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Journal articles on the topic 'Palestinian Arabs Jewish-Arab relations'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 17 February 2022

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1

Abbasi, Mustafa. "The end of Arab Tiberias: the Arabs of Tiberias and the Battle for the City in 1948." Journal of Palestine Studies 37, no. 3 (2008): 6–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2008.37.3.6.

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Tiberias was unique among Palestinian mixed cities for its unusually harmonious Arab-Jewish relations, even during periods of extreme tension like the 1936--39 Arab Revolt. Yet within hours of a brief battle in mid-April 1948, the town's entire Arab population was removed, mostly across the Transjordanian border, making Tiberias a wholly Jewish town overnight. In exploring how this took place, this article focuses on the Arab community's rigid social structure; the leadership's policy of safeguarding intercommunal relations at all costs, heightening local unpreparedness and isolating the town

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2

Payes, Shany. "Education across the divide: Shared learning of separate Jewish and Arab schools in a mixed city in Israel." Education, Citizenship and Social Justice 13, no. 1 (2017): 19–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1746197917698489.

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This article examines the impact of contact-based educational encounter strategies of shared learning on Jewish–Arab relations in Israel. It analyses a programme of education for shared life that takes place in a mixed (75% Jewish/25% Arab) city at the centre of Israel since 2012. The programme aims to mitigate Jewish–Arab relations in the city amidst tensions resulting from the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, unequal power relations and hostilities between the groups. Uniquely, it assimilates shared life education into the generally separate educational system in the city, and uses methods of s

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3

Kattan, Victor. "The Nationality of Denationalized Palestinians." Nordic Journal of International Law 74, no. 1 (2005): 67–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1571810054301004.

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AbstractOne in three refugees in the world today is Palestinian. The majority of these refugees have no nationality because they were denationalised by Israel's Nationality Law in 1952 after they had fled or been expelled from their homeland in 1948. Israel has refused to allow the majority Palestinian refugees, being displaced in 1948, the right to return to their homes in contravention of U.N. General Assembly Resolution 194 (III). Israel has also refused to allow the majority of Palestinians displaced in 1967 the right to return to their homes despite appeals from the International Committe

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Darr, Asaf. "Palestinian Arabs and Jews at Work: Workplace Encounters in a War-Torn Country and the Grassroots Strategy of ‘Split Ascription’." Work, Employment and Society 32, no. 5 (2017): 831–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0950017017711141.

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What are the workplace manifestations of ongoing ethno-national conflict? How do co-workers on rival sides in war-torn countries cope with these manifestations? Interviews with nurses, nursing assistants and physicians in a Palestinian-Arab hospital and in a Jewish retirement home reveal how the broader ethno-national conflict in Israel penetrates the workplace. Problems arise for them when violence related to the conflict erupts outside the workplace and when patients express racist views during interactions with medical staff. This study finds that staff members respond with ‘split ascriptio

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Koptileuova, D. T., and A. E. Zhumadilova. "Identification of Palestinian national identity (based on selected literary works)." Bulletin of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. Political Science. Regional Studies. Oriental Studies. Turkology Series. 134, no. 1 (2021): 100–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-6887/2021-134-1-100-108.

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This article examines the phenomenon of the division of Palestinian national identity in relation to Israel based on the literary works of Palestinian writers. To conduct the study, there were used a specific historical method of analysis and interpretation of original literary works to work with the sources. There were selected such works of fiction for the study as Sahar Khalifa’s Wild Thorns (1974), Gharib Haifaoui’s Snatcher of Sleep (2012) and Ibtisam Azim’s The Book of Disappearance (2014) and Said Kashua’s Dancing Arabs (2002). Based on these materials, it is concluded that the Palestin

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6

Halabi, Yakub. "Anti-Semitism, Unhappy Consciousness and the Social Construction of the Palestinian Nakba." International Studies 49, no. 3-4 (2012): 397–427. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020881714534039.

