Relevant bibliographies by topics / Palestinian Arab Journalists

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  2. Dissertations / Theses
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  4. Book chapters

Academic literature on the topic 'Palestinian Arab Journalists'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 29 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Palestinian Arab Journalists"

1

Alzoubi, Ahmad Sad Mohammad. "THE PALESTINIAN COMMUNITY IN ARGENTINA: METHODS OF MEDIA COMMUNICATION." REVISTA FOCO 17, no. 2 (February 20, 2024): e4463. http://dx.doi.org/10.54751/revistafoco.v17n2-082.

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This article aims to highlight the Arab-Palestinian institutions’ role in working for Palestine and contributing through their political relations to transmit their message in the media, how far the media response has been in addressing the situation of the Palestinian people under occupation, and the extent of the Israeli influence on the Argentine press. This research adopts two methodological procedures: literature review and in-depth interviews. We interviewed five people who worked with Palestinian institutions in Argentina, among the first Palestinians to immigrate, four journalists interested in politics, and one politician interested in media. Through these answers, it becomes clear to what extent they were able, through their activities over the years, to transmit the voice and message of the Palestinian cause to the Argentine media and impact public opinion in the face of the influences of the Israeli narrative.
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Parkhitko, Oleg, and Vladyslav Danylov. "PECULIARITIES OF COVERAGE OF THE PALESTINIAN-ISRAELI CONFLICT IN THE WORLD MEDIA." Bulletin of Lviv Polytechnic National University: journalism 1, no. 7 (2024): 35–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.23939/sjs2024.01.035.

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The article attempts to identify the peculiarities of the coverage of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict in the world media. The research was based on publications from the websites of three media outlets - «The Washington Post», «The Guardian» and «Al Jazeera». The author talks about the difficulties that journalists may face when covering armed conflicts. Firstly, it is the threats to the physical and mental health of the journalist. Secondly, it is the difficulty of abstracting from one's own preferences in the conflict. Thirdly, it is difficulty in determining the status of the parties to the conflict. The author notes that in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict there are difficulties in determining the status of Hamas, since not all countries in the world consider the group to be terrorists. The article examines the views on the conflict of two high-quality private newspapers - «The Washington Post» and «The Guardian». The intrigue of the position of quality publications is that they are located in the United States and Europe, i.e., they should hypothetically support Israel against the collective Arab world. In fact, both media outlets have maintained a high level of quality and have covered the conflict in a balanced manner. Moreover, the newspapers' coverage is somewhat critical of the Jewish state. While «The Washington Post's» criticism is more of a guess, the Guardian's journalists express it quite frankly and emotionally. When expressing its attitude, an American newspaper must take into account the views of the powerful Jewish diaspora in the United States. As for the Guardian, the newspaper criticizes Israel from the liberal anti-war position of the British and European elite. The state-owned Qatari television company Al Jazeera has long been criticized for its bias and rather open communication with individuals whose activities are considered terrorist by some parts of the world. The intrigue with the Qatari media's coverage of the conflict is whether they will at least try to pretend to be objective to a global audience. In practice, the Arab media's website is falling into outright anti-Israeli and anti-American propaganda. It uses a selection of «correct» sources of information, mockery and manipulation of facts. The author of the article assumes that media workers are well aware of their target audience, which is quite effectively influenced by such publications.
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Bourdon, Jérôme. "D’étranges étrangers. Qui gouverne les correspondants de Jérusalem ?" Sur le journalisme, About journalism, Sobre jornalismo 2, no. 2 (December 15, 2013): 144–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.25200/slj.v2.n2.2013.99.

