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Ackah, William Bradley. "Pan-Africanism : exploring the contradictions." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.306003.
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Murray, H. C. "Bordercrossings, Africadia, the Carribean, Pan-Africanism." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape17/PQDD_0024/MQ26963.pdf.
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Lipede, Abiola Ade. "Pan Africanism in Southern Africa 1900-1960." Thesis, University of York, 1990. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/9774/.
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MATTOS, PABLO DE OLIVEIRA DE. "THE SILENT HERO: GEORGE PADMORE, DIASPORA E PAN-AFRICANISM." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2018. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=36940@1.
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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIROCOORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
PROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTS. DE ENSINO
PROGRAMA DE DOUTORADO SANDUÍCHE NO EXTERIOR
PROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTITUIÇÕES COMUNITÁRIAS DE ENSINO PARTICULARES
Ivan Meredith Nurse nasceu na colônia britânica de Trinidad, em 1902, e migrou para os Estados Unidos, em 1924, a fim de prosseguir com seus estudos. Tornou-se um militante antirracista nos Estados Unidos dos tempos de Jim Crow, entrou para o movimento comunista internacional, e mudou de nome, passando a chamar-se George Padmore em 1929. Em 1930 já era um dos comunistas negros mais conhecidos a serviço de Moscou, responsável por articular uma internacional de trabalhadores negros a partir de Hamburgo, Alemanha. Em 1934, rompe com o Comintern e com Stálin, embora siga enquanto marxista e defensor do modelo Soviético de estado. Entre 1935 e 1957 foi o grande articulador da resistência anticolonial e anti-imperial a partir de Londres. Padmore foi um dos principais pensadores Pan-Africanistas, artífice do Quinto Congresso Pan-Africano de Manchester, em 1945, e arquiteto da independência da Costa do Ouro, em 1957. A análise da trajetória e do pensamento político de George Padmore evidencia a experiência da Diáspora Negra e permite compreender a sistematização de uma ideologia Pan-Africana centrada nas massas africanas, na emancipação do continente africano e na construção dos Estados Socialistas Africanos. George Padmore escreveu artigos em jornais de diversos territórios coloniais, mas também em periódicos da metrópole. Também produziu obras que buscaram guiar e pautar o movimento anti-imperial e as lutas anticoloniais. Esta tese pretende apresentar este Herói Silencioso em seu contexto linguístico, junto de outros intelectuais negros tais como, W.E.B. Du Bois, Claude McKay, C.L.R. James, Kwame Nkrumah, a fim de evidenciar o vocabulário político Pan-Africano da primeira metade do século XX.
Ivan Meredith Nurse was born in the British colony of Trinidad in 1902 and moved to the United States in 1924 to pursue his studies. He became an anti-racist militant in the Jim Crow s United States, joined the international communist movement, and changed his name to George Padmore in 1929. By 1930, he was already one of the best-known black communists in the service of Moscow, responsible for coordinating a black workers international from Hamburg, Germany. In 1934, he broke with the Comintern and Joseph Stalin, although he continued as a Marxist and defender of the Soviet state model. Between 1935 and 1957, he was the great articulator of anti-colonial and anti-imperial resistance from London. Padmore was a leading Pan-Africanist thinker, organizer of the Fifth Pan-African Congress of Manchester in 1945, and architect of the Gold Coast s independence in 1957. The analysis of George Padmore s trajectory and political thinking allow to evidenciate the experience of the Back Diaspora and allows us to understand the systematization of a Pan-African ideology centered on the African masses, the emancipation of the African continent and the building of African Socialist States. George Padmore wrote articles in newspapers of various colonial territories, but also in journals of the metropolis. He also produced works that sought to guide the anti-imperial movement and anticolonial struggles. This thesis intends to present this Silent Hero in its linguistic context, along with other black intellectuals such as, W.E.B. Du Bois, Claude McKay, C.L.R. James, Kwame Nkrumah, in order to evidence the Pan-African political vocabulary of the first half of the twentieth century.
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Nzewi, Ogochukwu Iruoma. "The role of the Pan African Parliament in African regionalism (2004-2006) an institutional perspective /." Pretoria : [s.n.], 2008. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-03282009-131651/.
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Lee, Devon Lovelle. "Pan Africanist Praxis Ina Belize." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/103648.
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Pan Africanism is strategy that emerges through a history of surviving oppression, methodology to understand thought and action, and theory that tests findings against sociopolitical context. History, methodology and theory are used to develop the historical trajectory that responds to invasion, slavery, colonization and neocolonialism in Belize. As such, three manuscripts are offered to outline the historical narrative of Belizean Pan Africanism, autoethnographic insights for the study of Pan Africanism, and the sociopolitical context that contemporary Pan Africanism in Belize rises out of. Kurt Young defines Pan-Africanism as: "a fusing of affirmations of African identity with libratory efforts at the level of the masses (2009:7). The study and practice of Pan Africanism should therefore aligned in objectives and strategy to interrupt oppressive conditions that impact communities within the African Diaspora. This project, therefore, operationalizes scholar-activism in history, method and theory to outline strategic action and collective subversion as Pan Africanist Praxis in Belize.Doctor of Philosophy
White Colonizers invaded the shores of Africa, dislocating a people from their legacy and heritage. However, a strategy was formed to create a new legacy and heritage that broke the bondage of White supremacy that trapped Black bodies. From the enslaved that ran to forge a new path for their people, to those that shed blood for freedom, Pan Africanism has been a strategy that has incorporated thoughts of freedom into escape plans. This study builds a historical timeline for Pan Africanism in Belize, methodology for the study of Pan Africanism and an academic exploration of contemporary Pan Africanism in Belize. Pan Africanism as history, method and contemporary theory add to the body of knowledge by inserting Belize at the center of Pan Africanist theory and practice. The study and practice of Pan Africanism is aligned in objectives and strategy to interrupt historical and contemporary conditions that impact communities within the African Diaspora. This project, therefore, operationalizes scholar-activism in history, method and theory to outline strategic action and collective subversion as Pan-Africanist Praxis in Belize.
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Lawson, Autumn Anne. "Kwame Nkrumah’s quest for Pan Africanism: from independence leader to deposed despot." Thesis, Wichita State University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10057/3731.
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On February 12, 1951, Francis Nwia-Kofi “Kwame” Nkrumah walked out of James Fort
Prison to become the first Prime Minister of the Gold Coast. After a landslide election, Nkrumah
and his Convention People’s Party (CPP) sought to end British imperial rule in the Gold Coast
and create a socialist Pan African union on the continent. In six years the highly educated and
charismatic Nkrumah gained independence for the Gold Coast, which he promptly renamed
Ghana, on March 6, 1957. Both Nkrumah and Ghana entered independence with a great deal of
potential and possibility for success. However, Nkrumah’s desire for a United States of Africa
became an obsession that prevented the leader from attending to Ghana’s crucial economic and
development needs. As national opposition to Nkrumah’s leadership rose, he responded with
oppressive laws and increased centralized authority over the people who came to view Nkrumah
more as an egotistical dictator than a savior.