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The history of Zionism is composed of two narratives: One is the history of anti-Semitism that begot Zionism, and the other is the history of the Zionist–Palestinian conflict that begot the Palestinian refugee problem (the Nakba). So far, these two narratives have been investigated in parallel and, thus, they were kept artificially disconnected from each other. The history of the Palestinian catastrophe has been examined mainly in the light of the 1947–1949 events that culminated in the 1948 War and the birth of the Nakba. This narrative ignores the identity of the Zionists, especially the lin

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7

Zaid, Mohammad Salah, and Ayman Rabbah. "Code-switching: The case of ‘Israeli Arab’ students at the Arab American University-Palestine." Global Journal of Foreign Language Teaching 9, no. 4 (2019): 203–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.18844/gjflt.v9i4.4325.

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This study aims at shedding the light on the factors lying behind switching to Hebrew, represented with age, gender, work history and place of residence the phenomenon of code-switching between Hebrew-Arabic among Israeli Arab students at the Arab American University in Palestine. It also studies how code-switching may affect the Palestinian identity of those students. The sample of this study is two-fold. The first was conducted quantitatively through randomly selecting 70 Israeli Arabs to answer an 18-item questionnaire. The findings were statistically analysed using SSPS, showing the freque

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8

ABD ALRHMAN, Sahira, and Stefan COJOCARU. "INTEGRATION OF PALESTINIAN HIGH SCHOOL STUDENTS LEARNING IN AN ARAB SCHOOL IN ISRAEL." Social Research Reports 12, no. 2 (2020): 37–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.33788/srr12.2.4.

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This paper discusses issues of identity associated with Palestinian students’ integration in an Israeli-Arab high school. These students were born to Palestinian families that are considered as ‘traitors’ by Arabs living in the Palestinian Authority and in the State of Israel. Their parents have working relations with the State of Israel and are therefore living in a large city at the north of the country. The students experience some kind of identity conflict between them and the Israeli-Arab students learning in the same school. The students who came with their parents from the Palestinian A

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9

Fadil, Thair Taher. "The impact of the domino political phenomenon in the Latin continent and its role in the Palestinian issue." Tikrit Journal For Political Science, no. 18 (December 26, 2019): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v0i18.209.

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The study deals with a political phenomenon that has an impact on international relations and the political dealing based on the interrelated interests that would affect the issue of an international bloc. The influence of this phenomenon is so important in gaining the support of international blocs to the question of Palestine, in addition to the possibility of investing this phenomenon for the interests of the Arab League, namely the phenomenon of political domino effect in the diplomacy and dealing political of Latin American countries to support the Palestinian issue. The Latin American co

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10

Miles, William F. S. "Minoritarian Francophonie – The Case of Israel, with Special Reference to the Palestinian Territories." International Migration Review 29, no. 4 (1995): 1023–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839502900408.

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This article examines the minoritarian status of a nonethnic group identity: Israeli Francophonie. Nonethnic minority status is particularly interesting for it represents a nonascriptive and voluntary category of group identity. In the case of Israel, Francophonie has evolved from its mainly North African (and hence socially disparaged) associations in the 1950s and 1960s to becoming an immigrant Ashkenazi and “frenchified Sephardic” phenomenon today. Francophone intellectuals promote Israeli Francophonie as an adjunct to Zionism, for it represents a cultural alternative to the Americanization

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11

Asadov, Farda Muharram. "The historical continuum of Jerusalem: the inseparability of time and space, past and present, history and politics." Orientalistica 4, no. 1 (2021): 96–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7043-2021-4-1-096-120.

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Over the long centuries and nowadays the historical concept and political status of Jerusalem remain the most acute problem of relations between the peoples and states of the Middle East, Arabs and Jews, Israel and the Arab Palestinian state. The poignancy of the problem, the arguments of the opposing sides, are mainly rooted in conflicting interpretations of the history of Jerusalem and its holy places. The article presents a view of the history of Jerusalem as a process that began before the formation of the historical consciousness of the Arabs and Jews but used to continuously influence it

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Cohen, Yinon, and Andrea Tyree. "Palestinian and Jewish Israeli-born Immigrants in the United States." International Migration Review 28, no. 2 (1994): 243–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839402800201.

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This article considers both Arab and Jewish emigration from Israel to the United States, relying on the 5 percent Public Use Microdata Sample (PUMS) of the 1980 U.S. census. Using the ancestry and language questions to identify Jews and Arabs, we found that over 30 percent of Israeli-bom Americans are Palestinian-Arab natives of Israel, the West Bank, and Gaza Strip. While the Jews are of higher educational levels, hold better jobs and enjoy higher incomes than their Arab counterparts, both groups have relatively high socioeconomic characteristics. Both have high rates of self-employment, part

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Mahamid, Hatim. "History Education for Arab Palestinian Schools in Israel." Journal of Education and Development 1, no. 1 (2017): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.20849/jed.v1i1.249.

