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Journal articles on the topic 'Pamphylian'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 4 February 2022

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1

Skelton, Christina. "Greek-Anatolian Language Contact and the Settlement of Pamphylia." Classical Antiquity 36, no. 1 (April 1, 2017): 104–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2017.36.1.104.

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The Ancient Greek dialect of Pamphylia shows extensive influence from the nearby Anatolian languages. Evidence from the linguistics of Greek and Anatolian, sociolinguistics, and the historical and archaeological record suggest that this influence is due to Anatolian speakers learning Greek as a second language as adults in such large numbers that aspects of their L2 Greek became fixed as a part of the main Pamphylian dialect. For this linguistic development to occur and persist, Pamphylia must initially have been settled by a small number of Greeks, and remained isolated from the broader Greek-speaking community while prevailing cultural attitudes favored a combined Greek-Anatolian culture.

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2

Çevik, Nevzat. "New rock-cut tombs at Etenna and the rock-cut tomb tradition in southern Anatolia." Anatolian Studies 53 (December 2003): 97–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3643089.

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AbstractThe 41 rock-cut tombs at Etenna provide a clear impression of this very early and widespread tradition for the region. They allow us to compare the Lycian, Pamphylian, Cilician and Pisidian rock-cut tomb architecture and understand connections and discontinuities between them. They also illustrate how features of such tombs are based on natural and technical factors, on local architectural traditions, or on the rock-cut architecture of neighbouring cultures. But basic similarities, such as the cutting of a tomb chamber in the rock, could occur without any influence from other cultural regions, for instance because of similar burial needs, similar natural materials or similar architectural knowledge. The influences between the rock-cut tombs of different regions and periods can be seen in the particular details, and their relation to local burial customs. Questions are asked, such as: if there were Lycian tombs in the Classical period, why were there no rock-cut tombs in Pamphylia in this period; why did the ‘dominant Lycian Classical culture’ not influence Pamphylia; and what were the tombs of the higher social classes of the societies of Classical Pamphylia?

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3

Crane, Howard. "Evliya Celebi's Journey through the Pamphylian Plain in 1671-72." Muqarnas 10 (1993): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1523182.

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4

Crane, Howard. "EVLIYA ÇELEBI'S JOURNEY THROUGH THE PAMPHYLIAN PLAIN IN 1671-72." Muqarnas Online 10, no. 1 (1992): 157–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22118993-90000305.

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5

Bergren, Theodore A. "Plato’s “Myth of Er” and Ezekiel’s “Throne Vision”: A Common Paradigm?" Numen 64, no. 2-3 (March 8, 2017): 153–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685276-12341458.

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In Republic 614B–621D, Plato describes the post-mortem experiences of Er, a Pamphylian warrior. Er sees an afterworld vision of the workings of the cosmos. Revolving around a pillar of light that extends through heaven and earth is a huge cosmic structure, resembling a spindle and whorl. The biblical book of Ezekiel also features visions of cosmic proportions (chapters 1 and 10). Ezekiel sees four “living creatures.” These were of human form, but each had four faces and four wings. The creatures were arranged with their outstretched wings touching each other. Ezekiel saw four wheels beside the creatures and, over their heads, a throne with a numinous occupant. Although these visions appear distinct, on deeper examination they reveal close structural similarities. This article aims to compare and contrast the visions and to evaluate their relationship. The conclusion presents several modern scholarly constructs by which the similarities could be explained.

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6

Tadajczyk, Konrad. "Ichthyological Hapax Legomena in Marcellus’ "De piscibus"." Studia Ceranea 9 (December 30, 2019): 705–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.09.34.

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Marcellus of Side, a physician and didactic poet of the second century AD, mentions fourteen exclusive ichthyonyms in the preserved fragment De piscibus, extracted from the 42-volume epic poem entitled Cheironides. The author discusses Greek names of fish and sea animals that appear only in Marcellus’ work. They belong to the so-called hapax legomena. The following appellatives are carefully analyzed: ἁλιπλεύμων, ἅρπη, βούφθαλμος, βράχατος, γαρίσκος, γερῖνος, ἐρυθρός, θρανίας, θῦρος, κόλλουρος, περόνη, τραγίσκος, τυφλῖνος, χρύσοφος. It is assumed that Marcellus of Side introduced a number of ichthyonyms of Pamphylian origin, e.g. Pamph. θῦρος (< *θύρσος), βράχατος (instead of βάτραχος), ἐρυθρός (= ἐρυθρῖνος), θρανίας (instead of θράνις), χρύσοφος (instead of χρύσοφρυς). Also new identifications of fish are suggested, e.g. Gk. βούφθαλ- μος ‘large-eye dentex, Dentex macrophthalmus Bloch’, Gk. κόλλουρος ‘slender sunfish, Ranzania laevis Pennant’. All the discusssed ichthyonyms, as well as names of other sea animals, are explained from the point of view of phonology, morphology or semantics, e.g. ἁλιπλεύμων ‘jellyfish’ (literally ‘sea lung’), ἅρπη ‘a kind of ray fish’ (literally ‘a kite’).