The majority of the literature surrounding the biography and legacy of Kwame Nkrumah
focuses on the leader’s shortcomings in an attempt to negate Nkrumah’s early accomplishments.
This work explores Nkrumah’s legacy from a middle ground perspective by examining how
Nkrumah successfully introduced Pan Africanism to Ghana and fought for the potential of
African unity. The composition also demonstrates how Nkrumah’s intoxication with his own
image and clear decline into dictatorship shattered his dreams of a United States of Africa.Thesis (M.A.)--Wichita State University, College of Liberal Arts and Sciences, Dept. of History.
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Hoffmann, Nimi. "The knowledge commons, pan-Africanism, and epistemic inequality: a study of CODESRIA." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/60303.
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This study is about the Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa (CODESRIA). Conceived in 1964 and formalised in 1973, CODESRIA is the longest-standing pan-African intellectual organisation on the continent. It was established with the primary objective of fostering greater collaboration between African scholars, and has acquired a reputation for challenging the marginalisation and fragmentation of African scholarship. However, there has been no systematic account of this important organisation. This study aims to cast light on this organisation and its intellectual contributions in the post-independence period. It examines CODESRIA as a knowledge commons - a community of scholars that creates, manages and shares intellectual goods outside of the state and the market. It asks: what factors have shaped CODESRIA as a pan-African knowledge commons in the context of epistemic inequality? As a way of answering this question, it examines three key debates: the different meanings of pan-Africanism in CODESRIA, CODESRIA’s defence of the academic project during structural adjustment, and African feminists’ struggles to change CODESRIA. These debates exemplify the ways in which different generations of African scholars in the post - independence period have sought to make sense of and respond to the problems of inequality - both outside of CODESRIA and within CODESRIA. This thesis approaches CODESRIA as a case study. It combines a document analysis with semi-structured interviews to construct and critique key intellectuals' understandings of the organisational design and practices of CODESRIA, the nature of its community and intellectual work. It supplements this with a descriptive analysis of CODESRIA’s bibliometric and administrative data. The study finds that CODESRIA has forged a distinctive form of pan-Africanism that offers a non-governmental and intellectual alternative to state-centric and bureaucratic forms of pan-Africanism. As a powerful counter-narrative to prevailing ideas of African intellectual inferiority, pan-Africanism has been an important motivational source for establishing and cohering CODESRIA’s community. Although its pan-African organisational form has been complicated by the enduring influence of colonial frameworks and limited by the the material and institutional weaknesses of African universities, it has nevertheless acted as a mode of collective enquiry for troubling and expanding the colonial conception of Africa. This study further finds that structural adjustment fundamentally reshaped the intellectual and material underpinnings of CODESRIA with complex and ambiguous results. In the short term, CODESRIA’s analysis of structural adjustment led to considerable intellectual and organisational innovation so that it grew in size and influence. In the long-run, however, structural adjustment eroded the public universities upon which CODESRIA relied. This eroded the mechanisms to maintain its intellectual vigour and democratic character, and increased CODESRIA’s dependency on donors. The study also finds that the struggles of feminist scholars to change unequal gender norms in CODESRIA have been a source of significant intellectual and organisational renewal. Contestations over gender inequality within CODESRIA have given rise to a distinctive form of African feminism, which emphasises the historicity of gender relations in ways that reject essentialist and teleological accounts of African societies. Feminist struggles have also given rise to new standards of scholastic excellence that mark a meaningful departure from the skewed standards introduced under colonial rule. Nevertheless, the persistent minoritisation of female scholars in CODESRIA has significantly limited their capacity to effect institutional change, such that the ghettoization of feminist scholarship and the hollowing out of feminist discourses on gender remains a constant threat. The central argument of this study is that inequality can motivate marginalised members to engage in the collective action required to create and reshape knowledge commons, but it can also constrain their collective action and threaten the long-term sustainability of the commons. The collective agency of marginalised individuals is therefore central to the flourishing of knowledge commons. Second, knowledge commons are intimately dependent on public goods, such as universities. Public goods are plausibly the source, and therefore the limit, of knowledge commons’ capacity to flourish over the long-term. As a consequence, it is likely that knowledge commons are complements to public goods provision, rather than substitutes. Rethinking the knowledge commons in terms of the predicaments of African intellectual communities, I contend, provides new ways of understanding the possibilities, constraints and contradictions of knowledge commons in an unequal world. This study contributes to the empirical literature on African intellectual communities. In particular, it provides critical knowledge on a scholarly community that has not only endured, but has managed to thrive in a context of profound economic and political instability. This provides an indication of the institutions, practices, and intellectual resources that are required to ensure that African knowledge systems flourish over the long-term. This study also makes a theoretical contribution to the literature on knowledge commons, which are largely theorised using examples from the global North. It shows how reconceptualising knowledge commons in terms of inequality opens up new lines of empirical investigation. Building on existing commons research, it develops a methodological framework for comparative research on southern knowledge commons, which may also be of use for investigating commons in general.
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Asante, Charles. "Ghana's Foreign Policy Post-Independence: A study of Kwame Nkrumah's Pan-Africanism." Thesis, Griffith University, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/385870.
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This thesis employs the norm entrepreneurship approach to explore Ghana’s foreign policy during the
post-independence era, with a particular focus on the country’s first President Kwame Nkrumah’s
policy of Pan-Africanism. Pan-Africanism may be defined as the idea of protecting Africa’s selfdetermination,
and promoting a sense of consciousness and group solidarity amongst people of African
origin. This thesis critically examines Nkrumah’s leadership in the post-independence period, and the
way in which his Pan-African ideal and legacy has continued to influence Ghana’s foreign policy
engagement in the African region.
In tracing the evolution of Ghana’s foreign policy under Nkrumah, two main cases are
examined — Ghana’s peacekeeping engagement in the 1960–1964 Congo mission and the creation of
a continental bloc, the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) in 1963. Norm entrepreneurship theory
provides new insight into Nkrumah’s attempts to reinforce, articulate, and communicate his vision of
Pan-Africanism. Buoyed by his success post-Ghana’s independence, Nkrumah continued to present
himself as a crucial vehicle for protecting Africa’s political and economic independence.
The concept of Pan-Africanism was vital in assisting Nkrumah articulate and champion
Ghana’s path to achieve independence. It served to establish his leadership and his political networks.
However, his devotion to the promotion of the Pan-African norm during his Presidency compromised
his foreign policy choices and decisions; it was also paradoxical in view of the increasingly authoritarian
leadership style he adopted in Ghana.
