residencia durante los dos periodos del Arcaico. Varias puntas de proyectil largas fueron recuperadas en niveles estratigráficos claramente identificados como del Paleoindio. El examen de los datos faunísticos muestra que, mientras disminuyen los huesos de mamíferos grandes, aumentan los de mamíferos de menor tamaño y los de animales no mamíferos. Una gran cantidad de maíz (Zea sp.) está presente en el sitio durante el periodo Estanzuela. La variedad de materiales de comida encontrados entre la transición sugiere el mantenimiento a largo plazo de una amplitud dietética en el contexto de una economía flexible y mezclada. El Gigante es un sitio que revela información clave en relación a la colonización inicial de Centroamérica y la incorporación de especies domesticadas dentro de una base de forrajeo que acompaña a la transición a la agricultura.
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4

Vidal, Viviane Pouey. "Geoarqueología de los sitios paleoindios en la formación sedimentaria Touro Passo." Revista de Arqueologia 32, no. 1 (June 28, 2019): 42–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.24885/sab.v32i1.578.

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Esta investigación presenta algunos resultados obtenidos durante los estudios geoarqueológicos realizados en la localidad Touro Passo, municipio de Uruguaiana, Brasil. Alli se reubicaron los sitios paleoindios estudiados por el equipo del “Paleoindian Research Program” - PROPA (1972-1978) - Smithsonian Institution y se han reconocido nuevos sitios de interés geoarqueológico y paleontológico. Los sitios están situados en las planicies aluviales del Río Uruguay y del Arroyo Touro Passo, corresponden a la transición Pleistoceno tardio - Holoceno temprano. En este articulo se seleccionaron 3 sitios para discutir los estudios geoarqueológicos intensivos en la subcuenca del Arroyo Touro Passo, son ellos: Barranca Grande, RS-I-66: Milton Almeida y Comis II. El enfoque geoarqueológico permitió la comprensión de la secuencia estratigráfica y los procesos de formación y perturbación postdeposicional de los sitios arqueológicos en ambiente fluvial. Ademas de ofrecer nuevas dataciones 14C para el área de estudio.
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5

Yataco, Juan, and Camilo Morón. "SERIE LÍTICA DEL PERIODO PALEOINDIO DE TIPOLOGÍA JOBOIDE, ORIGINARIA DE LA PENÍNSULA DE PARAGUANÁ AL NOR-OCCIDENTE DE VENEZUELA, EN LA COLECCIÓN DEL MUSEO DE ARQUEOLOGÍA Y ANTROPOLOGÍA DE LA UNIVERSIDAD NACIONAL MAYOR DE SAN MARCOS." Arqueología y Sociedad, no. 24 (July 16, 2012): 9–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.15381/arqueolsoc.2012n24.e12333.

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El análisis lítico de una colección integrada por 27 piezas provenientes de la República Bolivariana de Venezuela, conservada en el Museo de Arqueología y Antropología de la UNMSM, ha puesto al descubierto la presencia de preformas bifaciales, desechos de talla, útiles y puntas sobre cuarcita. Estas han sido determinadas del tipo Joboide (aprox. 13.664 calBC-14.850 calBC) proveniente del cerro Santa Ana, península de Paraguaná. Debido a que estamos frente a una colección única en el Perú y su asociación Joboide, hemos procedido a relacionar su asociación temporal con los fechados obtenidos del sitio Taima-Taima empleando para ello la calibración radiocarbónica.
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6

Tankersley, Kenneth B. "Seasonality of Stone Procurement: An Early Paleoindian Example in Northwestern New York State." North American Archaeologist 16, no. 1 (July 1995): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/u00g-9keb-c8tq-jq73.

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Early Paleoindian subsistence activities were not restricted to the procurement and processing of food. Likewise, studies of early Paleoindian subsistence cycles should not depend solely upon seasonality data from plant and animal remains. Geographic, geochronologic, geologic, and pedologic data obtained from the Emanon Pond site, an early Paleoindian workshop-habitation in northwestern New York state, are used to reconstruct the seasonality of stone procurement. In doing so, a more detailed picture of early Paleoindian subsistence cycles can be made.
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7

Tomenchuk, John, and Peter L. Storck. "Two Newly Recognized Paleoindian Tool Types: Single- and Double-Scribe Compass Gravers and Coring Gravers." American Antiquity 62, no. 3 (July 1997): 508–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/282168.

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A small collection of gravers from the Fisher site, an Early Paleoindian (Parkhill complex) site in Ontario estimated to date between 10,400 and 11,000 years B.P., produced two previously unrecognized tool types: single- and double-scribe compass and coring gravers. Experimental use-wear studies on replicated tools confirm that the compass and coring gravers were probably used on organic materials for engraving single or concentric circles, cutting thin disks, and boring holes. Although not identified as such, the compass graver occurs widely in North American Paleoindian assemblages and, judging from the presence and context of similar tools in the Eurasian Upper Paleolithic and Siberian Neolithic, may represent a specialized tool designed to express decorative, artistic, or symbolic aspects of Paleoindian culture. Together with other tools in Paleoindian assemblages, the new tool types promise to contribute to comparative studies concerned with the origin, development, and spread of Paleoindian cultures.
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8

Roper, Donna C. "A Comparison of Contexts of Red Ochre Use in Paleoindian and Upper Paleolithic Sites." North American Archaeologist 12, no. 4 (April 1992): 289–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/ah7v-fpm6-prdx-fnqe.