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7

Gatzke, Andrea F. "THE GATE COMPLEX OF PLANCIA MAGNA IN PERGE: A CASE STUDY IN READING BILINGUAL SPACE." Classical Quarterly 70, no. 1 (May 2020): 385–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838820000324.

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Urban landscapes in the Roman world were covered in written text, from monumental building inscriptions to smaller, more personal texts of individual accomplishment and commemoration. In the East, Greek dominated these written landscapes, but Latin also appeared with some frequency, especially in places where a larger Roman audience was expected, such as major cities and Roman colonies. When Latin and Greek appear alongside each other, whether in the same inscription or across a single monumental space, we might ask what benefits the sponsor of the monument hoped to gain from such a bilingual presentation, and whether each language was serving the same function. This paper considers the monumental entrance to the Pamphylian city of Perge as a case study for exploring this relationship between bilingual inscriptions and civic space. By surveying the display of both Greek and Latin on this entrance, examining how the entrance interacted with the broader linguistic landscape of Perge, and considering the effects that each language would have had on the viewer, I show that the use of language, and the variation between the languages, served not only to communicate membership in both Greek and Roman societies but also to delineate civic space from imperial space, both physically and symbolically.

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8

Jackson, Mark, Michael Zelle, Lutgarde Vandeput, and Veli Köse. "Primary evidence for Late Roman D Ware production in southern Asia Minor: a challenge to ‘Cypriot Red Slip Ware’." Anatolian Studies 62 (November 13, 2012): 89–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066154612000051.

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AbstractLate Roman D Ware (or ‘Cypriot Red Slip Ware’) is one of the most widespread fine wares of the late antique Mediterranean. Its hypothetical origin in Cyprus is challenged by the discovery since 2008 of kilns in Turkey whose products include the whole of this ware's standard repertoire. This paper provides the first detailed account of the discovery of a network of seven production centres located near Gebiz, 32km northeast of Antalya and close to the Kestros river (Aksu çayı) and its tributary the Küçükaksu river, from where these products together with agricultural goods would have been traded inland and downstream to Perge and beyond. Results of the field survey during which these kilns were discovered are presented, together with a discussion of their far-reaching implications. The results establish southern Anatolia, and specifically the margins of the Pamphylian plain, as the only certainly identified production area of this ware. By challenging the origin traditionally accepted for ‘Cypriot Red Slip Ware’, which is distributed throughout the eastern Mediterranean, the discovery of these kilns raises questions also about other less archaeologically distinct Anatolian goods which also are likely to have been involved in this exchange network at both local and international scales.

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9

Bozcu, Ayşe, François Baudin, Taniel Danelian, Bruno Vrielynck, Mustafa Bozcu, and André Poisson. "New evidence for the record of the Cenomanian–Turonian oceanic anoxic event (OAE2) in the Pamphylian basin (Akdoğan Section, Antalya Nappes, SW Turkey): Comparison with surrounding basinal settings." Cretaceous Research 32, no. 6 (December 2011): 823–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.cretres.2011.05.010.

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10

Broze, Michèle, and Carine Van Liefferinge. "Er le Pamphylien, ange et messager." Revue des sciences philosophiques et théologiques TOME 91, no. 2 (2007): 323. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rspt.912.0323.

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11

CAMPBELL, DOUGLAS A. "Paul in Pamphylia (Acts 13.13–14a; 14.24b–26): A Critical Note." New Testament Studies 46, no. 4 (October 2000): 595–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688500000369.

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Acts states in 13.13–14a that Paul sailed on his outward journey from Paphos in Cyprus to Pergê in Pamphylia (Περγη), proceeding then to Pisidian Antioch – literally, Antioch-towards-Pisidia. (Pamphylia is the westernmost of two alluvial coastal shelves on the south coast of present-day Turkey; a relatively self-contained geographical area.) Acts states that John-Mark left for Jerusalem from this point after a disagreement, and also does not mention the coastal port of Attaleia (‘Ατταλεια), present-day Antalya. On the return journey, however, noted in 14.24–26a, the remaining missionaries are said to preach in Pergê and then proceed to Attaleia, from which point they sail on to Syrian Antioch, presumably actually disembarking at Seleucia. Now this all looks a little odd at first glance, especially since Pergê is some distance inland for any arrival on the first leg of this journey, and most interpreters have reacted accordingly. I want to suggest here, however, that the author's comments about these two traverses through Pamphylia, although brief and initially a little puzzling, are deliberately asymmetrical, and it is this that betrays their almost certain accuracy in historical terms.

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12

Russell, James. "A Roman Military Diploma from Eastern Pamphylia." American Journal of Archaeology 95, no. 3 (July 1991): 469. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/505492.

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13

DEMİRTAŞ, Nurgül. "PAMPHYLİA BÖLGESİ ŞEHİR SİKKELERİ ÜZERİNDEKİ HERMES TASVİRLERİ." Journal of Academic Social Sciences 8, no. 8 (January 1, 2014): 233. http://dx.doi.org/10.16992/asos.422.