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Since 1948, the Educational system for Palestinian Arabs in Israel was affected by political and ideological considerations of the Jewish state policy. Nurit Peled-Elhanan (2012) argues that the textbooks used in the school system in Israel are laced with a pro-Israel ideology and that they play a part in priming Israeli children for military service. She analyzes the presentation of images, maps, layouts and use of language in History, Geography and Civic Studies textbooks, and reveals how the books might be seen to marginalize Palestinians, legitimize Israeli military action and reinforce Je

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Telhami, Shibley. "Camp David II: Assumptions and Consequences." Current History 100, no. 642 (2001): 10–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2001.100.642.10.

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The framing of issues between Israel and the Palestinians in religious terms, fueled by the question of Jerusalem, has led to the beginning of a transformation that has begun to mobilize Arabs within Israel, and Arabs and Muslims worldwide. Increasingly the conflict is no longer only Palestinian-Israeli, but also Arab-Israeli, and even Muslim-Jewish.

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15

Robson, Laura. "Proto-Refugees? Palestinian Arabs and the Concept of Statelessness before 1948." Journal of Migration History 6, no. 1 (2020): 62–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-00601005.

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The Palestine mandate was built around the assumption that the League of Nations and the British mandatory government would preside over a gradual demographic and political transformation there, creating a European Jewish settler majority to replace the Palestinian Arab one and allowing for the eventual emergence of a Jewish nation-state. This process required a corresponding de-nationalisation of the incumbent Arab population – a project that formally began with the language of the mandate and continued through the mechanisms of governance set by the British mandate state and the League of Na

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16

Kaminker, Sarah. "For Arabs Only: Building Restrictions in East Jerusalem." Journal of Palestine Studies 26, no. 4 (1997): 5–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2537903.

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Government planning policy denies Palestinians the right to use their land in East Jerusalem. Thirty-three percent of this land has been expropriated and used for building homes for more than 40,000 Jewish families. Planning schemes confine Palestinians to 10 percent of the land area of East Jerusalem. Draconian bureaucratic measures imposed on "Arabs only" aggressively prevent construction on the remaining Palestinian lands in East Jerusalem. The result: a shortage of 21,000 homes for Arab families. Using Har Homa to provide for the Arab "homeless" could be the only political and moral justif

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17

Tal-Or, Nurit. "The Effect of Ethnicity and Number of Co-Viewers on Affective and Cognitive Identification With Media Characters." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 97, no. 3 (2019): 663–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077699019886580.

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This research examines the distinctiveness of two components of identification with media characters: cognitive and affective. It also explores how these components are differentially affected by the viewing environment. In an experiment, Jewish and Arab Israelis watched a clip depicting the Israeli–Palestinian conflict with either one or two Jewish or Arab co-viewers. As hypothesized, these components of identification loaded on different factors and showed different relationships when referring to in-group and out-group characters. Moreover, the Jewish participants showed more affective iden

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18

YUCHTMAN-YAAR, EPHRAIM, and MICHAEL INBAR. "Social Distance in the Israeli-Arab Conflict." Comparative Political Studies 19, no. 3 (1986): 283–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414086019003001.

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This article deals with the phenomenon of social distance as a social-psychological dimension of intergroup relationships. We discuss the concept of social distance and the research associated with it, pointing to some shortcomings in the theoretical thinking associated with this concept. We adopt an analytic framework that views the varieties of social distance as collective phenomena, reflecting the structure of resource interdependence between groups. The data set at our disposal enabled us to apply this framework to two reciprocal dyadic relationships in the context of the Israeli-Arab con

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19

Bloch, Ofra. "Hierarchical Inclusion: The Untold History of Israel's Affirmative Action for Arab Citizens (1948–68)." Law and History Review 39, no. 1 (2021): 29–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248020000309.