This thesis presents the complexity of post-independence foreign policy decision making and
the influence of the post-colonial narrative. Leaders such as Nkrumah considered themselves as the
redeemers of Africa’s political and economic vulnerability from its colonial experiences. This thesis
finds that, in contrast to the positive experience associated with his independence movement for Ghana,
Nkrumah could not build the same kind of vision, engagement, and networks necessary for successful
promotion of a Pan-African region. Despite Nkrumah’s own foreign policy failures in the Congo and
OAU’s formation, as well as his sudden departure after a military coup, Nkrumah’s Pan-African vision
is still promoted as an important foreign policy legacy by Ghana’s politicians, public servants, military,
and academics. I argue that this legacy endures because the independent, post-colonial narrative matters
as much as the promotion of geopolitical and material interests. The struggle for independence and the
right to independent self-determination was not just a geopolitical fight; it was a deeply personal one in the case of Nkrumah and the Ghanaian population.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Govt & Int Relations
Griffith Business School
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Kanneh, Kadiatu Gwyneth. "African identities : race, nation and culture in ethnography, Pan-Africanism and black literatures." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.260627.
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Bosch, Stephanie. "Forms of Affiliation: Nationalism, Pan-Africanism, and Globalism in Southern African Literary Media." Thesis, Harvard University, 2015. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:17465321.
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Forms of Affiliation maps new literary geographies that cut across national, postcolonial, local, and global frameworks. Focusing on fiction from the 1950s to the present-day from South Africa, Malawi, Zambia, and Zimbabwe, it demonstrates how writers from these nations have developed new genres of fiction in popular media to imagine changing modes of interconnection across space. Popular media—including newspapers, magazines, and their digital iterations—are vital literary outlets in southern Africa and often the only means for underrepresented populations to find a voice in public discourse. Crucially, many of the genres in these publications do not fit neatly into European literary categories. They also envision Africanness and blackness within a variety of overlapping spatial scales, from the township to the diaspora, thus challenging the common conception of southern African literatures as tied primarily to nationalist projects. Through the analysis and translation of hundreds of stories from publications such as African Parade, Africa!, the Malawi News, and the Chimurenga Chronic, I identify four generic categories of southern African fiction: “migrant forms,” “township tales,” “newspaper short stories,” and “literary time-machines.” Across its chapters, Forms of Affiliation shows how these genres make visible combinations of form, meaning, and geography that are obscured by traditional literary categories.African and African American Studies
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Young, Kurt B. "Pan-African nationalism in the Post-Cold War Era: a grassroots-based analysis of the state of Pan-Africanism." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2002. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/437.
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The last quarter of the twentieth century has revealed the steady decline in the jubilation and promise embodied by symbols of Pan-Africanism, such as the Organization of African Unity and the Pan-African Congress formations. This reality has been consistent with a popular viewpoint at the end of the Cold War that Pan Africanism was declining as a viable instrument for progress. This study details the state of Pan-Africanism in the post-Cold War era in order to understand the nature of its evolution and utility. The research undertaken in this dissertation is based on the assumption that, rather than declining, Pan-Africanism has been readjusting to two dynamics: transformations in the international political economy and the unfolding conditions confronting African communities on the continent and in the Diaspora. The two central positions advanced in this study were that evaluating Pan-Africanism relied on applying a consistent theoretical approach and that conclusions about Pan-Africanism’s viability had to address contemporary grassroots-level perspectives on the movement. The multiple case study approach was employed, consisting of an examination of three grassroots Pan-African organizations located in different regions of the African world. The leaders of each organization were interviewed and questionnaires were administered to the members. A comparative historical analysis of the 6thand 7thPan-African Congresses was also conducted. The data generated revealed a significant level of Pan-African activism and commitment on the organizational and grassroots levels. Also, the contemporary elements of Pan-Afi-icanism demonstrated by the organizations in turn contributed to the development of a theory of Pan-African Nationalism. The conclusions reached emphasized three aspects of post-Cold War Pan Africanism: (1) rather than declining, Pan-Africanism was in a process of transformation and within this process a number of critical issues were emerging that are being confronted at the grassroots level; (2) although the organizations supported the basic assumptions of Pan-African Nationalism, their emphasis on grassroots organizing and recognition of cultural identity had to be adjusted and sharpened to reflect contemporary realities; and (3) finally, in addition to ongoing support for the unification of African states, the promotion of linkages between the grassroots-based organizations throughout the Diaspora has emerged as a critical aspect of Pan-Africanism.
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Hesse, Barnor. "Signs of blackness : racialized governmentality and the politics of black diaspora." Thesis, University of Essex, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.243354.
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Ratcliff, Anthony J. "Liberation at the end of a pen writing Pan-African politics of cultural struggle /." Amherst, Mass. : University of Massachusetts Amherst, 2009. http://scholarworks.umass.edu/open_access_dissertations/74/.
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Crone, Barber Katie L. "The construction of meta-narratives : perspectives on Pan-Africanism and nationalism in Ghana, 1957-1966." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2014. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/8210/.
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This thesis explores the development and deployment of two political meta-narratives, Pan-Africanism and nationalism, in both the Gold Coast/Ghana, and amongst diaspora intellectuals and activists. Through a close examination of the published and personal writings of those who engaged with these meta-narratives – African American intellectuals, West Indian activists, and the first post-colonial African Prime Minster of Ghana, Kwame Nkrumah – the extent to which context impacts upon the development of these ideas will be demonstrated. Considering the interaction between the construction of meta-narratives and socio-political change, this thesis will argue that broader historical changes fundamentally shaped how these sets of ideas were interpreted, and in turn, Pan-Africanism and nationalism provided a framework for how those historical changes were understood. The resulting interaction between ideas and practices led to a wide variation in meanings attributed to the meta-narratives, and it was from these variations that Nkrumah began to articulate his own understandings of Pan-Africanism and nationalism in the mid-twentieth century. This is demonstrated through the placing of Nkrumah’s worldview within a longer history of Pan-Africanism. In situating his work this way, both the flexibility and potency of meaning that both meta-narratives provided becomes apparent. It is here argued that Nkrumah responded to a range of domestic, continental, and international influences, and his responses demonstrate both his understanding of the meta-narratives, and how this understanding changed over a relatively short period of time. As a result, Nkrumah’s development of and alterations to Pan-Africanism and nationalism were consistent with their historical utilisation, and not a reflection of his personal search for power. In analysing the interaction between thought and action on both sides of the Atlantic, the thesis also considers the experiences of African American émigrés to Ghana, and how their personal experiences in the USA, and subsequently in Ghana, altered and informed their understanding of Pan-Africanism. ‘Africa’ had played a powerful role in the African American imagination for decades, but it had been an imagined version of the continent, one which was intended to reinforce and direct self-perception among the diaspora. In choosing to emigrate to Ghana, a small group were brought into direct contact, mostly for the first time, with a very different reality. Through extended periods of interaction with Africa, diaspora assumptions about the continent were challenged, and those present were forced to reconsider the relationship between nationalism and Pan-Africanism in new ways.