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14

Wilson, Mark. "The Denouement of Claudian Pamphylia-Lycia and its Implications for the Audience of Galatians." Novum Testamentum 60, no. 4 (September 11, 2018): 337–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685365-12341610.

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Abstract Recent inscriptional discoveries have revised our understanding of provincial boundaries in southern Asia Minor from Claudius until Vespasian. Pamphylia is now understood to have been part of Galatia during Paul’s journeys there. The denouement of the South Galatian hypothesis was declared by Clare Rothschild. An attempt is made to place historical and geographical issues into a more nuanced framework. Because of the omission of key source materials, her conclusion is challenged and the redivivus of the South Galatian theory is heralded. A discussion of Paul’s audience for his letter to the Galatians follows. Based on the new evidence regarding provincial Galatia, believers in Pamphylia might well have been part of his readership.

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15

ERTEKİN, Efrumiye. "PRINCIPATUS DÖNEMİNDE LYCIA ET PAMPHYLIA EYALETI'NDE GÖREVYAPMIŞ OLAN CURATORE." Journal of Academic Social Science Studies 6, Volume 6 Issue 6 (January 1, 2013): 497–524. http://dx.doi.org/10.9761/jasss1696.

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16

De Souza, Philip. "Romans and pirates in a late Hellenistic oracle from Pamphylia." Classical Quarterly 47, no. 2 (December 1997): 477–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/47.2.477.

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In the publication of their second journal of archaeological travels in Cilicia, Bean and Mitford included the text of an unusual inscription from the site of ancient Syedra. The text has previously been discussed by Louis Robert, by the Hungarian historian of piracy Egon Maróti, and also by H. W. Parke. Although all four made suggestions about the date and interpretation of the inscription, no firm conclusions were reached.

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17

ÇEVİK, Nevzat. "Lykia, Pisidia ve Pamphylia Kavşağında Termessos un Uç Kalesi: Neapolis." Cedrus, no. 6 (June 30, 2018): 435–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.13113/cedrus.201820.

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18

Hild, Friedrich. "Siedlungstypen im kaiserzeitlichen und spätantiken Pamphylien: Hamaxia und andere nichtstädtische Siedlungen." Anzeiger der philosophisch-historischen Klasse 140-2 (2007): 57–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/anzeiger140_2s57.

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19

Onur, Fatih. "The Anastasian Military Decree from Perge in Pamphylia: Revised 2nd Edition." Gephyra 14 (May 15, 2017): 133–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.37095/gephyra.318456.

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20

Gnezdilov, V. M., and M. R. Wilson. "A new genus and new combinations in the family Issidae (Homoptera, Fulgoroidea)." Zoosystematica Rossica 15, no. 2 (March 2, 2007): 301–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.31610/zsr/2006.15.2.301.

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A new genus Pamphylium gen. n. (type species: Latematium cingulatum Dlabola, 1983) is erected. Irakopterum Dlabola, 1985 is placed in synonymy under Libanissum Dlabola, 1980 and Paratetrica Distant, 1916 is placed in synonymy under Thabenoides Distant, 1916. New combinations for 11 species are proposed.

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21

BRIXHE, CLAUDE, and RECAI TEKOĞLU. "CORPUS DES INSCRIPTIONS DIALECTALES DE PAMPHYLIE SUPPLÉMENT V." Kadmos 39, no. 1-2 (2000): 1–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kadm.2000.39.1-2.1.

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22

Held, Winfried. "Wolfram Martini: Die Akropolis von Perge in Pamphylien. Vom Siedlungsplatz zur Akropolis." Gnomon 85, no. 6 (2013): 541–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/0017-1417_2013_6_541.

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23

Wilson, Mark. "The Route of Paul's First Journey to Pisidian Antioch." New Testament Studies 55, no. 4 (August 28, 2009): 471–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002868850999004x.

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The route of Paul's first journey between Perga and Pisidian Antioch is still disputed. This article examines the three alternatives proposed by scholars. It explores the geographical and historical evidence for each route, looking especially at the extensive road system that existed in Pamphylia, Pisidia, and south Galatia in the first century. Bible atlases routinely depict one route and the reasons for this choice are discussed. Based on a review of the evidence, a fresh hypothesis for the route of the first journey is suggested.

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24

Laflı, Ergün. "Funerary and votive monuments in Graeco-Roman Cilicia: Hellenistic, Roman and early Byzantine examples in the museums of Mersin and Alanya." Anatolian Studies 67 (2017): 145–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066154617000059.

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AbstractIn this contribution, 13 previously unpublished grave and votive monuments are analysed, plus two boundary markers. These monuments, housed in the museums of Mersin and Alanya in Cilicia in southern Asia Minor, are both artistic and epigraphic documents. Most of them were made in this region, but three were imported from Antioch-on-the-Orontes, Pisidia and the island of Delos, as can be deduced from their iconography. These new examples from Cilicia and eastern Pamphylia offer insights into the different concepts of μνῆμα or μνημεῖον (memorial) popular in Hellenistic and Roman times throughout Asia Minor.