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Fruit d’une enquête ethnographique auprès des correspondants de la presse étrangère en Israël dans les années 2000, cet submission analyse la façon dont les relations des journalistes avec les différents états et nations (y compris les leurs) impliqués dans le conflit, affectent leur travail. Il montre comment les journalistes, en fonction de leurs appartenances nationales ou ethniques, sont sommés de prendre parti vis-à-vis de multiples acteurs, ce qui déstabilise la possibilité d’une couverture « neutre » ou « extérieure » acceptable par tous. Cette déstabilisation est analysée à quatre niveaux. 1. Le monde professionnel des journalistes est traversé par ce conflit qui est perçu comme très proche, « quasiment une affaire de politique intérieure », les divisions étant politiques mais aussi nationales, singulièrement entre journalistes américains et européens. 2. Les journalistes sont sommés par les deux parties au conflit, toutes deux très soucieuses de leur image, l’Etat d’Israël recourant aux brimades – ou à la force vis-à-vis des gens d’image palestiniens, les deux partis étant « assoiffés de médias » ; 3. Les journalistes sont mis en cause en raison de leurs origines juive ou arabe, réelles ou supposées ; 4. Enfin des publics nationaux, proisraéliens ou propalestiniens, que le conflit divise, eux-mêmes dotés de moyens de surveillance et de critique nouveaux (satellites, internet), s’en prennent aux correspondants dont le travail ne correspond pas à leur attente. This study is based on an ethnographic investigation of foreign-press correspondentsin Israel/Palestine in the year 2000. It analyzes how the journalists’ work is affected by their relationship to the different states and nations (including their own) involved in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It shows how journalists, according to their own national or ethnic affiliation, are pressured to take sides by various participants in the conflict, which makes it impossible to produce a “professional” or “neutral” coverage acceptable to all. This inconstancy is analyzed on four levels: 1. Every major covering nation (mostly Western) is politically divided on this conflict which is considered almost a topic of domestic policy. These political divisions overlap the rift between Israeli-leaning US journalists and their more pro-Palestinian European counterparts. 2. The journalists also have complex relations with both parties in the conflict: Israelis and Palestinians. Both parties are quite wary of their public image. In addition, the State of Israel resorts to harassment and military force vis-à-vis Palestinian camera people. 3. Journalists are taken to task over of their religion or ethnicity, real or imagined. 4. Finally, journalists are confronted by their heterogeneous national public, which monitors them (a task made much easier by the evolution of technology like satellite and Internet), and criticizes their work when it does not correspond to expectations. Fruto de uma pesquisa etnográfica junto a correspondentes da imprensa estrangeira em Israel em 2000, este artigo analisa a maneira como as relações dos jornalistas com diferentes estados e nações (incluindo suas próprias) envolvidos no conflito afetam o seu trabalho. Mostra como os jornalistas, em função de seus pertencimentos nacionais ou étnicos, são intimados a tomar partido face a múltiplos atores, o que desestabiliza a possibilidade de uma cobertura “neutra” ou “exterior” aceitável a todos. Essa desestabilização é analisada em quatro níveis: 1. O mundo profissional dos jornalistas, atravessado por esse conflito, percebido como algo muito próximo, “quase um assunto de política interna”; tais divisões são políticas mas também nacionais, especialmente entre jornalistas americanos e europeus; 2. Os jornalistas são intimados pelas duas partes do conflitos, ambas bastante atentas à sua imagem, o Estado de Israel recorrendo a insultos – ou à força junto a pessoas com aparências de palestinos –, e as duas partes se mostrando “ávidas pela mídia”. 3. Os jornalistas são questionados por conta de suas origens judaicas ou árabes, reais ou presumidas; 4. Finalmente, os públicos nacionais, pró-israel ou pró-palestina, divididos pelo conflito, são eles próprios dotados de novos meios de vigilância e crítica (satélites, internet), se direcionando aos correspondentes cujo trabalhado não atende à suas expectativas.
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Mendel, Yonatan, and Nadeem Karkabi. "The Re-Enchantment of the Orient: Mista‘arvim and Their Special Status in Jewish-Israeli Society." Middle East Journal 77, no. 2 (October 1, 2023): 161–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/77.2.12.

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Mista‘arvim – Jewish-Israeli soldiers who masquerade as Arabs – and Hista‘arvut (the act thereof) hold a special place in Jewish-Israeli culture. By analyzing popular television programs – a thriller titled Fauda (Arabic for “chaos”) and documentaries by journalist Zvi Yehezkeli – we argue that “cultural Hista‘arvut” is a powerful reflection of Zionist perceptions of Palestinian and Arab Others. Cultural Hista‘arvut helps frame the paradox of a Jewish-Israeli society that is located inside the Middle East but maintains distance as a superior outsider that is not of the region. In this sense, the act of impersonation emphasizes the hierarchy of Jews over Arabs and cements the alleged dichotomies between them. “We started to understand that only by going inside [Arab communities] in disguise, can we uncover the Arab world.” - Zvi Yehezkeli
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Shehadeh, Maysoun Ershead. "The Arabs in Israel—Hybrid Identity of a Stateless National Collectivity." Mediterranean Studies 29, no. 1 (May 2021): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/mediterraneanstu.29.1.65.