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Mohamed, Aisha. "Digesting the Pan-African Failure and the Role of African Psychology : Fanonian understanding of the Pan-African failure in establishing oneness and ending disunity/xenophobia in South Africa." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-44052.
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The study insists on understanding the miscarriage of “Pan-Africanism” and the role of “African” mentality with the help of Fanon’s psychoanalysis “Black Skin, White Mask,” exemplifying the immense colonial, slavery, and apartheid psychological damages experienced by Black individuals resulting Blacks/Africans self-hate and a desire to be “white” throughout the domain of Western culture, ideology, and language. To provide accurate analysis of the “Pan-African” failure to solve increasing blacks-hate-against-blacks/xenophobia in South Africa, concepts othering, mimicry, subaltern from the critical theory (postcolonialism) were applied. Thereupon, Qualitative Content Analysis and Critical Discourse Analysis relying on the theoretical concepts were conducted, which underlined how the mimicry process makes Africa's interaction an elite-driven one, oppressing African/subaltern citizens. The findings showed a need for "Black-Consciousness" and Nkrumah's “Pan-African” vision (African unification) to end colonial-mentality generating collective subordination of Subaltern/Africans. Generally, the use of Fanon’s psycho-social analysis has shown that the generational oppression, trauma, and cultural stereotypes continue to robotize and dictate African leaders and the African Union's favoritism of Western “neo-liberal” policies. It is summarized that the “Pan-African” failure is a failure of gradual unconscious “Pan-Africanists” who pledge allegiance to “Western” policies rather than rededicating themselves to durable Radical “Pan-Africanism” which is an antidote to Africa’s self-hate/xenophobia, neo-colonialism, and the robotization of unconscious Africans.
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Gabrielsson, Anna. "A study of pan-African ideas of a collective identity in Africa." Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Sektionen för hälsa och samhälle (HOS), 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-14122.
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The intention of this paper has been to look at how pan-African ideas about a common identity hav e been expressed and developed on the African continent since the period of decolonisation in the 1960s. By using social constructivist identity-theory I have looked at how identity can be constructed by the use of myths, stories, symbols and ‘othering’. Thereafter I used these ideas when analysing different official documents from pan-African movements such as the creation of the AU and its constitutive act to identify what tools that were used to construct a common African identity. Thereby I was also to see if there had been any change in how pan-African ideas have expressed African identity over time.
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Miller, Charlotte Lee. "Who are the “permanent inhabitants” of the state?: citizenship policies and border controls in Tanzania, 1920-1980." Diss., University of Iowa, 2011. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/4877.
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From 1920 to 1980, British colonial authorities and post-colonial Tanzanian leaders struggled with African mobility and identities. State officials viewed border-crossers, including labor migrants, refugees, immigrants, and smugglers, as problematic. During the colonial period, persistent African mobility and flexible, multi-faceted identities led the state to abandon attempts to control African migrant laborers. As the state transitioned to independence, nationalist leaders created Tanzanian citizenship and claimed to embrace trans-border African mobility in order to reject colonial racist views and promote Pan-Africanism. However almost immediately following independence, concerns about security, political opposition, land-use, and the economy actually contributed to state attempts to harden borders. Examining citizenship legislation and border controls reveals the tensions between border-crossers, and the Tanzanian colonial and post-colonial governments. Border-crossers maintained long-term ties and regional identities, while both colonial authorities and post-colonial nationalist leaders sought to fix their identities and limit their movement across borders.
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Schmeisser, Iris. "Transatlantic crossings between Paris and New York Pan-Africanism, cultural difference and the arts in the interwar years." Heidelberg Winter, 2003. http://deposit.d-nb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2853430&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.
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Pendegraft, Gregory. "Third World Decolonization: The Pan Africanist Movement in the Age of Nasserism." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2017. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc984267/.
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In the mid-twentieth century Egyptian President Gamal Abdel-Nasser, along with President Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana rose to international prominence as leaders and visionaries who were able to achieve political independence in their respective home countries while attempting to shape a destiny for Africa that did not involve Western imperialism. For Nasser's part, he first secured independence for Egypt, then turned his attention to the Middle East, but soon became as active in the politics of Sub Saharan Africa, also known as black Africa, as he was in the Arab world. This thesis explores Nasser's forays into Sub Saharan Africa during the period of decolonization on the continent and how his aspirations for Africa were equally a part of his political agenda that came to be known as Nasserism. Considering Nasser was the leader of the Third bloc, Egypt's fate was tied to Africa just as much as it was to the Middle East. Beyond the aspects of Nasser's involvement in Africa, this work also explores the active role Africans played in their quest for independence from European colonizers. Many African leaders during this time were as prominent and as shrewd as Nasser and were committed to establishing an anti-imperialist continent while developing modern African states based on the principles of Pan Africanism. While this occurred, new countries began to enter Africa and it became up to the African heads of state to determine how much involvement they wanted from these outsiders and at what cost. As these many dynamics played out in Africa, Pan Africanism was simultaneously occurring in the United States that linked black America's fate with Africa in movements that emphasized black nationalism and Third World political ideology.
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Chimbuto, Joseph George Salijeni. "The representation of women in Nollywood films : an investigation of its impact on audiences in Malawi." Thesis, University of Roehampton, 2015. https://pure.roehampton.ac.uk/portal/en/studentthesis/the-representation-of-women-in-nollywood-films(35ee0cba-53cc-4b58-821d-ede1bfd0c4ce).html.