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25

Wood, Susan. "Hadrian, Hercules and griffins: a group of cuirassed statues from Latium and Pamphylia." Journal of Roman Archaeology 29 (2016): 223–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759400072111.

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Three cuirassed statues and one fragmentary torso, all probably of the Hadrianic/early Antonine era, bear a rare breastplate relief. The heraldic design combines a muscular youth, nude except for a lionskin over his head and shoulders, and a pair of lion-griffins, whom he grasps by their horns. His iconography conforms to that of a youthful Hercules, whom we see here in the ancient formula for a “Master of the animals”. The composition has been mistakenly identified as a combat between griffins and an Arimaspos, but the central figure displays domination over the two creatures, rather than vice versa. A closely related device that appeared on some cuirassed statues during the same period represented the vegetal god Dionysus-Sabazios between a pair of his sacred panthers. The similarity of the two breastplate devices is no accident, although the two groups represent different deities and animals. Both these heraldic devices seem to have been popular only for a limited time but the device of Hercules with griffins does appear in works from both Italy and Asia Minor. One of these statues certainly represents the deified Hadrian, another is today restored with a head of the same emperor, which may or may not belong to the torso, and the third almost certainly once portrayed Trajan, although the portrait face underwent later recutting; the head of the fourth is lost.

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26

ELAM, Nilgün. "Ecclesiastical Personages of Side (Σίδη) of Pamphylia according to Literary and Sphragistic Data." ADALYA, no. 23 (November 15, 2020): 409–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.47589/adalya.838080.

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27

HİLOOĞLU, MUHİP, İLHAM ERÖZ POYRAZ, İSMAİL POYRAZ, EBRU ATAŞLAR, and EMEL SÖZEN. "Genetic relationships among some Turkish Petrorhagia (Ser.) Link (Caryophyllaceae) taxa using ISSR markers." Phytotaxa 272, no. 2 (August 29, 2016): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/phytotaxa.272.2.8.

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A study of the genetic relationships among Petrorhagia taxa from Turkey was carried out using inter-simple sequence repeat (ISSR) markers. A total of 409 amplified bands were obtained by 10 ISSR primers. The polymorphism ratio was high (100%) across 45 individuals representing nine Petrorhagia taxa (P. dubia, P. prolifera, P. pamphylica, P. peroninii, P. saxifraga, P. cretica, P. alpina subsp. alpina, P. alpina subsp. olympica, P. lycica) and was sufficient to distinguish each species. Statistical analyses were performed by using POPGENE, GenAlEx6, and PAUP. An unweighted pair-group method with arithmetic mean (UPGMA) dendrogram was constructed based on Nei’s genetic distance along with outgroup species (Velezia rigida) in MEGA4. The dendrogram shows two main clusters, the first one (Cluster-I) included only P. lycica, while the cluster-II contained all other taxa. Cluster-II can be grouped in two sub-clusters, with P. prolifera and P. saxifraga constituting a first sub-cluster, the other species (P. alpina subsp. alpina, P. alpina subsp. olympica, P. cretica, P. dubia, P. peroninii and P. pamphylica) being grouped in a second sub-cluster. Both PCoA and Neighbour-Net network analysis supported the dendrogram. The study showed that ISSR technique can be successfully used in species identification and determination of the genetic relationships between Petrorhagia species distributed in Turkey.

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28

İPLİKÇİOĞLU, Bülent. "Die Provinz Lycia unter Galba und die Gründung der Doppelprovinz Lycia et Pamphylia unter Vespasian." Anzeiger der philosophisch-historischen Klasse 143, no. 2 (2009): 5–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/anzeiger143_2s5.

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29

Jones, Christopher P. "‘Joint Sacrifice’ at Iasus and Side." Journal of Hellenic Studies 118 (November 1998): 183–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632240.

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The institution of sunthusiâ, ‘joint sacrifice’, appears in many forms in Graeco-Roman antiquity, but takes a special shape in the period of the Roman empire. After a brief outline of the practice, I address particular problems in inscriptions of Iasus in Caria and Side in Pamphylia.In the Hellenistic period, the verb sunthûein and its related nouns, sunthutês, sunthusiâ, are mainly used in two senses. In the private sphere, devotees of particular gods or groups of gods may form standing associations of ‘joint sacrificers’, sometimes with common ownership of property.

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30

Kleinbauer, W. Eugene. "The Double-Shell Tetraconch Building at Perge in Pamphylia and the Origin of the Architectural Genus." Dumbarton Oaks Papers 41 (1987): 277. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1291566.

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31

Vandeput, L., and V. Köse. "The 1999 Pisidia survey at Melli." Anatolian Studies 51 (December 2001): 133–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3643030.