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Red ochre is one of nine traits common to Paleoindian and Upper Paleolithic complexes. The similarity goes beyond simple presence, however, and encompasses virtual identity of the context in which ochre appears. These include burials, non-mortuary ritual context, and domestic context. Data are assembled here comparing the use of ochre in each context in the Upper Paleolithic and the Paleoindian periods. Particular attention is given to the Upper Paleolithic sites in the Soviet Union and the Paleoindian sites on the Plains. The earlier prehistory of ochre use is overviewed, and the possibility of ochre having symbolic significance in the Upper Paleolithic and Paleoindian periods is discussed.
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9

Bamforth, Douglas B. "Origin Stories, Archaeological Evidence, and Postclovis Paleoindian Bison Hunting on the Great Plains." American Antiquity 76, no. 1 (January 2011): 24–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/0002-7316.76.1.24.

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Reconstructions of the Paleoindian period are archaeology's origin stories about the native people of North America. These reconstructions have strongly emphasized great differences between recent and ancient Native Americans, echoing a perspective with its roots in the nineteenth century. One central component of the differences archaeologists have seen lies in the way that Paleoindian groups moved across the landscape. Particularly on the Great Plains, these movements have been seen as unpredictable and nonrepetitive, with this view founded largely in interpretations of evidence from large bison kills. This paper compares the overall patterns of post-Clovis Paleoindian and post-Paleoindian communal bison hunting on the Plains, arguing that there is no evidence of rapid or substantial change in such hunting at the end of the Paleoindian period. Although hunting practices did not remain exactly the same over time, most of the basic characteristics of Paleoindian hunting were common on the Plains for millennia. Only the northern Plains stands out from this, and it does so only within the last 2,000 to 3,000 years, probably in reaction to the development of continent-wide exchange networks. Paleoindians certainly lived different lives than did later occupants of the Great Plains, but the literature significantly exaggerates the magnitude of this difference.
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10

Sellet, Frederic, James Donohue, and Matthew G. Hill. "The Jim Pitts Site: A Stratified Paleoindian Site in the Black Hills of South Dakota." American Antiquity 74, no. 4 (October 2009): 735–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002731600049039.

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The Jim Pitts site is a multicomponent Paleoindian locality in the Black Hills of South Dakota, with a rare Goshen residential occupation. All Paleoindian components were comprised in the Leonard paleosol. The deepest component at the site is a Goshen level dated to 10,185 ± 25 B.P. It correlates with a late fall-early winter camp site. Over the course of its use parts of at least five bison were procured and introduced to the site. Above this level an array of point styles, including Goshen, Folsom, Agate Basin, several Fishtail points, James Allen, Cody, and Alberta, have also been found. The following study provides a typological and technological description of the point assemblage and weighs the implications of the chrono-cultural stratigraphy for reconstructing the Paleoindian cultural landscape. It questions the validity of some types, particularly Goshen, as cultural and chronological markers. Ultimately, the evidence presented here reinforces a model in which multiple Paleoindian point types occur simultaneously on the central and northern Great Plains. This in turn challenges a unilineal view of Paleoindian culture history.
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11

Steele, James, Jonathan Adams, and Tim Sluckin. "Modelling Paleoindian dispersals." World Archaeology 30, no. 2 (October 1998): 286–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00438243.1998.9980411.

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12

Engelbrecht, William E., and Carl K. Seyfert. "Paleoindian Watercraft: Evidence and Implications." North American Archaeologist 15, no. 3 (January 1995): 221–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/q6je-k25d-ltal-j5pt.

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Most researchers have not taken the probable presence of boats into account in formulating Paleoindian adaptive models. While no physical remains of Paleoindian watercraft have been identified, the existence of such boats can be inferred from diverse lines of evidence including the presence of antecedent watercraft in Asia, the difficulty of crossing from Asia to the Americas without watercraft, and early settlements on islands. This article explores the implications of possible Paleoindian boat use for a new understanding of colonization, hunting, settlement location, and lithic procurement.
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13

Lyman, R. Lee. "North American Paleoindian Eyed Bone Needles: Morphometrics, Sewing, and Site Structure." American Antiquity 80, no. 1 (January 2015): 146–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/0002-7316.79.4.146.