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Since its emergence two decades ago, the Nollywood film industry is fast becoming social, cultural and economic phenomenon among Malawian audiences. Every year, Nollywood actors visit Malawi and some Malawi print media have columns dedicated to Nollywood. According to unofficial statistics carried out by this study, nine out of every ten film enthusiasts in Malawi’s rural areas are Nollywood fanatics, and at least seven out of ten people in the urban areas frequently watch Nollywood films. The films are more popular than both Hollywood and Bollywood films. It could be argued that this popularity is due to the reason that the films are cheaper to buy. Another reason is that the proliferation of free-to-air satellite dishes has made these films easily accessible for the Malawian audience. Notwithstanding these perspectives, this study reveals that unprecedented appeal to Nigerian made films is first and foremost a result of cultural identity. The study, carried out among nine communities across Malawi represented by focus groups, demonstrates that viewers enjoy watching the cultural portrayals manifested in the films by the characters which, they feel, are similar to their own real life and experiences. Taking into account the widespread patronage of Nollywood films, it is safe to assume that these films are making an impact on the local audiences. Based on focus group discussions and analysis of the six case study films by 83 participants in selected areas across Malawi between 2012 and 2013, the study findings indicate that there is a problem of power relations in Malawian society based on gender and iii sex. Men have the upperhand in decision making, access to resources and education opportunities. The study reveals that emergence of the films in Malawi is offering another perspective of gender and social relations: the films’ portrayal of women shows that it is possible for them to have equal opportunities and power relations as their male counterparts. As the case study films were representative of Nollywood films owing to the fact that they represented women/gender and gender relations similary, this study therefore suggests that the films have a potential to bring about social change in Malawian communities. Through the responses of participating audiences that encompassed both men and women, the study reveals that the cinematic portrayals, especially those of female characters, have the potential to change the social perception of women and womanhood. The study uses continentalisation ( as adapted in Omoniyi, 2014b) as a conceptual framework in interpreting and analysing audiences’ responses to female representations in Nollywood films. The study observes that both Nigerian (as depicted by the film characters) and Malawian audiences share common cultural aspects that are predominantly African. The study regards Nollywood as a vehicle of intra-continental cultural flow. For this reason, the study makes an attempt to explore the extent to which Nollywood could be effective in facilitating gender notions that are identical across African societies. The study claims that despite variations in certain elements, culturally, there are more commonalities than differences among Africans. Malawian audiences and in iv particular, female audiences could get an inspiration from the portrayals that would advance their cause in society. Arguably, the portrayals of militancy and some heroism in some female characters could go a long way to inspire the female audiences and instill confidence in them. Thus, exposure to the films for a long period could improve Malawians’ perception of women or womanhood. This thesis therefore argues that Nollywood is a vehicle for the flow of these engendered notions of power relations across the continent. Thus, these engendered notions should be identified as African approaches to gender, and with their emphasis on balanced power relations between male and female members of communities, they have the ability to/ they have a potential to deconstruct social gendered female stereotypes. This study therefore claims that Nollywood films in general offer positive, empowering representation of African women. Nollywood studies are a rather young research field, and the representation of women in those films has been poorly-studied area so far, with gender relations being largely ignored by scholars. The fact that this is the first study done on the reception of Nollywood in Malawi makes it arguably a unique and valuable contribution to knowledge.
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Adurthy, Pragashnie. "Shifting landscapes, changing dynamics. The rise of regional hegemons : a case study of South Africa, 2009-2018." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/71131.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation examines the interplay of history, Pan-Africanism and soft power and its impact on how hegemony should be understood on the African continent. These dynamics were demonstrated through an examination of scholarship related to South Africa’s contested status as a regional hegemon.
Using the theoretical framework of the Hegemonic Stability Theory, it argues that much of the current contestation is attributed to the limitations of transposing a global theory to the regional level without taking into account the dynamics and complexities of that particular region. The study adopts a qualitative design and is grounded in an interpretivist paradigm to allow a more nuanced and richer analysis of the regional system. The study is a literature-based study that relies on secondary sources.
The dissertation found that the examined contextual factors rooted in the history and ideology of the continent combine to create powerful structural forces that impede the operation of hegemony in the manner envisioned by Hegemonic Stability Theory. Any application of hegemonic discourse to South Africa therefore requires a deeper understanding of the continent’s history, its Pan-Africanist ideology, and accompanying norms and values, as they actively constrain hegemonic ambition. Domestic complexities; contested space; increased competition; waning soft power and lack of secondary state followership also impede South Africa’s hegemony in Africa.Mini Dissertation (MDIPs)--University of Pretoria, 2019.
Political Sciences
MDIPS
Unrestricted
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Tabi, Stefania Agyeman <1990>. "Pan-Africanism, Neo-colonialism and Non-alignment: similarities and differences in the political thoughts of Kwame Nkrumah and Thomas Sankara." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/7970.
Full textAbstract:
In the second half of the Twentieth century a distinctive phenomenon crossed through Sub-Saharan Africa that modified not only the geopolitical aspect of the continent, but also the worldly north-south relation. From 1957 until 1990 all African countries had been freed from the burden of colonialism. The new leaders of these countries, who had lead liberation movements in the previous decades, strongly condemned (neo)-colonialism and advocated for a new international order in which African and Asian countries could have a greater voice. Among these leaders, Kwame Nkrumah stands out as he contributed extensively not only with his writings, but also in actions during the 50s and the 60s. During the 80s, one of the most revolutionary leaders towards these thematics will be Thomas Sankara, president of Burkina Faso, who came into power after the fifth political coup in the country since independence from France in 1960.
This thesis is a comparison between political thoughts of Kwame Nkrumah, the first president of independent Ghana from 1957 to 1966, and Thomas Sankara. Kwame Nkrumah's foreign policy in Ghana was characterized by three basic aims: to fight against neo-colonialism, work toward the unification of Africa and the maintenance of world peace through a policy of non-alignment. In his book "Neo-colonialism: the last stage of imperialism", he describes neo-colonialism as a more subtle form of imperialism, an economic and cultural exploitation of former colonies by imperial powers. He strongly believed that neo-colonialism in Africa could be completely defeated only with the union of African states. He advocated for a Common African Market and a continental government for Africa. During his presidency in Ghana, the country followed a policy of non-alignment; he believed that African countries should not be under the influence of any of the two blocs that had been formed with the escalation of the cold war.
The aim of this thesis is to analyse on what level did Kwame Nkrumah leave a legacy to Thomas Sankara. The latter, hold on strongly to these thematics, in particular to neo-colonialism; what are his argumentations against neo-colonialism, and in favor of pan-africanism, and non-alignment.
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Gomes, Fabio FlorenÃo. "Pan-africanismo, historiografia e educaÃÃo : experiÃncias em Cabo Verde e no Brasil." Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2014. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=13562.