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The second season of the Pisidia Survey Project at Melli took place in September 1999. The site is an ancient city in the region of Pisidia, the mountainous area north of the coastal plains of Pamphylia. The ancient name of the site still remains unknown, but it is generally referred to as Melli (Vandeput et al 1999: 133–45). The team consisted of Sabri Aydal, topographer and archaeologist at the museum in Antalya; the archaeologists Ezra Erb (Katholieke Universiteit Leuven), Truus Helsen (Katholieke Universiteit Leuven), V Köse (Katholieke Universiteit Leuven) and L Vandeput (Katholieke Universiteit Leuven, director). Yaprak Özkönü and Umut Doğan (Istanbul University) and Bahadir Toprak and Barış Uy (Istanbul Technical University) afforded us excellent assistance. Seher Türkmen of Alanya Museum, to whom we are very grateful for all her help, represented the Turkish government.

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32

Kurt, Mehmet. "MS 4. Yüzyılda Isauria Eyaleti’nin Siyasal ve İdari Yapısı." Belleten 82, no. 295 (December 1, 2018): 803–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.2018.803.

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Antik çağda kuzeyden Lykaonia ve Toros dağları doğudan Kilikia, batıdan ise Pamphylia ile çevrilmiş sahalar Isauria, halkı da Isaurialılar olarak adlandırılmıştır. Arazi yapısı açısından oldukça engebeli bir görünüm sergileyen bölgenin çok az bir bölümü tarımsal faaliyetler için uygun şartlara sahiptir. Bölge, bütün eskiçağ boyunca ama özellikle de Roma döneminde çok sayıda haydutluk faaliyetine sahne olmuş ve isyanlar görülmüştür. Isauria'nın tanımlanan bu durumunun en somut örneğini ise MS 4. yüzyılda görmek mümkündür. Bölge, özellikle söz konusu yüzyılın ikinci yarısında neredeyse her on yılda bir geniş çaplı haydutluk faaliyetleri ve isyanlara sahne olmuştur. Özellikle kıtlık ve açlığa bağlı olarak sık sık ayaklanmış olan Isaurialılar, hemen her defasında Kilikia ve Pamphylia kıyıları ile Lykaonia ovasına saldırmışlardır. Isauria ayaklanmalarına bir önlem olarak eyaletin yönetiminde bir takım değişikliklere gidildiği de anlaşılmaktadır. Nitekim MS 4. yüzyılda bölgede görülen haydutluk faaliyetleri ve isyanların şiddeti ile Roma'nın Isauria'da uyguladığı yönetim ve yöneticilere verilmiş olan yetkiler arasında bir ilişkinin olduğu anlaşılmaktadır. Öyle ki Isauria Eyaleti'nin 4. yüzyılın birinci yarısındaki yöneticileri praeses Isauria unvanı ile sadece sivil yetkiler kullanmışlardır. Ancak aynı yüzyılın ikinci yarısında ise eyalette yaşanan olayların şiddeti ile de bağlantılı olarak askeri yetkilerle güçlendirilmiş comes veya comes et praeses unvanlarını kullandıkları anlaşılmaktadır. Aynı durum Isauria Eyaleti yöneticilerinin seçiminde de kendisini açıkça göstermektedir ki bu bağlamda MS 4. yüzyıl yöneticileri arasında Flavius isimli yöneticilerin sayıca fazlalığı dikkat çekici bir durumdur. Muhtemelen bölgedeki olaylardan kaynaklı hassas durum nedeniyle bu yöneticiler Roma yönetimine yakın olan ve geçmişte başarılı mesleki kariyere sahip insanlar arasından seçilmişlerdir. Özellikle MS 4. yüzyılın ikinci yarısında yaşanan olayların Isauria eyaletinin askeri önemini son derece artırdığı anlaşılmaktadır. Bu sebeple Roma yönetimi bölgede sadece kalıcı lejyonlar konuşlandırılmakla kalmamış, Isauria'daki isyanları bastırmak ve haydutlarla etkin bir mücadele yapabilmek için Torosların stratejik noktalarına kaleler ve kuleler inşa ettirmiştir. Bölgenin tanımlanan bu durumunu en iyi özetleyen belge ise Roma'nın askeri ve idari makamlarını gösteren Notitia Dignitatum'dur. Notitia Dignitatum'da yer alan Isauria ile ilgili görseldeki iki mimari yapı büyük ihtimalle iki lejyon karargâhını tanımlarken, Toros dağlarını ayıran çizginin üst tarafındaki beş adet mimari yapı ise bölgedeki kale ve kuleleri işaret etmelidir. Bunlardan ikisi çok büyük ihtimalle Isauria isyanlarının yoğunlaştığı alanın kuzeydoğu sınırında bulunan Nunu (Antiokheia) ile Aşağı Akın kaleleri olmalı ve diğerleri de yakın çevrede aranmalıdır.

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WILSON, Mark. "The Discovery of a Menorah in Attalia (Kaleiçi, Antalya) and its Significance for Jewish Communities in Pamphylia." ADALYA, no. 23 (November 15, 2020): 343–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.47589/adalya.837991.

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Kandemir, N., and A. Çelik. "Comparison of morphological and anatomical properties of endangered endemic Iris pamphylica and I. masia in Turkey." Acta Botanica Hungarica 59, no. 3-4 (September 2017): 371–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/034.59.2017.3-4.6.