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AbstractEyed bone needles have been recovered from Paleoindian sites over the last 70 years. Specimens 13,100–10,000 calendar years old average 1.81 ± .58 mm in diameter, similar to 2500–1000 year-old specimens in the Aleutians which average 1.67 mm in diameter. Use of industrial steel needles and experiments with replicated bone needles indicate the broken eyes and mid-length fractures of Paleoindian bone needles are the result of use. Some specimens said to be Paleoindian eyed bone needles are ≤ 3 mm in diameter and likely represent behaviors distinct from those with diameters ≤ 2.9 mm. Many smalldiameter needles have been recovered from sites that also produced ornaments. Small-diameter Paleoindian needles may have been used to attach decorative items to clothing; decorative items could have served as identity icons as human groups became sedentary and established home ranges a few centuries after colonization. Paleoindian residential sites that have produced multiple specimens of small-diameter needles reveal clustering of needle specimens in limited areas, and Varying degrees of association with hide-preparation and needle manufacture and maintenance tools such as gravers, scrapers, and awls. Paleoindians, like some ethnographically documented people and some industrial-age people, had sewing specific activity loci.
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14

Smith, Geoffrey M. "Footprints Across the Black Rock: Temporal Variability in Prehistoric Foraging Territories and Toolstone Procurement Strategies in the Western Great Basin." American Antiquity 75, no. 4 (October 2010): 865–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/0002-7316.75.4.865.

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Mobility is a common theme in Paleoindian research throughout North America including in the Great Basin. One recent model based on results from the X-ray fluorescence (XRF) analysis of Paleoindian artifacts holds that early groups occupied geographically discrete foraging territories throughout the Great Basin during the terminal Pleistocene/early Holocene, ca. 11,500–7500 radiocarbon years ago (14C B.P.), that covered between 46,000 and 107,000 km2. While this model is innovative, its implications regarding Paleoindian mobility are difficult to reconcile with our knowledge of foraging populations. In this article, I evaluate the model using XRF data for 260 Paleoindian projectile points from northwest Nevada. The results fail to support the hypothesis that a single, expansive foraging territory once covered the western Great Basin. However, when compared to a sample of 1,085 projectile points from later periods (ca. 700014C B.P. to the historic era), data from the Paleoindian sample indicate that the foraging territories of early groups differed from those of later groups living in the same region. I suggest that these dissimilarities reflect differences in how groups moved across the landscape and procured lithic raw materials.
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15

Storck, Peter L., and Arthur E. Spiess. "The Significance of New Faunal Identifications Attributed to an Early Paleoindian (Gainey Complex) Occupation at the Udora Site, Ontario, Canada." American Antiquity 59, no. 1 (January 1994): 121–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3085506.

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Analysis of calcined bone from the Udora site in south-central Ontario, Canada, indicates that the subsistence of Early Paleoindian (Gainey complex) peoples in the lower Great Lakes region included a mix of both large and small mammals: caribou, hare, and arctic fox. The presence of arctic fox and other paleoecological data indicate that the Paleoindian occupation at Udora occurred in a spruce parkland environment between 10,000 and 10,500 years ago, the minimum age of that habitat, or earlier. Evidence that Paleoindian peoples in northeastern North America also hunted caribou suggests that the concept of a “northern” adaptive zone in the greater Northeast (including the Great Lakes region) has some validity; however, the presence of both parkland and forested environments in this zone and presumed caribou behavioral responses to those environments indicate that Paleoindian adaptations to caribou may have been quite variable.
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16

Pelton, Spencer R., Marcel Kornfeld, Mary Lou Larson, and Thomas Minckley. "Component age estimates for the Hell Gap Paleoindian site and methods for chronological modeling of stratified open sites." Quaternary Research 88, no. 2 (July 24, 2017): 234–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/qua.2017.41.

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AbstractThe Hell Gap National Historic Landmark, located on the northwestern plains of Wyoming, is one of the most important Paleoindian archaeological sites in North America because it contains a stratified sequence of occupations spanning nearly the entirety of the Paleoindian period. Although Hell Gap is central to archaeological knowledge concerning North American Paleoindian chronology, consistently assigning component ages has been problematic due to conflicting radiocarbon determinations from individual strata, stratigraphic age reversals in age-depth relationships, and other issues related to the stratified open campsite. Toward resolving the Hell Gap chronology, we devised a procedure for correcting age-depth relationships for incorporation in chronostratigraphic models and then used the Bayesian age-depth modeling qprocedures in Bchron to estimate the ages of 11 stratified components present at Hell Gap Locality 1. We present these age estimates and discuss their significance to Paleoindian chronology. Notable aspects of our chronology include a revised age estimate for the Goshen complex, the identification of three Folsom components spanning the entirety of the Folsom temporal range, and relatively young age estimates for the Late Paleoindian Frederick/Lusk component(s) at Locality 1. More broadly, our study demonstrates a procedure for creating chronometric models of stratigraphically complicated open stratified sites of any type.
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17

Kuehn, Steven R. "New Evidence for Late Paleoindian-Early Archaic Subsistence Behavior in the Western Great Lakes." American Antiquity 63, no. 3 (July 1998): 457–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2694630.