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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento CientÃfico e TecnolÃgicoA pesquisa transcrita nesta dissertaÃÃo està inserida na linha de Movimentos Sociais, EducaÃÃo Popular e Escola, e no Eixo SociopoÃtica, Cultura e RelaÃÃes Ãtnico-raciais do Programa de PÃs GraduaÃÃo da Faculdade de EducaÃÃo da Universidade Federal do CearÃ. A problemÃtica da investigaÃÃo à confronto entre propostas teÃricas e conceituais da HistÃria Geral da Ãfrica (UNESCO), e a localizaÃÃo das civilizaÃÃes africanas da Antiguidade em programas e livros didÃticos de HistÃria no Ensino MÃdio (Brasil) e no Ensino SecundÃrio (Cabo Verde). O objetivo geral à investigar a relaÃÃo entre metodologia e antiguidade africana propostas pelos Livros 1 e 2 da HistÃria Geral da Ãfrica (UNESCO) e o que se à ensinado nas salas de aula sobre a Ãfrica na HistÃria Antiga da Humanidade. Os objetivos especÃficos sÃo: 1) construir uma abordagem histÃrica e social sobre a HistÃria Geral da Ãfrica a partir do Pan-africanismo e de seus referenciais intelectuais, polÃticos e institucionais das dÃcadas de 1950 e 1970; 2) Identificar a localizaÃÃo de civilizaÃÃes da antiguidade africana em programas e livros didÃticos de histÃria utilizados em escolas pÃblicas da cidade de Fortaleza (Brasil) e da Ilha de Santiago (Cabo Verde); 3) Propor elementos para superaÃÃo de problemas e valorizaÃÃo das potencialidades comuns ao Brasil e Cabo Verde. Nossa base teÃrica concentra-se em autores como ZERBO (1972-2010), DIOP (1954-2010), RODNEY (1975-1980), CABRAL (1978), CUNHA (2006), MONIZ (2009), ASANTE (1989), ANJOS (2002), NASCIMENTO (2001), UNESCO (2009-2011) entre outros pesquisadores que possuem como principais campos de estudo a HistÃria da Ãfrica, metodologia, movimentos sociais, Pan-africanismo, antiguidade africana e educaÃÃo. Trata-se de um estudo de caso efetivado atravÃs de uma abordagem qualitativa, tendo como anÃlise livros didÃticos, programas de histÃria e o diÃlogo com professores. Os instrumentos utilizados para a coleta de dados resumem-se a pesquisa bibliogrÃfica, anÃlise documental e entrevista semiestruturada com professores. Para registrar dados da pesquisa utilizamos caderno de campo e gravaÃÃo em Ãudio. Neste momento apresentamos conclusÃes preliminares da pesquisa, uma vez que o achado durante o trabalho de campo encontra-se em processo de sistematizaÃÃo. Entretanto, à possÃvel asseverar que: 1) atualmente a localizaÃÃo geogrÃfica, o povoamento e o legado das civilizaÃÃes africanas na Antiguidade estÃo sob os mesmos princÃpios eurocÃntricos em materiais didÃticos e programas de histÃria no Ensino MÃdio (Brasil) e Ensino SecundÃrio (Cabo Verde); 2) hà falta de materiais nos acervos das instituiÃÃes visitadas, a HistÃria Geral da Ãfrica (UNESCO) e 3) o Uso PedagÃgico da HistÃria Geral da Ãfrica (UNESCO) sÃo pouco conhecidos e utilizados em programas e livros didÃticos em Cabo Verde e no Brasil; Este conjunto de fatores aponta para: o desconhecimento, a falta de interesse e o conflito de estudantes com a histÃria da Ãfrica, sua cultura e identidade; o ensino de histÃria da Ãfrica e a elaboraÃÃo de livros didÃticos devem ter como bases mÃnimas a conscientizaÃÃo, a educaÃÃo patrimonial e a integraÃÃo regional entre paÃses africanos e da diÃspora.
This research intends to confront the theoretical and the conceptual proposals of the textbook General History of Africa, published by UNESCO, as well as the locations of the ancient Classic African civilizations in the syllabi of the textbooks adopted in History classes of mediumschools in Brazil and secondary schools in Cape Verde. The general objective is to investigate the relationship between the methodology and African antiquity in the textbooks General History of Africa I and II, published by UNESCO It also analyses what is taught about Africa in Ancient Human History. The specific objectives are 1) to build a historical and social approach to teach about Ãfrica General History based on Pan-Africanism and Historical Knowledge; 2) to identify the location of Ancient Africa in History in the curriculums and textbooks adopted in public schools in Fortaleza (Brazil) and in Santiago Island (Cape Verde); The theoretical background of this research is based on authors such as ZERBO (1972-2010), DIOP (1954-2010), RODNEY (1975-1980), CABRAL (1978), CUNHA (2006), MONIZ (2009), ASANTE (1989), ANJOS (2002), NASCIMENTO (2001), UNESCO (2009-2011), among other scholars devoted to the study of Ancient Africa and its methodology, social movements, Pan-Africanism, Ancient Africa and Education. The methodology adopted is a case study conducted through quantitative analysis of textbooks and syllabi, as well as interviews with teachers. The instruments employed for data collection are a bibliographical research, analysis of documents, and semi-structured interviews with teachers. In order to record the research data, a field journal and audio recordings have been used. After that, preliminary conclusions of the research are presented, even though the findings during the field work are still being systematized. However, by then it is already possible to affirm that the geographical locations, the settlements, and the legacy of the ancient classic African civilizations are dealt with under the same Eurocentric principles present in other textbooks and syllabi adopted in fundamental schools in Brazil and in secondary schools in Cape Verde. The political and ideological apology of the mixture of races exerts influence in the formation of identity, educational background and professional attitude of History teachers in Brazil and in Cape Verde. There is also a shortage of materials in the libraries of the institutions visited. Moreover, the textbooks General History of Africa I and II and The Pedagogical Use of General History of Ãfrica (both published by UNESCO) are neither well-known nor widely adopted in Cape Verde or in Brazil. These factors point at 1) the lack of knowledge and interest, as well as at the conflict of students with African History, its culture and identity; 2) the need to teach and to write textbooks which are minimally based on the awareness, on the heritage and on the African regional integration
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Lumumba, Bakari K. "Is Pan-Africanism Dead?: The Relevancy of Garveyism in the Twenty-First Century: The Politics of Black Self-Determination in the Southeastern United States." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1526039138419958.
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Custodio, Tulio Augusto Samuel. "Construindo o (auto) exílio: trajetória de Abdias do Nascimento nos Estados Unidos, 1968-1981." Universidade de São Paulo, 2012. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8132/tde-22082012-124030/.
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A presente dissertação trata sobre a trajetória de Abdias do Nascimento durante o período de seu autoexílio nos Estados Unidos, entre 1968 e 1981. Na pesquisa, verificamos a hipótese que preconiza ser esse momento decisivo para mudança da autoimagem do autor, que sai do Brasil como artista e retorna como liderança do ativismo negro internacional. Investigamos os fatos e experiências do autor no período, passando pelas atividades, redes pessoais e sua participação em diversos congressos e seminários internacionais. A pesquisa é delineada em dois eixos: discurso e imagem. Discurso envolve a abordagem de Nascimento acerca de cultura negra e sua crítica à democracia racial, que articulariam uma interlocução com elementos conceituais transnacionais, presentes no discurso negro no âmbito internacional. Em relação à imagem, tentamos abordar como o autor, a partir de sua discurso ideológico e atuação, reconstrói sua autoimagem, projetando em seu retorno a posição de liderança negra do ativismo internacional e de pensador da diáspora. Para tanto, analisamos as obras artísticas e políticas do período, bem como elementos anteriores tratados pela literatura sociológica, para evidenciar as formas dessa reconstrução.This dissertation deals with the trajectory of Abdias do Nascimento during his selfexile period in the United States, from 1968 to 1981. In this research, we verify the hypothesis that claims that this moment was decisive in changing the authors self-image, since he leaves Brazil as an artist and returns as a leader of black international activism. We investigate the facts and experiences of the author during this period, which include activities, personal networks and his participation in several international congresses and seminars. The research is divided into two axes: discourse and image. Discourse involves Nascimentos approach regarding black culture and his criticism of racial democracy, which would articulate an interlocution with transnational conceptual elements, present in the black discourse in an international scope. Regarding image, we try to tackle how the author, based on his ideological discourse and action, reconstructs his self-image, projecting on his return the position of black leader of international activism and of thinker of the diaspora. For such, we analyzed artistic and political pieces from the period, as well as previous elements dealt with by sociological literature, to indicate how this reconstruction took place.