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The history of Israel's relationship with its Palestinian-Arab minority during the founding decades, from 1948 to 1968, is often portrayed as a story of formal citizenship that concealed large-scale, state-sanctioned oppression under military rule. This article excavates an untold history of employment affirmative action for Palestinian-Arab citizens of Israel during these two decades which does not fit neatly into this story. Drawing on original archival research, it reveals that, during Israel's founding decades, officials adopted hiring quotas for unskilled Arab workers and for educated Ara

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20

Shepkaru, Shmuel. "JEWISH-ARAB RELATIONS THROUGH THE LENSE OF ISRAELI CINEMA; THEN AND NOW." Levantine Review 2, no. 1 (2013): 66. http://dx.doi.org/10.6017/lev.v2i1.5083.

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Israeli cinema has presented different aspects of the relationship between Israeli Jews and Arabs. These aspects encompass topics such as personal friendships and conflicts, homosexual and heterosexual affairs, gender issues, politics and wars, and questions of identity. This article focuses on the presentations of the relationships between Jews and Arabs and their desire for normalization and peace.

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21

Shenhav, Yehouda. "The Jews of Iraq, Zionist Ideology, and the Property of the Palestinian Refugees of 1948: An Anomaly of National Accounting." International Journal of Middle East Studies 31, no. 4 (1999): 605–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800057111.

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An account already exists between us and the Arab world: the account of the compensation that accrues to the Arabs who left the territory of Israel and abandoned their property … The act that has now been perpetrated by the Kingdom of Iraq … forces us to link the two accounts … We will take into account the value of the Jewish property that has been frozen in Iraq when calculating the compensation that we have undertaken to pay the Arabs who abandoned property in Israel.

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22

Tauber, Eliezer. "Jewish‐non‐Palestinian‐Arab negotiations: The first phase." Israel Affairs 6, no. 3-4 (2000): 159–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537120008719577.

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23

El-Hussari, Ibrahim A. "Amos Oz in A Tale of Love and Darkness." Language and Dialogue 10, no. 2 (2020): 271–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ld.00069.elh.

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Abstract This paper looks at the call for a dialogue underlying Amos Oz’s autobiographical novel A Tale of Love and Darkness.1 As a peace activist,2 Oz depicts the Arab Palestinian under Israeli military occupation as a victim and reintroduces himself as a new, unorthodox Jew. In this context, the paper approaches the author-narrator’s message calling for a dialogue with the Palestinian other, albeit through a Chekhovian solution to an existentialist conflict entangling both the Arabs and the Jews over the Question of Palestine. Thanks to the complicity between the Western Colonial Project3 an

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Peled, Yoav. "Ethnic Democracy and the Legal Construction of Citizenship: Arab Citizens of the Jewish State." American Political Science Review 86, no. 2 (1992): 432–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1964231.

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The citizenship status of its Arab citizens is the key to Israel's ability to function as anethnic democracy, that is, a political system combining democratic institutions with the dominance of one ethnic group. The confluence of republicanism and ethnonationalism with liberalism, as principles of legitimation, has resulted in two types of citizenship: republican for Jews and liberal for Arabs. Thus, Arab citizens enjoy civil and political rights but are barred from attending to the common good.The Arab citizenship status, while much more restricted than the Jewish, has both induced and enable

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Arifin, Argo, and Taufiq Letri. "The Review of Conflict between the Arabs and the Israelis." International Journal of Social Science Research and Review 2, no. 2 (2019): 16–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.47814/ijssrr.v2i2.21.

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The Arab-Israeli clash originated from the conflict of the devotion of the two sides to a similar land which is the Palestinian regions settled by both the Arabs and the Jews. This section will attempt to review the advancement of the conflict on the domain by explaining the impacts of Jewish movement, the improvement of Zionist thought, the command period, political groups among the two sides and the wars between the gatherings. Along these lines, the start of the contention and the improvement of the contention will be worried to comprehend the clashing places of the two sides. These positio

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Abbasi, Dr Mustafa. "THE WAR ON THE MIXED CITIES: THE DEPOPULATION OF ARAB TIBERIAS AND THE DESTRUCTION OF ITS OLD, ‘SACRED’ CITY (1948–9)." Holy Land Studies 7, no. 1 (2008): 45–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e1474947508000061.