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Late Paleoindian and Early Archaic subsistence behavior in the Western Great Lakes is an important research issue that has been hindered by a lack of zooarchaeological remains, as well as disagreements over the nature of the paleoenvironmental record and human foraging behavior. Prior reconstructions of early subsistence behavior have centered on a focused, big-game hunting strategy, despite very little solid evidence. Recently, two archaeological sites in northern Wisconsin containing Late Paleoindian faunal material have been excavated, the Deadman Slough site (47PR46) and the Sucices site (47DG11). The data from these sites, and similar recently discovered sites in northeastern North America, suggest that Late Paleoindian and Early Archaic peoples employed a generalized foraging strategy, utilizing a broad range of animal species from a wide array of environmental settings. This new archaeological evidence is utilized in conjunction with detailed paleoenvironmental data and information from cultural ecological studies to develop a model of Late Paleoindian-Early Archaic subsistence behavior for the Western Great Lakes.
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18

Bement, Leland C., Dakota Larrick, Richard E. Hughes, and Kristen Carlson. "Evidence for Late Paleoindian Scavenging of Early Paleoindian Obsidian, Oklahoma Panhandle." PaleoAmerica 6, no. 2 (January 31, 2020): 194–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/20555563.2019.1709323.

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19

Morris, Elizabeth Ann, and Richard C. Blakeslee. "Comment on the Paleoindian Occurrence of Spurred End Scrapers as Reported by Rogers." American Antiquity 52, no. 4 (October 1987): 830–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/281391.

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A recent article by Rogers (1986) hypothesized that spurred end scrapers were a temporally diagnostic artifact indicating Paleoindian occupation in Kansas. Examination of the distribution of this artifact in northeastern Colorado indicates that, besides being a part of Paleoindian assemblages, it also occurs in Middle Archaic (McKean complex) and Dismal River contexts.
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20

Pichardo, Mario. "Overview of Paleoindian Taxonomy and Migration Hypotheses." Anthropologischer Anzeiger 63, no. 3 (September 1, 2005): 307–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1127/anthranz/63/2005/307.

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21

Jennings, Thomas A. "San Patrice: An Example of Late Paleoindian Adaptive Versatility in South-Central North America." American Antiquity 73, no. 3 (July 2008): 539–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002731600046862.

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Coincident with the climatic changes occurring during the Pleistocene-Holocene transition, a number of regionally distinct Paleoindian projectile-point styles emerged throughout North America. This paper examines one understudied and poorly understood Late Paleoindian style, the San Patrice point. Although traditionally considered woodland-adapted hunter-gatherers, projectile-point distributions indicate that San Patrice groups, utilizing the same hafting and resharpening technologies, also made significant use of plains resources. Raw material sourcing reveals that while all San Patrice populations focused on local toolstone sources, plains bands were more mobile than those in the woodlands. These findings have implications for our greater understanding of Paleoindian adaptations. While some hunter-gatherers developed specialized, environmentally specific strategies, San Patrice groups adopted more generalized strategies enabling them to succeed in diverse settings.
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22

Robinson, Brian S., Jennifer C. Ort, William A. Eldridge, Adrian L. Burke, and Bertrand G. Pelletier. "Paleoindian Aggregation and Social Context at Bull Brook." American Antiquity 74, no. 3 (July 2009): 423–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002731600048691.

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Large social aggregations are among the most highly organized events associated with mobile hunter-gatherers. The Bull Brook Paleoindian site in Ipswich, Massachusetts provides the strongest case for large-scale Paleoindian aggregation in North America, with 36 discrete concentrations of artifacts arranged in a large circle. Avocational archaeologists who salvaged the site in the 1950s interpreted it as a single occupation. Professionals first rejected and then revived this hypothesis, but the site remained insufficiently analyzed to evaluate. New research supports the single occupation hypothesis with a fully reconstructed site plan and the first complete analysis of artifact distributions. Clear spatial structure of activities within the ring-shaped site plan provides a window on social contexts that are also visible in smaller Paleoindian settlements.
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23

Tankersley, Kenneth B. "Variation in the Early Paleoindian Economies of Late Pleistocene Eastern North America." American Antiquity 63, no. 1 (January 1998): 7–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2694773.

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The nature of Early Paleoindian economies in late Pleistocene eastern North America has been extensively debated by archaeologists. To better understand paleoeconomies we need to examine intraregional and interregional diversity in the production, consumption, distribution, and exchange of materials that sustained or reproduced early Paleoindian livelihoods. Coarse-grained comparisons drawn on the composition of flaked-stone tool assemblages from early Paleoindian sites in the Northeast (western New York State) and the western Midwest (the confluence area of the Mississippi, Missouri, and Illinois rivers) show varying degrees of homogeneity and heterogeneity in the use of tool stone. Statistically significant patterns from stone procurement and tool manufacturing sites, base camps, and food procurement and processing sites are presented in support of a pancontinental model of flexible economies during a period of rapid and dramatic environmental change.
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Araujo, Astolfo G. M., Walter A. Neves, and Renato Kipnis. "Lagoa Santa Revisited: An Overview of the Chronology, Subsistence, and Material Culture of Paleoindian Sites in Eastern Central Brazil." Latin American Antiquity 23, no. 4 (December 2012): 533–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/1045-6635.23.4.533.