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Ngoie, Jennifer. "Before It Was History Someone Had to Live It: An Assesment of Malcolm X's Impact on Today's College Students." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2007. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1182.
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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
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MacKenzie, Benjamin Roe. "Designing the Part: Drama and Cultural Identity Development Among Ghanaian Teenagers." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1300477046.
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GOMES, Fábio Florenço. "Pan-africanismo, historiografia e educação: experiências em Cabo Verde e no Brasil." www.teses.ufc.br, 2014. http://www.repositorio.ufc.br/handle/riufc/10942.
Full textAbstract:
GOMES, Fábio Florenço. Pan-africanismo, historiografia e educação: experiências em Cabo Verde e no Brasil. 2014. 268f. – Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em Educação Brasileira, Fortaleza (CE), 2014.Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2015-03-11T17:08:39Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2014_dis_ffgomes.pdf: 3265309 bytes, checksum: 8c79e4076c4bf55f21c3273738ad9534 (MD5)
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This research intends to confront the theoretical and the conceptual proposals of the textbook General History of Africa, published by UNESCO, as well as the locations of the ancient Classic African civilizations in the syllabi of the textbooks adopted in History classes of mediumschools in Brazil and secondary schools in Cape Verde. The general objective is to investigate the relationship between the methodology and African antiquity in the textbooks General History of Africa I and II, published by UNESCO It also analyses what is taught about Africa in Ancient Human History. The specific objectives are 1) to build a historical and social approach to teach about África General History based on Pan-Africanism and Historical Knowledge; 2) to identify the location of Ancient Africa in History in the curriculums and textbooks adopted in public schools in Fortaleza (Brazil) and in Santiago Island (Cape Verde); The theoretical background of this research is based on authors such as ZERBO (1972-2010), DIOP (1954-2010), RODNEY (1975-1980), CABRAL (1978), CUNHA (2006), MONIZ (2009), ASANTE (1989), ANJOS (2002), NASCIMENTO (2001), UNESCO (2009-2011), among other scholars devoted to the study of Ancient Africa and its methodology, social movements, Pan-Africanism, Ancient Africa and Education. The methodology adopted is a case study conducted through quantitative analysis of textbooks and syllabi, as well as interviews with teachers. The instruments employed for data collection are a bibliographical research, analysis of documents, and semi-structured interviews with teachers. In order to record the research data, a field journal and audio recordings have been used. After that, preliminary conclusions of the research are presented, even though the findings during the field work are still being systematized. However, by then it is already possible to affirm that the geographical locations, the settlements, and the legacy of the ancient classic African civilizations are dealt with under the same Eurocentric principles present in other textbooks and syllabi adopted in fundamental schools in Brazil and in secondary schools in Cape Verde. The political and ideological apology of the mixture of races exerts influence in the formation of identity, educational background and professional attitude of History teachers in Brazil and in Cape Verde. There is also a shortage of materials in the libraries of the institutions visited. Moreover, the textbooks General History of Africa I and II and The Pedagogical Use of General History of África (both published by UNESCO) are neither well-known nor widely adopted in Cape Verde or in Brazil. These factors point at 1) the lack of knowledge and interest, as well as at the conflict of students with African History, its culture and identity; 2) the need to teach and to write textbooks which are minimally based on the awareness, on the heritage and on the African regional integration.
A pesquisa transcrita nesta dissertação está inserida na linha de Movimentos Sociais, Educação Popular e Escola, e no Eixo Sociopoética, Cultura e Relações Étnico-raciais do Programa de Pós Graduação da Faculdade de Educação da Universidade Federal do Ceará. A problemática da investigação é confronto entre propostas teóricas e conceituais da História Geral da África (UNESCO), e a localização das civilizações africanas da Antiguidade em programas e livros didáticos de História no Ensino Médio (Brasil) e no Ensino Secundário (Cabo Verde). O objetivo geral é investigar a relação entre metodologia e antiguidade africana propostas pelos Livros 1 e 2 da História Geral da África (UNESCO) e o que se é ensinado nas salas de aula sobre a África na História Antiga da Humanidade. Os objetivos específicos são: 1) construir uma abordagem histórica e social sobre a História Geral da África a partir do Pan-africanismo e de seus referenciais intelectuais, políticos e institucionais das décadas de 1950 e 1970; 2) Identificar a localização de civilizações da antiguidade africana em programas e livros didáticos de história utilizados em escolas públicas da cidade de Fortaleza (Brasil) e da Ilha de Santiago (Cabo Verde); 3) Propor elementos para superação de problemas e valorização das potencialidades comuns ao Brasil e Cabo Verde. Nossa base teórica concentra-se em autores como ZERBO (1972-2010), DIOP (1954-2010), RODNEY (1975-1980), CABRAL (1978), CUNHA (2006), MONIZ (2009), ASANTE (1989), ANJOS (2002), NASCIMENTO (2001), UNESCO (2009-2011) entre outros pesquisadores que possuem como principais campos de estudo a História da África, metodologia, movimentos sociais, Pan-africanismo, antiguidade africana e educação. Trata-se de um estudo de caso efetivado através de uma abordagem qualitativa, tendo como análise livros didáticos, programas de história e o diálogo com professores. Os instrumentos utilizados para a coleta de dados resumem-se a pesquisa bibliográfica, análise documental e entrevista semiestruturada com professores. Para registrar dados da pesquisa utilizamos caderno de campo e gravação em áudio. Neste momento apresentamos conclusões preliminares da pesquisa, uma vez que o achado durante o trabalho de campo encontra-se em processo de sistematização. Entretanto, é possível asseverar que: 1) atualmente a localização geográfica, o povoamento e o legado das civilizações africanas na Antiguidade estão sob os mesmos princípios eurocêntricos em materiais didáticos e programas de história no Ensino Médio (Brasil) e Ensino Secundário (Cabo Verde); 2) há falta de materiais nos acervos das instituições visitadas, a História Geral da África (UNESCO) e 3) o Uso Pedagógico da História Geral da África (UNESCO) são pouco conhecidos e utilizados em programas e livros didáticos em Cabo Verde e no Brasil; Este conjunto de fatores aponta para: o desconhecimento, a falta de interesse e o conflito de estudantes com a história da África, sua cultura e identidade; o ensino de história da África e a elaboração de livros didáticos devem ter como bases mínimas a conscientização, a educação patrimonial e a integração regional entre países africanos e da diáspora.
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Gomes, Shelene. "The social reproduction of Jamaica Safar in Shashamane, Ethiopia." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2548.