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The Old City of Tiberias was one of the most beautiful and ancient cities in Palestine. With a mixed population of Palestinian Arabs and (largely) Mizrahi 1 1 The Mizrahim are eastern or oriental Jews. and Sephardic Jews until the 1948 Palestinian Nakba, Tiberias – in which Maimonides is buried – is, according to Jewish tradition, among the four ‘sacred’ cities in the country. Shortly after Israel was established, the secular Zionist establishment decided to raze the Old City to its foundations. As a result of this policy, the Old City, with all its historical buildings and nearly all its hist

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WILSON, CHRIS. "PETITIONS AND PATHWAYS TO THE ASYLUM IN BRITISH MANDATE PALESTINE, 1930–1948." Historical Journal 62, no. 2 (2018): 451–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x18000092.

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AbstractThis article draws on a collection of petitions by Palestinian Arabs and Jews to explore how families negotiated the admission of mentally ill relatives into government mental institutions under the British mandate between 1930 and 1948. In contrast to the conclusions of the existing literature, which focuses largely on the development of parallel Jewish institutions as establishing the foundations of the Israeli health system, these petitions reveal that the trajectories of both Arab and Jewish mentally ill were complex, traversing domestic, private, and government contexts in highly

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Abu el Naml, Hussein. "Population growth and demographic balance between Arabs and Jews in Israel and historic Palestine." Contemporary Arab Affairs 3, no. 1 (2010): 71–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550910903488490.

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This paper examines the question of the respective percentage of Arab, Jewish, and ‘other’ populations in historic Palestine and Israel using Israeli statistics as correlated to historical events. Analysis of actual percentages demonstrates that birth rates of both Arabs and Jews from 1948 in Palestine/Israel have been in decline, and that for territory in the pre-1967 area, there is no demographic ‘danger’ of Arabs – both Christian and Muslim populations – outnumbering Israelis on the basis of natural population growth. An important factor is also Jewish immigration which has been factored in

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Rudin, Shai. "Responses of Arab teachers of Hebrew in Israel to an Israeli novel on Jewish-Arab relations." Journal for Multicultural Education 35, no. 2 (2019): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jme-07-2019-0058.

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Purpose This study aims to examine the responses and perceptions of Israeli Arab teachers toward multicultural and educational issues concerning Jewish–Arab relations. Design/methodology/approach This study is a qualitative research. The study included 44 novice Arab teachers, who teach Hebrew in the Arab sector and are currently studying toward their masters’ degree at a teacher education college in northern Israel. The teachers were asked to read the novel Nadia by Galila Ron Feder–Amit. Published in 1985, the novel describes the complex integration of Nadia, an Arab village girl, into a Jew

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Avieli, Nir. "The Hummus Wars Revisited: Israeli-Arab Food Politics and Gastromediation." Gastronomica 16, no. 3 (2016): 19–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/gfc.2016.16.3.19.

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The state of Israel has been involved in a long-standing violent conflict with its Arab neighbors, yet Jews and Arabs share a culinary passion: hummus. This humble dip of mashed chickpeas seasoned with tahini and lemon juice is ubiquitous in Middle Eastern public and private culinary spheres and is extremely popular among Arabs and Israeli Jews and, as of recently, among Western consumers lured by the health qualities of the “Mediterranean diet” and by the exotic nature of the dish itself. In 2008, hummus became the subject of a heated debate between Israel and Lebanon that revolved around cul

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Khalidi, Raja. "Sixty years after the UN Partition Resolution: What Future for the Arab Economy in Israel??" Journal of Palestine Studies 37, no. 2 (2008): 6–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2008.37.2.6.

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Despite the expectations of economic theory, a century of Arab-Jewish economic interaction in Palestine has not led to the convergence that is supposed to result from exchange between a capital-rich economy and a labor-intensive one. After 60 years of failed integration, the Arab population in Israel has fallen to the bottom of the socioeconomic ladder. With the Palestinian ““regional economies”” in Israel and the occupied territories operating as part of the same Israeli economic regime, the challenge for Palestinian economic policy makers is to build on the new paradigm in shaping a national

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Sandberg, Haim. "Expropriations of Private Land of Arab Citizens in Israel: An Empirical Analysis of the Regular Course of Business." Israel Law Review 43, no. 3 (2010): 590–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700000893.