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Abstract The debate concerning the identity of Arabs in Israel involves a dimension that has not yet been studied—the hybrid identity of a stateless minority. The definition of Israel as a Jewish state, the fact that Arabs in Israel do not take part in the country’s Independence Day, and the emergence of a national movement among Arabs in Israel demanding cultural but not territorial autonomy are major factors that foreground this status of Arabs in Israel. The current study focuses on the influence of activist Arab groups—political, literary, and journalistic—within the Israeli Communist Party. The party operated as a group of “populist intellectuals” immediately following its consent to the Palestine Partition Plan. The goal of the Communist Party was to engineer the identity of the Palestinian collectivity in Israel as a hybrid identity adapted to the political and territorial circumstances in the aftermath of the War of 1948.
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Jahshan, Khalil E. "Celebrating the Life of Clovis Maksoud (1926–2016)." Journal of Palestine Studies 46, no. 1 (2016): 65–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2016.46.1.65.

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On 15 May 2016, the Arab-American community lost one of its most prominent and admired members, the renowned diplomat, academic, journalist, and intellectual, Clovis Maksoud. In addition to his distinguished service as Arab League ambassador at the United Nations, to the United States, and to India and Southeast Asia, Maksoud was a lifelong advocate of the Non-Aligned Movement, Arab nationalist, and champion of the Palestinian cause. In this remembrance, colleague and Arab-American activist Khalil Jahshan eulogizes Maksoud with both warmth and humor.
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AlAhmad, Hussein. "Manufacturing the ‘News Value’: How Pan-Arab Satellite TV Journalism Participated in Shaping the Palestinian Split." Dirasat: Human and Social Sciences 50, no. 5 (September 30, 2023): 78–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.35516/hum.v50i5.5833.

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Objectives: The study aims at emphasizing the term ‘news value’, as one central concept in mediatised conflicts. It so aims at examining the role that pan-Arab satellite TV journalism (henceforth PASTV) might have played in shaping political processes while covering the Palestinian internal conflict (Palestinian split). The study explores the PASTV’s involvement in the conflict and how that was reflected in the conflict and its political trajectories. Methods: Considering the three major pan-Arab transnational Satellite TV (PASTV) channels; Al-Jazeera, Al-Arabiya, and Al-Mayadeen as case studies, the study draws on qualitative data generated through a non-probability, reputational snowball sample, of thirty semi-structured interviews with key Palestinian ‘insiders’ in the two sectors of news media and politics, for their insight on the issue of research and its interlaced dimensions. Results: Data analysis shows with evidence, how, in their sought to meet the interests of their financers of political powers, PASTV channels framed the news –in varied levels between them- to create/maximize the news value and attract public attention. PASTV aimed at creating public consonance with a local ally, also marketing fear from the ‘other’. While serving their financers, PASTV produced ‘instrumental journalism’, and participated in shaping Palestinian politics, and the perpetuation of conflict became a by-product. Conclusions: Considering the interventionist role that most PASTV channels played. It is recommended that PASTV journalism can play both an objective and constructive role, and foster reconciliation policy prescriptions.
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Abou Rached, Ruth. "Jonathan Wright on translating Arab and Iraqi literature, interview by Ruth Abou Rached." Journal of Contemporary Iraq & the Arab World 17, no. 1 (March 1, 2023): 43–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jciaw_00083_7.

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Jonathan Wright is a British journalist and literary translator, known for bringing many works of Arab fiction to new audiences via translation for the past fifteen years. His recent works, however, seem more connected to Iraq: in addition to The Iraqi Christ by Hassan Blasim and Frankenstein in Baghdad by Ahmed Saadawi, he has translated The Book of Collateral Damage by Sinan Antoon (Yale University Press, 2020) and God 99 by Blasim (Comma Press, 2020). Jonathan is currently working on a semi-biographical novella by Iraqi writer Ali Bader and on works by Palestinian activist and fiction writer Ghassan Kanafani yet to be translated or retranslated, into English. In this interview, Ruth Abou Rached and Jonathan Wright discuss the experiences of Wright translating Iraqi and Arabic fiction and Wright offers his thoughts and recommendations.
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Peled, Yoav, and Gershon Shafir. "The Roots of Peacemaking: The Dynamics of Citizenship in Israel, 1948–93." International Journal of Middle East Studies 28, no. 3 (August 1996): 391–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800063510.

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The Declaration of Prsinciples signed by Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in September 1993 marked a dramatic about-face in Israel's traditional policy toward the PLO and the Palestinian issue in general. This turn of events came as a surprise not only to journalists and commentators following day-to-day political events, but also to scholars engaged in the academic study of Israeli society. The prevailing notion among these scholars had been that the Israeli polity was suffering from what Horowitz and Lissak (1989) called “overburden” due to domestic debates over the disposition of the occupied territories. Thus, it was concluded, Israel was unable to launch bold policy initiatives to try to solve its deadlocked conflict with the Arabs.
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Kayyal, Mahmoud. "From left to right and from right to left." Babel. Revue internationale de la traduction / International Journal of Translation 57, no. 1 (April 19, 2011): 76–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/babel.57.1.05kay.