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Rémy, Bernard. "L'activité des fonctionnaires sénatoriaux dans la province de Lycie-Pamphylie au Haut-Empire, d'après les inscriptions." Anatolia Antiqua 1, no. 1 (1991): 151–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/anata.1991.1147.

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Brixhe, Claude. "L’identité de Sidé. Entre vérité et réalisme politique: de la légende à l’histoire et à la langue." Kadmos 57, no. 1-2 (June 1, 2018): 137–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kadmos-2018-0009.

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Abstract Avec le cas de Sidé, on constate que l’identité affichée par une communauté est chose complexe et mouvante. La partie orientale de la Pamphylie, au-delà de l’Eurymedon, avait échappé à la colonisation grecque. Commencée à la fin du IIe millénaire et connaissant plusieurs vagues, celle-ci avait imposé, à l’ouest du fleuve, un grec mâtiné de la langue indigène postlouvite. A l’est, sur le territoire de Sidé celle-ci est restée langue légitime. Lorsqu’Aspendos, à l’ouest et Sidé à l’est émergent dans l’histoiré, une solide inimitié semble les opposer: Sidé affirme son anatolité et, à en croire les bribes historiographiques qui nous sont parvenues, en cas de conflit les deux cités ne sont jamais dans le même camp. A partir de l’époque classique sans doute, cette inimitié est stimulée par une rivalité économique. L’aversion des Sidètes pour leurs voisins hellènes ou hellénisés ne les empêche pas d’être très sensibles aux atouts économiques et culturels de ces derniers. Ils leur font de multiples emprunts. Celui qui illustre le mieux cette attitude qui mêle aversion et attraction est l’écriture dont ils dotent leur langue: leur alphabet, comme le grec, note les voyelles, mais pour les caractères ils imaginent le plus souvent des traces aussi différents que possible de ceux de leurs correspondants grecs. Cet anatolisme virulent ne faisait pas problème tant que la Pamphylie n’appartenait pas au monde grec. La situation changea avec la conquête macédonienne. C’est très probablement alors que surgit le récit qui faisait de Sidé une colonie de Kymé d’Eolide. Ce récit rattachait Side au moins partiellement au monde grec. Or rien, ni a Side ni a Kyme, ne le confirme: sans doute un des nombreux mythes qui apparurent, surtout a partir de l’époque hellénistique, pour installer une cite dans l’histoire grecque. Avec l’arrivee d’Alexandre (334 a. C.), le sidétique ne perdit pas immédiatement sa légitimité et il fut écrit jusqu’au tournant du IIIe au IIe siècle. Mais les bilingues qu’il nous a laissées et la forme sidétique des anthroponymes grecs montrent que les Sidètes s’emparèrent rapidement de la koiné grecque.

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Hawkins, J. D. "Tarkasnawa King of Mira ‘Tarkondemos’, Boǧazköy sealings and Karabel." Anatolian Studies 48 (December 1998): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3643046.

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The historical geography of Anatolia in the period sourced by the Boǧazköy texts (Middle-Late Bronze Age) has proved an on-going problem since they first became available, and nowhere was this more acutely felt than in southern and western Anatolia, generally acknowledged as the site of the Arzawa lands, also probably the Lukka lands. A major advance has been registered since the mid-1980s, with the publication and interpretation of the Hieroglyphic inscription of Tudhaliya IV from Yalburt, and the Cuneiform treaty on the Bronze Tablet of the same king. These two documents have established that the later territory of Rough Cilicia constituted the Late Bronze Age kingdom of Tarhuntassa with its western border at Perge in Pamphylia, and that the Lukka lands did indeed occupy all of (or more than) classical Lycia in the south-west. These recognitions, by establishing the geography of the south and south-west, correspondingly reduced the areas of uncertainty in the west.In 1997 I was fortunately able to establish the reading of the Hieroglyphic inscription attached to the long-known Karabel relief, which lies inland from Izmir in a pass across the Tmolos range between Ephesos and Sardis. This can be shown to give the name of Tarkasnawa, King of Mira, and those of his father and grandfather, also kings of Mira but with names of uncertain reading. This is the same king known from his silver seal (referred to as ‘Tarkondemos' from an early and incorrect identification), and impressions of other seals of his have more recently been found at Boǧazköy. Clearly he was an important historical figure.

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Milner, N. P. "Building Roman Lycia: new inscriptions and monuments from the baths and peristyle buildings Ml 1 and Ml 2 at Oinoanda." Anatolian Studies 66 (2016): 91–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066154616000077.