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AbstractLagoa Santa, a karstic area in eastern Central Brazil, has been subject to research on human paleontology and archaeology for 175 years. Almost 300 Paleoindian human skeletons have been found since Danish naturalist Peter Lund’s pioneering work. Even so, some critical issues such as the role of rockshelters in settlement systems, and the possible paleoclimatic implications of the peopling of the region have yet to be addressed. We present some results obtained from recent excavations at four rockshelters and two open-air sites, new dates for human Paleoindian skeletons, and a model to explain the cultural patterns observed so far. It is also argued that the Paleoindian subsistence system at Lagoa Santa was similar to other locations in South America: generalized small-game hunting complemented by fruits, seed, and root gathering.
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Hill, Matthew G., David J. Rapson, Thomas J. Loebel, and David W. May. "Site Structure and Activity Organization at a Late Paleoindian Base Camp in Western Nebraska." American Antiquity 76, no. 4 (October 2011): 752–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/0002-7316.76.4.752.

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Paleoindian archaeology on the Great Plains is often characterized by the investigation of large mammal kill/butchery bonebeds with relatively high archaeological visibility. Extensively documented aspects of Paleoindian behavioral variability include the form and composition of weaponry systems, hunting strategies, carcass exploitation, and hunter mobility. Non-hunting oriented aspects of settlement and subsistence behavior are less documented. Information from Component 2 at the O.V. Clary site, in Ash Hollow, western Nebraska, lessens this imbalance of knowledge. It provides a fine-grained, spatially extensive record of Late Paleoindian (Allen Complex) activities at a winter base camp occupied for 5-7 months. This paper highlights elements of site structure and activity organization, emphasizing domestic behaviors including hearth use, site maintenance, and hide working. ArcGIS 9.3.1 (ESRI) and GeoDa 0.9.5-1 (Anselin 2003; Anselin et al. 2006) are employed in conjunction with middle-range observations and expectations to document and interpret spatial patterning in the distribution of over 57,000 artifacts, ecofacts, and red ochre nodules. More broadly, results are related to two models of Paleoindian residential mobility: the place-oriented model and the high-tech forager model. Rather than mutually exclusive scenarios, Component 2 indicates that these models reflect complementary structural poses within the overall behavioral system.
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LaBelle, Jason M., and Cody Newton. "Cody Complex foragers and their use of grooved abraders in Great Plains and Rocky Mountains of North America." North American Archaeologist 41, no. 2-3 (April 2020): 63–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0197693120923538.

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Comparison of Late Paleoindian sites of the Great Plains and Rocky Mountains reveals 36 site components from 28 sites containing ground stone tools, including nine Cody Complex examples. Much of the ground stone use appears related to generalized activity, as few items have functionally specific forms. However, the Cody components have an unexpectedly higher number of grooved abraders as compared to other complexes. We note that Paleoindian examples contain wider u-shaped grooves compared to Late Prehistoric/Protohistoric abraders related to arrow production. We argue that Paleoindian abraders represent shaft abraders, used in the production of dart shafts within weaponry systems. We propose several hypotheses for the emergence of this technology during Cody times. The most parsimonious explanation is that the specific sites containing these abraders represent large camps, occupied for long periods and containing diverse chipped and ground stone assemblages.
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27

Byerly, Ryan M., Judith R. Cooper, David J. Meltzer, Matthew E. Hill, and Jason M. LaBelle. "A Further Assessment of Paleoindian Site-Use at Bonfire Shelter." American Antiquity 72, no. 2 (April 2007): 373–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40035821.

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In Byerly et al. (2005) we explored the hypothesis that the Paleoindian component at Bonfire Shelter was the result of a jump kill. Our efforts involved extensive mapping and GIS analysis, a re-examination of the Paleoindian-age bison assemblage, and consideration of the geomorphic history of the canyon in which the site is located. We concluded that the preponderance of evidence indicated the Paleoindian-age bison remains at Bonfire Shelter marked a processing site as Binford (1978) suggested, rather than a primary kill locality as originally interpreted (Dibble 1968). Bement (this issue) raises several concerns about our analysis and discussion, including that we omit pertinent information relevant to the interpretation of the site. His comments, however, result from a misreading of our discussion and a misconstrual of the data set, as we explain in this response.
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Pichardo, Mario. "Valsequillo Biostratigraphy III: Equid Ecospecies in Paleoindian Sites." Anthropologischer Anzeiger 58, no. 3 (October 13, 2000): 275–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1127/anthranz/58/2000/275.