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The present paper discusses Anton Shammas’s translations of Modern Hebrew literature into Arabic and of Modern Arabic literature into Hebrew. The discussion focuses on the connection between hegemony and translation, particularly in light of the fact that these translations were carried out in the shadow of the political, social and economic hegemony of the Jewish majority over the Arab-Palestinian minority in Israel. Shammas began his translation activities with a series of translations from Hebrew into Arabic, but after establishing his status in Hebrew literature and journalism, he began to translate from Arabic into Hebrew as well. Evidently, this transition entailed a significant change in his translation paradigm and in his attitude toward the culture of the hegemonic majority.<p>His translations from Hebrew into Arabic aimed to preserve and reinforce that hegemony, not only through the direct or indirect involvement of bodies from the source culture and bodies identified with the establishment, but also in the multiple interferences of the Hebrew source language in the Arabic target language, and his disregard for the accepted linguistic, stylistic and ethical norms of the Arab target culture. By contrast, Shammas’s translations from Arabic into Hebrew aimed to challenge the discourse of the hegemonic culture through his meticulous selection of works that represent the oppressed narrative of the Palestinian people and adopting translation policies to enhance acceptability in the target culture, such as non-preservation of the integrity of the source text in the translation, elevation of linguistic and stylistic register in the translated text, and an inclination toward paraphrase.<p>
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Palestinian Arab Journalists"

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Tencer, Claude. "Le conflit israelo-palestinien, camp David - l'intifada Al Aqsa (2000 - 2005) : une vision du conflit sous le prisme des médias." Paris 8, 2009. http://octaviana.fr/document/152698159#?c=0&m=0&s=0&cv=0.

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Cette étude analyse des séquences qui opposent Israéliens et Palestiniens dans leurs divergences. Une vision qui ne saurait écarter les erreurs des uns des fautes des autres dans un concept qui singularise leur conflit. La presse qu’elle soit israélienne, arabe ou internationale édifie deux légitimités opposées qui façonne l’histoire du conflit israélo-palestinien. Chaque camp est en quête des raisons pour avoir raison. Dans cette course à l’information, lorsqu’une fausse nouvelle est émise, le mal fait ne peut jamais être réparé. La presse s’est toujours passionne��e pour les conflits au Proche-Orient. Depuis la signature des accords d’Oslo (1993) la presse à fait démonstration d’un large soutien à l’effort de paix israélo-palestinien. L’échec du sommet de Camp David en juillet 2000 et l’éclatement de l’Intifada le 29 septembre 2000, véhicule une nouvelle vision du journalisme en « temps réel » favorisant des images chocs et spectaculaires, négligeant quelques fois la vérification de leurs véracité. Dans cette course à l’information, la presse commet quelques imprudences et propage des fausses informations
This dissertation analyzes events opposing Israelis and Palestinians in their conflict, in the eyes of the media. It provides a view that would not part the errors of the former from the mistakes of the latter, in a concept, which would set their conflict apart. The media, whether Israeli, Arab or international, creates two opposing legitimacies which shape the history of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Each camp claims the right to be right. In this race for information, when false information is issued, the evil done can never be undone. The press has always shown a passionate interest in the conflicts of the Middle-East. Since the signature of the Oslo agreement (1993), the press has demonstrated strong support for the effort to attain an Israeli-Palestinian peace. The failure of the Camp David Summit in July 2000 and the outbreak of the Intifada on September 29, 2000 promoted a new vision of “real-time” journalism, which favors shocking and spectacular images, very little verified. The press often acts imprudently in issuing false information
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Books on the topic "Palestinian Arab Journalists"

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Jamal, Amal. The challenges to journalistic professionalism: Between independence and difficult work conditions. Nazareth: ILAM - Media Center for Arab Palestinians in Israel, 2012.

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Khaṭīb, Amīn. Tadhakkurāt Amīn al-Khaṭīb. Bīr Zayt: Markaz Dirāsāt wa-Tawthīq al-Mujtamaʻ al-Filasṭīnī, Jāmiʻat Bīr Zayt, 1992.

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Khalaf, Noha Tadros. Les mémoires de 'Issa al-'Issa: Journaliste et intellectuel palestinien (1878-1950). Saint-Denis: Institut Maghreb-Europe, 2009.

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Awwad, Nariman. Ḥiṣār al-kalimah--: Al-sijill al-aswad li-ʻudwān Isrāʾīl ʻalá al-ṣiḥāfah al-Filasṭīnīyah. [Cairo]: Ittiḥād al-Ṣuḥufīyīn al-ʻArab, 2001.