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AbstractA new building inscription (no. 1) from Oinoanda, found beside the baths building Ml 1 in 2011, dedicates the building to the Roman emperor Vespasian and his sons Titus and Domitian in AD 73. This article places the new find in the setting of the whole building complex, including the adjacent building Ml 2, which is likely to be a palaistra (wrestling-school), though rebuilt over a century later. The inscription supplies new evidence for the date of the governor of Lycia-Pamphylia, Firmus. It also points to the existence of earlier baths, which is compared to other similar indications from elsewhere in Lycia. A second, but illegible, inscription was recorded in 2012, outside a doorway leading from building Ml 1 into the peristyle building Ml 2 (no. 2). A third inscription on a statue base in building Ml 2 was also recorded (no. 3), along with two other illegible statue-base inscriptions (nos 4 and 5). The article places them in the context of the inscribed monuments found earlier at the building complex (nos 6 and 7), which may have included the small building Ml 3, and discusses them in the light of the broader phenomenon of Julio-Claudian and Flavian baths buildings in the region, and the role of the provincial governors and procurators in overseeing such building projects. This allows us to draw some conclusions about the nature and impact of Roman rule in first-century Lycia, which brought within the reach of many Lycian cities piped water, Italian-style bathing and new, improved facilities for the regionally popular heavy athletic sports of boxing, wrestling and pankration (unarmed combat).

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Mitchell, Stephen. "The mansio in Pisidia‘s Döşeme Boğazı: a unique building in Roman Asia Minor." Journal of Roman Archaeology 33 (2020): 231–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759420000999.

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The Döşeme Boğazı (‘Pass with the Pavement’) is one of the ancient routes through the Taurus Mountains that connected the Anatolian interior with the southern coastal regions (fig. 1). From an early date it was an important component of the Roman road-system in Asia Minor (fig. 2). The pass lay near the S end of the Republican route from the Dardanelles to Side which was created by Manius Aquillius, first proconsul of Asia between 129 and 126 B.C. The S part of this road was incorporated into the via Sebaste, built in 6/5 B.C., which linked several of the Roman colonies founded by Augustus in south-central Anatolia to the Mediterranean coast. By good fortune, the ancient settlements and the Roman and post-Roman road in this defile have survived largely untouched by modern development. The course of the road between the Roman colony of Comama (Pisidia) and Perge (Pamphylia), as well as branch roads leading to other settlements, can be traced precisely. Well-preserved remains of two settlements, both occupied between the 2nd and 6th c., are identifiable at the upper and lower ends of the defile: in them are houses having from 2 to 10 rooms, the larger ones arranged around courtyards and some having cisterns and towers (Turmgehöfte), a bath-house and public cisterns, roadside shops, sarcophagi and small heroa in prominent positions by the road, and numerous churches. The lower site includes a large walled structure probably of the 6th c., that was almost certainly designed as an animal enclosure to control transhumant flocks. Most remarkable of all the surviving structures in the pass, however, are the remains of a mansio or way-station, which survives up to roof level and is the best-preserved building of this type in the entire empire.

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Harris, D. James, Nuno Ferrand, Eduardo Crespo, and Raquel Godinho. "Phylogeny and evolution of the green lizards, Lacerta spp. (Squamata: Lacertidae) based on mitochondrial and nuclear DNA sequences." Amphibia-Reptilia 26, no. 3 (2005): 271–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853805774408667.

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AbstractPartial DNA sequences from three mitochondrial (cytochrome b, 12S rRNA and 16S rRNA) and two nuclear (β-fibrinogen intron 7 and C-mos) genes were used to estimate the phylogenetic relationships among all eight extant species of green lizards, Lacerta sensu stricto, and many currently recognized subspecies. All eight species form a monophyletic group. L. agilis, L. schreiberi and L. strigata are genetically well differentiated species. L. trilineata and L. pamphylica are not monophyletic units based on analyses of the β-fibrinogen intron 7. Lacerta media is closely related to some Lacerta trilineata. L. bilineata and L. viridis are closely related, and recognition of L. bilineata as a distinct species makes L. viridis paraphyletic also. For both L. bilineata and L. viridis, some subspecies appear to remain in their southern glacial refugia, while a single genetic entity shows successfully postglacial expansion. The topology derived from C-mos variation is concordant with that derived from mtDNA, with substitutions occurring at a similar rate to that of transversions in the rRNA genes. Although C-mos is typically used at deeper taxonomic levels it is also phylogenetically informative within green lizards. β-fibrinogen intron 7, typically used for assessing phylogenetic relationships among bird species, is a useful phylogenetic marker for reptiles also, showing considerable variation between species. There is not complete concordance between estimates of relationships derived from the mtDNA and nuclear markers, probably because rapid diversification led to incomplete lineage sorting in the green lizards. Introgression could also be occuring between some species.

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Levick, B. M. "Asia Minor Studien, 7 - H. Brandt: Asia Minor Studien, 7. Gesellschaft und Wirtschaft Pamphyliens und Pisidiens im Altertum. Pp. xii+233; 1 map. Bonn: Dr Rudolf Habelt Gmbh, 1992. Paper." Classical Review 45, no. 1 (April 1995): 114–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00292457.