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A fairly common premise in academic research about Israel is that the State of Israel has expropriated large tracts of land from Arabs, whether citizens or Palestinian refugees. This premise does not distinguish between the taking of property, which was expropriated from Arab refugees during the War of Independence, and the expropriation of land during the State's “regular course of business.” Blurring the distinction between land belonging to refugees and land belonging to citizens creates the impression that the State of Israel has expropriated large tracts of land as a regular “course of bu

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Urian, Dan. "The Image of the Arab in Israeli Theatre—from Competition to Exploitation (1912–1990)." Theatre Research International 17, no. 1 (1992): 46–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883300015601.

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The Arab, as presented in plays of the early days of settlement, is linked by his manual labour to the land of his birth. He might be primitive and his encounter with the chalutzim may be necessary to improve his situation and show him how the world has progressed, but he is also an example to be copied for his sheer work capability. He is seen as a powerful competitor with the Jewish work-force, due both to his ability to be content with little and to his forced acceptance of meagre wages. Towards the end of this period and for several decades afterwards, the Arab was pushed aside into the fr

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Gofman, Artyom. "The Significance of the Madrid Peace Conference 1991 in the Arab-Israeli Conflict Settlement." Tirosh. Jewish, Slavic & Oriental Studies 18 (2018): 195–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2658-3380.2018.18.4.1.

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This article is dedicated to the studying of the Madrid Peace Conference significance in the context of the Arab-Israeli conflict settlement. The end of the Cold War at the beginning of the 1990s had a huge impact on the system of international relations and the Arab-Israeli conflict as well. The US an the USSR both worked together to gather Israelis an Arabs in one place for the purpose of negotiating. Thus they took part in the Madrid Peace Conference 1991. From the beginning Israeli position was more strong than Arabs one mainly because of the American bias in favor of Israel. Meanwhile, th

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Meler, Tal. "“. . . In the Beginning I Was Frightened, Because Jews and Arabs Were Living Together . . . but Now I Don’t Feel That There Are Jews and Arabs . . .”: Palestinian Families in Israel Migrating in Search of Work." Journal of Applied Social Science 11, no. 2 (2017): 77–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1936724417696784.

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Internal migration tendencies among Palestinian in Israel are limited by both internal and external barriers. Recently, however, it appears that many Palestinian families have migrated from the north of Israel southward to Beersheba in search of work. This article is based on qualitative research I conducted among Palestinian women in Israel who moved south because of economic and occupational hardship. These women find themselves tending to their households while living far from their families of origin and those of their husbands, confronting and adjusting to their new environment and coping

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Al-Qasem, Anis Mustafa. "Arab Jews in Israel: the struggle for identity and socioeconomic justice." Contemporary Arab Affairs 8, no. 3 (2015): 323–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2015.1054613.

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This article is based on a study in Arabic by author that formed the final chapter of the book Yahud al-bilad al-‘arabiyyah (The Jews of the Arab Countries) by the late Palestinian historian Khairiyyah Qasimiyyah. It examines the problem of identity among Jews of Arab origin in Israel and the resurgent use of the term ‘Arab Jew’ used by Jewish academics and activists in Israel. It also considers the issues of discrimination and socioeconomic injustice against the Arab Jewish community since the early history of Israel. Finally, it discusses the potential for joint action by Arab Jews and Pales

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Hafez, Ziad. "The Palestine one-state solution: report on the conference held in Boston, Massachusetts, March 2009." Contemporary Arab Affairs 2, no. 4 (2009): 528–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550910903247342.

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This is a report on a conference held at the University of Massachusetts in Boston about the ‘One-State Solution for Palestine’. The latter is a response and an alternative to the ‘Two-State Solution’ favoured by the United States and the international community. Such a solution is losing credibility in terms of its possible implementation by most Arab Palestinians and the vast majority of Arabs. The two-day conference hosted academicians and activists from Palestine, the United States, and Europe defending the ‘One-State Solution’. (For further information, see http://www.onestateforpalestine

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Nyang, Sulayman S. "The Arabs and Africa." American Journal of Islam and Society 4, no. 2 (1987): 321–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v4i2.2734.