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Pichardo, Mario. "Valsequillo Biostratigraphy IV: Proboscidean Ecospecies in Paleoindian Sites." Anthropologischer Anzeiger 59, no. 1 (March 30, 2001): 41–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1127/anthranz/59/2001/41.

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30

Boisvert, Richard A. "Paleoindian occupation of the White Mountains, New Hampshire." Géographie physique et Quaternaire 53, no. 1 (October 2, 2002): 159–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/004771ar.

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Abstract The earliest human occupation of the White Mountains region occurred approximately 11 000 14 C years ago. A suite of stylistically and technologically distinctive chipped stone tools have been found that correlate with similar artifacts and assemblages known across North America and identified as Paleoindian. This culture endured in the White Mountains for at least a millennium and coincided, at least in part, with the Younger Dryas climatic episode. Seven Paleoindian sites and their artifact assemblages are described. These sites appear to correlate with major river drainages and to articulate with widely separated Paleoindian sites outside the region. Key to the interpretation of these sites is the identification of the sources of the lithics used by the Paleoindians for their tools. Local rhyolite was acquired for use in two localities, Berlin and Jefferson, NH and chert from the Munsungun Lake region of northern Maine was imported. The movement of these lithics into and out of the White Mountains provides a perspective on inter-regional movement and contacts. The persistence and extent of the Paleoindian occupation of the White Mountains is a testimony to the highly successful adaptation to a harsh and variable climate, however the mechanisms of the subsistence and settlement patterns are poorly known. A broad outline of directions for future research is offered, with an emphasis on chronology and environmental reconstruction.
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Lothrop, Jonathan C., Adrian L. Burke, Susan Winchell-Sweeney, and Gilles Gauthier. "COUPLING LITHIC SOURCING WITH LEAST COST PATH ANALYSIS TO MODEL PALEOINDIAN PATHWAYS IN NORTHEASTERN NORTH AMERICA." American Antiquity 83, no. 3 (June 20, 2018): 462–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aaq.2018.25.

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Projections of Paleoindian range mobility in the late Pleistocene are typically inferred from straight-line distances between toolstone sources and sites where artifacts of these raw materials have been found. Often, however, these sourcing assessments are not based on geologic analysis, raising the issue of correct source ascription. If sites of similar age can be linked to a toolstone source through geologic study, and direct procurement of toolstone can be inferred, geographic information systems (GIS) modeling of travel routes between the source and those sites can reveal route segments of annual rounds and aspects of landscape use. In the Hudson Valley of eastern New York, Paleoindian peoples exploited Normanskill chert outcrops for toolstone during the late Pleistocene. Here, we combine X-ray fluorescence sourcing results that link Normanskill chert artifacts at Paleoindian sites to the West Athens Hill source outcrop in the Hudson Valley with GIS least cost path analysis to model seasonal pathways of late Pleistocene peoples in northeastern North America.
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32

Hill, Matthew E. "A Moveable Feast: Variation in Faunal Resource Use among Central and Western North American Paleoindian Sites." American Antiquity 72, no. 3 (July 2007): 417–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40035854.

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In the Great Plains and Rocky Mountains of North America, researchers have debated the degree to which Paleoindian foragers relied on large-game hunting to fulfill their subsistence needs. This study reviews the zooarchaeological record from 60 sites to test predictions drawn from prey choice models. Results indicate that different site types provide different perspectives on Paleoindian faunal use. Data from kill assemblages can only inform on the exploitation of large game, while the full variety of prey used by Paleoindian foragers is represented at camp localities. In addition, prehistoric foragers varied prey choice based on habitat setting. In the low diversity grasslands of the High Plains and Rolling Hills, prehistoric groups hunted large game almost exclusively. In the more diverse environments of the alluvial valleys and foothill/mountain environments, foragers show higher diversity of faunal use. During the early Holocene, small game made a greater contribution in the diet of Paleoindians, possibly in response to changing environmental conditions and/or increased hunting pressure.
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Edgar, Heather J. H., Edward A. Jolie, Joseph F. Powell, and Joe E. Watkins. "Contextual issues in Paleoindian repatriation." Journal of Social Archaeology 7, no. 1 (February 2007): 101–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1469605307073165.

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34

Rosencrance, Richard L. "Paleoindian Artifacts of West Virginia." PaleoAmerica 4, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 71–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/20555563.2017.1395723.

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35

Tankersley, Kenneth B., John D. Holland, and Royce L. Kilmer. "Geoarchaeology of the Kilmer Site: A Paleoindian Habitation in the Appalachian Uplands." North American Archaeologist 17, no. 2 (October 1996): 93–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/rh8g-7fr5-u7wu-qrq3.