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Rogers, Dylan Kelby. "Water in Asia Minor & beyond - GILBERT WIPLINGER (ed.), DE AQUAEDUCTU ATQUE URBIUM LYCIAE PAMPHYLIAE PISIDIAE. THE LEGACY OF SEXTUS JULIUS FRONTINUS. TAGUNGSBAND DES INTERNATIONALEN FRONTINUS-SYMPOSIUMS, ANTALYA, 31. OKTOBER – 9. NOVEMBER 2014 (BABESCH Suppl. 27; Peeters, Leuven2016). Pp. xxxvi + 344, figs. 287. ISBN 9789042933613. EUR 98." Journal of Roman Archaeology 31 (2018): 927–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759418002222.

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Feugère, M. "Ostothèques à guirlandes de Pamphilie et Cilicie - TANER KORKUT, GIRLANDEN-OSTOTHEKEN AUS KALKSTEIN IN PAMPHYLIEN UND KILIKIEN. UNTERSUCHUNGEN ZU TYPOLOGIE, IKONOGRAPHIE UND CHRONOLOGIE (Deutsches Archäologisches Institut, Sarkophag-Studien Band 4; Verlag Philipp von Zabem, Mainz 2006). Pp. ix + 129, Abb. 38, Taf. 64. ISBN 978-3-8053-3563-8. EUR. 69.50." Journal of Roman Archaeology 22 (2009): 733–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759400021401.

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Hopwood, K. R. "Senators in Anatolia - Bernary Rémy: Les Fastes sénatoriaux des provinces romaines d'Anatolie au haut-empire (31 avant J.C.–284 après J.C.) Pont-Bithynie, Galatie, Cappadoce, Lycie-Pamphylie et Cilicie. (Institut Français d'Études Anatoliennes, ‘Synthése’, 26.) Pp. vi + 428; 192 tables, 2 maps, 52 graphs. Paris: Éditions Recherche sur les civilisations, 1988. Paper, frs. 365 (frs. 345.97 outside France). - Bernard Rémy: Les Carrières sénatoriales dans les provinces romaines d'Anatolie au haut-empire (31 avant J.C.–284 après J.C.) Pont-Bithynie, Galatie, Cappadoce, Lycie-Pamphylie et Cilicie. (Varia Anatolica, 2.) Pp. iv + 423; 17 tables, 4 photographs. Istanbul: Institut Français d'Études Anatoliennes et Éditions Divit, 1989." Classical Review 40, no. 2 (October 1990): 385–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00254188.

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"RURAL SITES IN PAMPHYLIA: A PRELIMINARY EVALUATION OF THE AVAILABLE ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE." Ulakbilge Dergisi 9, no. 60 (May 30, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.7816/ulakbilge-09-60-07.

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Located in the Antalya plain and the immediate northern part of this plain, Pamphylia was home to well-known ancient Anatolian cities Aspendos, Perge, Side and Sillyon. It can be claimed that these cities have been relatively well-researched archaeological settlements through archaeological excavations and surveys. Although the mentioned cities are archaeologically important elements of Pamphylia, the region also harbours numerous rural settlements and findspots. Especially, the cultural heritage registration activities in recent years have clearly revealed the dense human occupation and certain settlement trends in the region. Moreover, rescue excavations and individual findspots have revealed that the pre-Roman period of the region’s countryside can be dated back to at least the fifth century BCE. On the other hand, archaeological research in the region mainly focuses on the major cities and their material culture. With some exceptions such as Lyrboton Kome, the number of studies on the region’s countryside is much less compared to those of urban-focused ones. In addition, there is relatively little interest in regional-scale research that holistically deals with the rural settlements of the region. Based on these arguments, in this study, the current state of the countryside of Pamphylia will be evaluated in the light of current research and available evidence. Thus, this work also aims to establish a baseline study and starting point for future research on Pamphylia’s lesser-known countryside. Keywords: Pamphylia, Ancient Anatolian Countryside, Archaeology of Antalya, Mediterranean

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Adak, Mustafa. "Hansgerd Hellenkemper/Friedrich Hild, Tabula Imperii Byzantini 8: Lykien und Pamphylien." Byzantinische Zeitschrift 100, no. 1 (January 2007). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/byzs.2007.212.

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BRIXHE, CLAUDE. "CORPUS DES INSCRIPTIONS DIALECTALES DE PAMPHYLIE SUPPLÉMENT IV." Kadmos 35, no. 1 (1996). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kadm.1996.35.1.72.

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Brixhe, Claude, Recai Tekoğlu, and Guy Vottéro. "Corpus des inscriptions dialectales de Pamphylie. Supplément VI." Kadmos 46, no. 1-2 (January 2008). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kadmos.2007.004.

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KORKUT, Taner, and Murat DİRİCAN. "PAMPHYLİA VE PHRYGİA BÖLGELERİ ROMA DÖNEMİ LAHİT ÜRETİM MERKEZLERİ VE ATÖLYE SORUNLARI." Türkiye Bilimler Akademisi Arkeoloji Dergisi, January 14, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22520/tubaar2020.27.014.

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Brixhe, Claude. "La Pamphylie. Peuplement et dialecte: 40 ans de recherche." Kadmos 52, no. 1 (January 2013). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kadmos-2013-0008.

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