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Since the beginning of decolonization in Africa in the late 1950’s Arabcountries have found it necessary to re-establish links with Africa south ofthe Sahara. An Arab leader like Gamal Abdel Nasser argued in his Philosophyof the Revolution (1954) that Africa constitutes the second circle in Egypt’sthree concentric circles of identity. The other two were the Arab and theIslamic. Nasser’s preoccupation with what he and his fellow Arab nationalistscalled the “Israeli menace”, was another factor which drove him to seek alliesand friends in Africa. But Nasser was not the first Arab leader to establ

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Reich, Bernard. "Menachem Klein. Jerusalem: The Contested City. New York: New York University Press (in association with the Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies), 2001. viii, 363 pp." AJS Review 29, no. 2 (2005): 396–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009405390179.

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Jerusalem is an ancient venue that has been not only a symbol of peace and a focus of religious belief but also a city of dispute. For centuries, indeed millennia, it has been a magnet for conflict between diverse groups with divergent religious interests and others with competing political and/or national claims. It is sacred to Judaism, Christianity, and Islam and claimed as a national capitol by both Israelis and Palestinian Arabs. Since the mid-1950s it has been a central issue of the Arab–Israeli conflict that emerged to be even more problematic after the Six Day War of 1967, in which Isr

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Burg, Avraham. "The Way Forward." Journal of Palestine Studies 44, no. 4 (2015): 48–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2015.44.4.48.

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This article argues for an unorthodox reading of Israel's current political situation. Rather than examine the immediate results of the March 2015 elections, it lays out the ramifications of the country's current predicament in light of the complex relations between the Jewish majority and Palestinian Arab minority. The author contends that despite the seeming stranglehold that extremist nationalism exerts on the political process, there is true potential for Palestinian citizens of Israel (PCI) to gain full and equal citizenship, on a par with that of their Jewish counterparts. He argues furt

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Fildis, Ayse Tekdal, and Ensar Nisanci. "British Colonial Policy “Divide and Rule”: Fanning Arab Rivalry in Palestine." UMRAN - International Journal of Islamic and Civilizational Studies 6, no. 1 (2019): 15–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.11113/umran2019.6n1.234.

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The 2nd November 2017 is the centenary of the Balfour Declaration which is Britain’s public acknowledgement and support of the Zionist movement and the commitment to a Jewish National Home. The Declaration is identified by the Palestinian narrative as the source of their tragedy whilst the British side its motive was the consideration of who would be most useful to the British interest under the given circumstances. The main characteristics of the Palestinian politics and society after the Balfour Declaration and during the Mandate period was the pervasiveness of factionalism. These divisions

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Hager, Tamar. "Seeing and Hearing the Other: A Jewish Israeli Teacher Grapples with Arab Students' Underachievement and the Exclusion of Their Voices." Radical Teacher 101 (February 23, 2015): 46–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/rt.2015.113.

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This paper addresses my political and pedagogical resistance to the institutional discrimination of Palestinian Arab students in Israeli academia. Describing my instinctive negative reactions (frustration, helplessness, anger) towards what seems at first sight as their reluctance to study, I go on to criticize my own and other lecturers' tendency to blame the victim by analyzing the structural, cultural, political and social obstacles encountered by Arab students in Israeli institutions of higher education. The paper mainly focuses on the story of my resistance to this prevailing social and po

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Drake, Laura. "A Netanyahu Primer." Journal of Palestine Studies 26, no. 1 (1996): 58–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2538031.

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Prior to his election as prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu built a store-house of writings and interviews outlining his vision of Israel's place in the Middle East and the world. Valuable clues within them make it possible to establish the general pattern of Netanyahu's political thought, including his level of morale, determination, areas of focus, and philosophy of action. Working from the existing record, the author addresses Netanyahu's historical assumptions and worldview; his political program toward the Palestinians, Syria, and other Arabs; and his attitude toward Israel's future dimen

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Yiftachel, Oren. "Ethnocratic Policies and Indigenous Resistance: Bedounin Arabs and the Israeli Settler State." Holy Land Studies 1, no. 2 (2003): 161–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2003.0002.