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Kilmer is a multicomponent Paleoindian site located in the Appalachian Uplands of New York State. It is situated on high and low late Pleistocene outwash terraces (T2 and T1). In mountainous areas, these landforms are susceptible to weathering and erosional processes. The paucity of sites in the Appalachian Uplands is likely the result of geologically active landscapes. The occurrence of Paleoindian sites in the mountainous terrain of eastern North America suggests economic diversification, a cultural response to unpredictable food resources near the end of the Pleistocene.
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Pichardo, Mario. "Review of Horses in Paleoindian Sites of the Americas." Anthropologischer Anzeiger 62, no. 1 (March 16, 2004): 11–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1127/anthranz/62/2004/11.

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Pichardo, Mario. "Taxonomic Revision of Central Mexican Mammoths in Paleoindian Sites." Anthropologischer Anzeiger 63, no. 4 (December 13, 2005): 409–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1127/anthranz/63/2005/409.

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38

Frison, George C., George M. Zeimens, Spencer R. Pelton, Danny N. Walker, Dennis J. Stanford, and Marcel Kornfeld. "FURTHER INSIGHTS INTO PALEOINDIAN USE OF THE POWARS II RED OCHER QUARRY (48PL330), WYOMING." American Antiquity 83, no. 3 (April 19, 2018): 485–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aaq.2018.11.

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We report major new insights from recent research at the Powars II Paleoindian red ocher quarry (48PL330). We salvaged more than 7,000 artifacts from Powars II between 2014 and 2016 by screening redeposited sediment from the talus slope below the intact portion of the site. Clovis artifacts dominate the diagnostic artifact assemblage, including 53 Clovis points, 33 preforms, and artifacts associated with a previously unrecognized blade core industry. We report the first radiocarbon dates from the site, determined from dating bone tools, which indicate Cody-aged use (ca. >10,000 cal BP). Further, salvage efforts discovered a previously unknown toolstone source from which many of the Clovis artifacts were produced. The Powars II Clovis points most resemble early Paleoindian points from the far Northern Plains and were likely both produced and discarded in the red ocher quarry after hunting, as evidenced by preform production and the presence of impact fractures on many used points. Given these production and discard patterns, Powars II holds some of the best evidence archaeologists currently have for Paleoindian ritualism related to hunting.
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Erlandson, Jon M., Douglas J. Kennett, Brendan J. Culleton, Ted Goebel, Greg C. Nelson, and Craig Skinner. "Eyed Bone Needles from a Younger Dryas Paleoindian Component at Tule Lake Rock Shelter, Northern California." American Antiquity 79, no. 4 (October 2014): 776–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/0002-7316.79.4.776.

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AbstractThe geographic and chronological distribution of eyed bone needles in North American Paleoindian sites led Osborn (2014) to propose that these distinctive artifacts date primarily to the Terminal Pleistocene Younger Dryas Cold Event and were essential to making close-fitting clothes needed to survive frigid winter conditions. Our study of a museum collection from Tule Lake Rock Shelter (CA-SIS-218A) in the high Klamath Basin area supports Osborn’s argument. We present nine high-precision accelerator mass spectrometry (AMS) radiocarbon assays from a 2.5 m deep cultural sequence, demonstrating that Paleoindians occupied the site primarily during the Younger Dryas. Although only about .5 m3of the Paleoindian deposits at CA-SIS-218A were excavated, fragments of four small bone needles were recovered, three of which contain whole or partial eyes. Two fragments of large mammal cortical bone from the same levels contain remnants of “groove and snap” fractures that may be related to the production of needle blanks. The bone needles from Tule Lake Rock Shelter extend the geographic range of these distinctive Paleoindian artifacts into the high desert region of Northern California.
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40

Hill, Phillip J. "Recent Excavations at the Williamson Site: A Quarry-Related Paleoindian/Early Archaic Site in Dinwiddie County, Virginia." North American Archaeologist 19, no. 1 (July 1998): 35–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/bmw0-7h30-bb32-cum1.

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The Williamson Site (44DW1) was recently re-examined after a seventeen-year cessation of its investigation. Williamson is a well known, highly investigated, quarry-related Paleoindian/Early Archaic site located in Dinwiddie County, Virginia. Situated at the northern end of the site is a hillside and creek where primary and secondary sources of cryptocrystalline material are thought to exist. Past investigations have demonstrated that the hillside contains undisturbed artifact deposits dating to the Paleoindian Period (ca. 9,200–8,000 B.C.). The hillside is also where recent excavations were completed. This article presents some of the results of this recent examination.
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41

Holliday, Vance T. "Folsom Drought and Episodic Drying on the Southern High Plains from 10,900–10,200 14C yr B.P." Quaternary Research 53, no. 1 (January 2000): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/qres.1999.2089.