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Maṣāliḥah, Khulūd. Khurūqāt wa-intihākāt al-muʼassasah al-Isrāʼīlīyah bi-ḥaqq al-ṣiḥāfīyīn al-ʻArab: Yarṣudu al-taqrīr ḥālāt al-intihākāt al-wāqiʻah bayna Ayyār 2009 wa-Aylūl 2010. al-Nāṣirah: Iʻlām, Markaz Iʻlāmī lil-Mujtamaʻ al-ʻArabī al-Filasṭīnī fī Isrāʼīl, 2011.

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Maṣāliḥah, Khulūd. Khurūqāt wa-intihākāt al-muʼassasah al-Isrāʼīlīyah bi-ḥaqq al-ṣiḥāfīyīn al-ʻArab: Yarṣudu al-taqrīr ḥālāt al-intihākāt al-wāqiʻah bayna Ayyār 2009 wa-Aylūl 2010. al-Nāṣirah: Iʻlām, Markaz Iʻlāmī lil-Mujtamaʻ al-ʻArabī al-Filasṭīnī fī Isrāʼīl, 2011.

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Promoting a Culture for Peace in the Middle East (1993 London, England). Promoting a culture for peace in the Middle East: An Israeli-Palestinian dialogue : proceedings of the United Nations Department of Public Information's international encounter for European journalists on the question of Palestine, 9-11 June 1993, London, United Kingdom. Edited by Ruel Susan, Rooth Signe Alice, and United Nations. Dept. of Public Information. [New York]: United Nations, 1994.

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Nashāshībī, Nāṣir al-Dīn. Kalām yajurru kalām. [West Bank: s.n.], 2007.

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Goldberg, Jeffrey. Prisoners: A Muslim and a Jew across the Middle East divide. New York, NY: Knopf, 2007.

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Goldberg, Jeffrey. Prisoners: A story of friendship and terror. New York: Vintage Books, 2008.

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Book chapters on the topic "Palestinian Arab Journalists"

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Rtema, Ahmed Abu. "Palestinian Identity in the Aftermath of Oslo." In The Oslo Accords. American University in Cairo Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5743/cairo/9789774167706.003.0015.

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This chapter discusses the negative impact of the Oslo Accords on Palestinians. Palestinians did not win political sovereignty, a stable national economy, or independent civil society organizations. Instead, Oslo imprisoned them with restraints they could not escape. In a recent article, journalist Ben White asks why there has been no Palestinian Spring despite the eruption of revolutions in several Arab countries, including Egypt, Tunisia, Libya, and Syria. He argues that the Oslo Accords froze the Palestinian struggle for return and decolonization. He identifies several factors that restrain the Palestinian revolutionary spirit, including the checkpoints established by the Israeli occupation, the strategic planning of Israeli settlements, and the “separation wall” that closes off Palestinian cities. White also notes that Oslo has shaped the behavior and direction of key political actors in the Occupied Territories who marked the shift from a revolutionary focus to that of “interim” autonomy.
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Slater, Jerome. "Introduction." In Mythologies Without End, 1–8. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190459086.003.0001.

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Every nation has narratives or stories about what it believes to be its history, but such narratives typically contain mythologies that are historically inaccurate. In the case of Israel, the central mythology is that “the Arabs never miss an opportunity to miss an opportunity.” The reality is very different: it is Israel that has been responsible for missing or deliberately sabotaging repeated opportunities for peace with both the Arab states and the Palestinians. The audience for the book includes interested general readers, college and graduate students taking courses in the conflict, academicians and journalists writing about the conflict, and policymakers. The general methodology, organization, sources, citation methods, and chapter-by-chapter structure of the book are discussed.
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Tamari, Salim. "Two Faces of Palestinian Orthodoxy." In Great War and the Remaking of Palestine. University of California Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520291256.003.0005.

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This chapter talks about the meaning of denominational affiliation in the conflict between two towering intellectuals of the war period. Yusif al-Hakim was a leading Syrian judge and public prosecutor in Jaffa and Jerusalem, and a significant force in the Arabization of the Antioch Orthodox Church. His nemesis during the pre-war years was Issa al-Issa—arguably the most important journalist in twentieth-century Palestine—who founded, published, and edited the Filastin daily paper. One of Hakim's tasks as a public prosecutor was to apply the Ottoman press laws against talasun (religious blasphemy) and qadhf (defamation of character), which Issa was often accused of. It is no accident that both Issa and Hakim at the end of the war became pillars of the Faisali movement and members of the first independent Arab government in Damascus in 1919.
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