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This article examines the evolving relations between Israel and the indigenous Bedouin Arab population of the southern Beer-Sheba region. It begins with a discussion of theoretical aspects, highlighting a structural conflict embedded in the ‘ethnocratic’ nature of nation-building typical of ‘pure’ settler states, such as Israel. The place of the Bedouin Arab community is then analyzed, focusing on the impact of one of Israel's central policies—the Judaization of territory. The study traces the various legal, planning and economic strategies of Judaizing contested lands in the study area. These

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Bilsky, Leora. "'Speaking through the Mask': Israeli Arabs and the Changing Faces of Israeli Citizenship." Middle East Law and Governance 1, no. 2 (2009): 166–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633708x396469.

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AbstractOn May 14, 2006 The Israeli Supereme Court issued its decision in a case known as the 'family unification case' that dealt with the constitutionality of an amendement to the Citizenship and Entry to Israel Law. The temporary amendment prevents Palestinian residents of the occupied territories (of certain age) from entering the territory of Israel and gaining citizenship or residence status through family unification. A divided court upheld the amendment, against a very strong dissent written by former chief Justice Aharon Barak. This article takes to explore the origins of this crisis,

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Michaeli, Inna. "Immigrating into the Occupation: Russian-Speaking Women in Palestinian Societies." Feminist Review 120, no. 1 (2018): 20–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41305-018-0136-5.

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Social researchers have extensively addressed the immigration of one million Russian speakers to Israel/Palestine over the past twenty-five years. However, the immigrants’ incorporation into the Israeli occupation regime and the ongoing colonisation of Palestine have rarely been questioned as such. In the interviews informing this article, Russian-speaking immigrant women living in Arab-Palestinian communities discuss their complex relations with Palestinian, Jewish-Israeli and Russian-Israeli communities. Sharing a background with Russian-speaking Jewish Israelis on the one hand, and marital

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Penkov, Vladimir Fedorovich, and Feras Alfedeilat. "Palestinian political regime in the era of British colonization of 1917-1948: political-legal aspect." Международные отношения, no. 1 (January 2020): 51–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0641.2020.1.32419.

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The core of the Palestinian political regime takes its roots in the course of the struggle for independence against British occupation government that attempted to establish Jewish State in the territory of Western Palestine. This research examines the history of Palestine under the British Mandate after the World War I. The object of this article is Palestine in the time of creation of post-colonial system of international relations; while the subject is the political-legal aspects of Palestinian political regime during British colonization period of 1917-1948. The article is based on the pol

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Hassan, Riaz. "Interrupting a History of Tolerance: Anti-Semitism and the Arabs." Asian Journal of Social Science 37, no. 3 (2009): 452–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853109x436829.

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AbstractThe anti-Semitic rhetoric of many Islamist groups is qualitatively different from the reflective jurisprudence associated with the treatises of classical Islam. There is little evidence of any deep rooted anti-Semitism in the classical Islamic world. Jews have lived under Islamic rule for 14 centuries and in many lands, they were never free from discrimination but were rarely subjected to persecution as in Christian Europe. Most of the characteristic features of European-Christian anti-Semitism were absent from the Jewish-Muslim relations. This paper examines the growth of anti-Semitis

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Hasan, Manar. "Palestine's Absent Cities: Gender, Memoricide and the Silencing of Urban Palestinian Memory." Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies 18, no. 1 (2019): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hlps.2019.0200.

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Before the Nakba a significant process of urbanisation had occurred in Palestine, leading to substantial changes in gender relations and women's status. However, following the 1948 war, the existence of a vibrant urban social and gendered reality in Palestine was dismissed and erased, by both Palestinian and Zionist narratives; it was replaced by exclusively rural memory. This article analyses how Palestinian society in Israel accepted the Zionist version of history, according to which the modernisation of Arab society in Israel, especially gendered modernity, resulted from Jewish proximity an

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Korochkina, Victoria. "THE PALESTINIAN CASE AND ITS PLACE ON RUSSIA’S FOREIGN POLICY AGENDA." Political Expertise: POLITEX 17, no. 1 (2021): 52–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu23.2021.105.

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The events of the “Arab spring” and its consequences as well as the “Iranian threat”, which became a key security challenge for the Gulf States, not without the efforts of Benjamin Netanyahu and supported by the pro-Israel Trump administration (2016-2020), seemed to have removed the Palestinian case from the priority list of Middle East issues. The role of Russia, the traditional partner of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) since Soviet times, also looked more low- key after the collapse of the Soviet Empire, especially amid resolution of the military-political crisis in Syria. Russi

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