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AbstractThe paleoenvironments of late Pleistocene and early Holocene time on the Southern High Plains have been studied for decades, but regionally extensive or long-term, easily recoverable proxy climate indicators are difficult to find. The stratigraphy of valley fill and upland eolian deposits and stable-carbon isotope data, in addition to geographically limited paleontological data, now provide clues to the environment during this time, which includes the earliest, or Paleoindian period (∼11,200–8000 14C yr B.P.) of human occupation. During the Clovis occupation (∼11,200–10,900 14C yr B.P.), valleys contained perennial streams. This was followed in Folsom time (10,900–10,200 14C yr B.P.) by an abrupt change to lakes and ponds (with water levels fluctuating between several meters depth and no surface water) and marshes and accumulation of sheet sands on uplands, starting the earliest phase of construction of the regional dune fields. These changing conditions indicate a shift from relatively wetter to relatively drier conditions with episodic drought. Stable-C isotopes further indicate that warming characterized the Clovis–Folsom transition. During the rest of the Paleoindian period the environment was relatively cool but fluctuated between wetter and drier conditions with an overall trend toward drying that resulted in further enlargement of the dune fields and culminated in the warm, dry Altithermal beginning ∼8000 14C yr B.P. Clovis time probably was the wettest of any Paleoindian period in terms of runoff and spring discharge. The Folsom period was drier and was the earliest episode of regional wind erosion and eolian deposition and may have been the warmest of Paleoindian times. Evidence of a previously hypothesized “Clovis drought” in this region is sparse.
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42

Buchanan, Briggs, and Marcus J. Hamilton. "A Formal Test of the Origin of Variation in North American Early Paleoindian Projectile Points." American Antiquity 74, no. 2 (April 2009): 279–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002731600048605.

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Recently it has been suggested that variation in the form of Early Paleoindian projectile points across North America was the result of drift rather than regional adaptation (Morrow and Morrow 1999). Here, we test this hypothesis quantitatively with matrix correlation statistics. Using a sample of Early Paleoindian point assemblages from across the continent we attempt to correlate variation in point shape with several measures of late Pleistocene period regional variation including net primary production, prey availability, prey selection, and prey body size. We find no significant correlations between point shape and measures of regional variation, suggesting that functional modifications to points within specific regional biomes were minimal. We do find evidence of spatial autocorrelation as the regional variation in point shape correlates positively with geographic distances among sites, a pattern consistent with recent, shared ancestry. Our findings provide support for the drift hypothesis posed by Morrow and Morrow (1999). We interpret these results as suggesting that despite the wide variation in regional environmental conditions across late Pleistocene period North America not enough time elapsed during the Early Paleoindian period for these local selective gradients to have led to significant changes in point shape.
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43

Redmond, Brian G., and Kenneth B. Tankersley. "Evidence of Early Paleoindian Bone Modification and Use at the Sheriden Cave Site (33WY252), Wyandot County, Ohio." American Antiquity 70, no. 3 (July 2005): 503–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40035311.

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The analysis of osseous (bone, antler, or ivory) beveled shafts or “rods” has become an important focus in the study of early Paleoindian tool technology. Since 1995 two carved and beveled bone rods have been recovered from Sheriden Cave in northwest Ohio in depositional strata that are radiocarbon dated to between 11,060 and 10,400 radiocarbon years B.P. These strata also contained a small, reworked, Gainey-style fluted point; cut and burned animal bone; and the remains of flat-headed peccary, caribou, giant beaver, and other taxa. The tapered tips and overall morphology of the bone rods demonstrate that they served as projectile points as opposed to other functional types such as foreshafts. Microscopic and radiographic examinations of the bone points reveal that they were manufactured from split sections of mega-mammal bone. These artifacts resemble bone and ivory points found at early Paleoindian sites in western North America and northern Florida but also bear significant morphological similarities to bone sagaie or javelin tips known from Upper Paleolithic sites in Europe. The close spatial and temporal associations between the Sheriden Cave artifacts suggest that they represent the remains of an early Paleoindian tool cache within a small resource extraction campsite.
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44

Shott, Michael J. "Representativity of the Midwestern Paleoindian Sample." North American Archaeologist 25, no. 2 (April 2004): 189–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/rc4y-5t2e-4l7x-22fb.

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45

Cannon, Michael D., and David J. Meltzer. "Explaining variability in Early Paleoindian foraging." Quaternary International 191, no. 1 (November 2008): 5–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.quaint.2008.03.002.

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46

Halligan, Jessi J. "Harney flats: a Florida Paleoindian site." Lithic Technology 44, no. 1 (January 2, 2019): 52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01977261.2019.1565719.

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47

Bamforth, Douglas B. "Paleoindian Perambulations and the Harman Cache." Plains Anthropologist 58, no. 225 (February 2013): 65–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/pan.2013.005.

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48

Hofman, Jack L. "Paleoindian Aggregations on the Great Plains." Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 13, no. 4 (December 1994): 341–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/jaar.1994.1018.

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49

Kennett, D. J., T. W. Stafford, and J. Southon. "Standards of evidence and Paleoindian demographics." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 105, no. 50 (December 10, 2008): E107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.0808960106.

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50

Eren, Metin I. "PALEOINDIAN LIFEWAYS OF THE CODY COMPLEX." Lithic Technology 39, no. 3 (October 9, 2014): 198–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/0197726114z.00000000047.

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