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Since the 1950s, men and women, mainly Rastafari from the West Indies, have moved as repatriates to Shashamane, Ethiopia. This is a spiritually and ideologically oriented journey to the promised land of Ethiopia (Africa) and to the land granted by His Imperial Majesty Emperor Haile Selassie I. Although migration across regions of the global south is less common than migration from the global south to north, this move is even more distinct because it is not primarily motivated by economic concerns. This thesis - the first in-depth ethnographic study of the repatriate population - focuses on the conceptual and pragmatic ways in which repatriates and their Ethiopian-born children “rehome” this area of Shashamane that is now called Jamaica Safar (or village in the Amharic language). There is a simultaneous Rasta identification of themselves as Ethiopians and as His Majesty’s people, which is often contested in legal and civic spheres, with a West Indian social inscription of Shashamane. These dynamics have emerged from a Rastafari re-invention of personhood that was fostered in West Indian Creole society. These ideas converge in a central concern with the inalienability of the land grant that is shared by repatriates, their children and Rastafari outside Ethiopia as well. Accordingly, the repatriate population of Shashamane becomes the centre of international social and economic networks. The children born on this land thus demonstrate the success of their parents’ repatriation. They are the ones who will ensure the Rastafari presence there in perpetuity.
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Nakao, Sakiko. "Définir l'"Afrique" entre Panafricanisme et Nationalisme en Afrique de l'Ouest. Analyses à travers les transformations sociales au Sénégal, au Ghana et en Haute-Volta au temps de la décolonisation (1945-1962)." Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017EHES0180/document.
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La période suivant la fin de la Seconde Guerre Mondiale connut à la fois le démantèlement des Empires coloniaux et la montée de la guerre froide. La place de l’Afrique constitua un enjeu crucial dans ce contexte de reconfiguration de l’ordre mondial. Après avoir déterminé les protagonistes politiques et culturels des processus de décolonisation, nous nous proposons d’étudier ses enjeux tels qu’ils s’incarnaient dans les différentes définitions que chaque acteur donnait à sa société, toujours associée à l’« Afrique ». En suivant ainsi l’évolution de la référence « africaine », cette étude veut mettre en lumière la transformation des valeurs dans les sociétés coloniales et postcoloniales de l’Afrique de l’Ouest, afin d’y trouver la genèse des nationalismes. Tout en puisant les exemples dans trois pays ouest-africains, il s’agit de s’intéresser à l’aspect constitutif de chaque entité. Celle-ci fut pensée en interaction avec d’autres entités coloniales, régionales et impériales, souvent au-delà des frontières. À travers l’analyse de l’ensemble du processus de la décolonisation, cette thèse permet de comprendre l’articulation qui s’est opérée entre les deux dynamiques qui le composent : le panafricanisme et le nationalismeThe post-Second World War period saw both the dismantlement of the colonial empires and the beginnings of the Cold War. The place of Africa became a key issue in the configuration of the new world order. This thesis examines the processes of decolonisation through the examples of certain political and cultural protagonists, and the different ways in which they tried to shape their respective societies in relation to their visions of “Africa”. By following the evolution of the notion of “Africa”, this study aims to shed light on the changing values of the colonial and postcolonial societies of West Africa, linking these to the emergence of their nationalist movements. While drawing its examples from three West African countries, this work also seeks to highlight the constitutive aspects of each of these entities, which were conceived through interactions with other colonial, regional and imperial units, often across borders. By examining the process of decolonisation as a whole, this thesis offers an understanding of the complex dynamics between its two constituent forces: pan-Africanism and nationalism
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Ndiaye, Amadou Lamine. "Les idées politiques de Julius Nyerere : un projet panafricaniste revisité." Thesis, Toulouse 2, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017TOU20002/document.
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Cette thèse revisite l’histoire du projet panafricaniste, en s’inscrivant dans la dynamique intellectuelle actuelle qui, face à la mondialisation, vise à proposer des réponses adaptées aux problèmes politiques et économiques des nations africaines. Elle présente et analyse les personnalités et les grandes idées et courants idéologiques qui ont traversé cette histoire, mais elle se focalise tout particulièrement sur Julius Nyerere (1922-1999), grand panafricaniste dont le parcours et les idées demeurent dans l’ombre. Elle montre aussi comment, dans le contexte africain actuel de crise de leadership, ces idées peuvent s’insérer dans un renouveau panafricaniste. Cette thèse n’est cependant ni une étude de la politique mené par Nyerere en Tanzanie entre 1960 et 1985 ni une nouvelle histoire du panafricanisme. Elle participe simplement à la réflexion pour l’élaboration d’une politique panafricaniste globale, qui pourrait permettre de répondre aux enjeux socioéconomiques qui mobilisent les militants et les théoriciens panafricanistes en Afrique et au sein de la Diaspora. Cette réflexion s’appuie sur l’analyse d’un programme concret de solidarité panafricaniste transatlantique conçu par une association afro-américaine dénommé Pan-African Skills Project au début des années 1970 à partir de la vision de Julius Nyerere pour soutenir les efforts de ce dernier en matière de développement dans le cadre de la TanzanieThis dissertation revisits the history of the pan-Africanist project within the scope of the current intellectual trend, whose aim is to find appropriate solutions to tackle the problems of African nations in the globalized economy of today. It presents some African political figures whose ideas have shaped the history of Pan-Africanism while focusing more particularly on the theories of Julius Nyerere (1922-1999), a great pan-Africanist still out of the limelight. It also demonstrates how in the context of the current leadership crisis in Africa these ideas can contribute to a revival of Pan-Africanism. This dissertation however is neither a study of the policies implemented by Nyerere in Tanzania between 1960 and 1985 nor a rewriting of the history of Pan-Africanism itself. Its only aim is to contribute to the ongoing intellectual movement of activists and theorists of Pan-Africanism who are committed to building a comprehensive pan-Africanist policy. This study is based on the analysis of a programme of concrete transatlantic pan-Africanist solidarity designed by an Afro-American association named Pan-African Sills Project in the early 1970 relying on the vision of Julius Nyerere in order to support his efforts for the development of Tanzania
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Boyer, Antoine de. "Un laboratoire pour la Révolution africaine : le Ghana de Nkrumah et l'espace franco-africain (1945-1966)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA01H063.
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A la suite du Congrès panafricain de Manchester (octobre 1945), puis de son indépendance en mars 1957, le Ghana a été jusqu'en 1966 le centre de dynamiques transnationales trouvant leur origine dans la transformation sociale et politique de l'espace franco-africain. Considérant que l'indépendance du Ghana était liée à la libération totale du continent africain, Kwame Nkrumah a travaillé à construire la jeune nation africaine en tant que porte-drapeau du panafricanisme et embryon d'une union d'États africains indépendants et affranchis des cadres hérités de la période coloniale. C'est dans ce but qu'il a tissé un réseau d'alliances politiques et accueilli nombre de militants et intellectuels francophones qui ont contribué à nourrir une réflexion sur la transformation des empires, le panafricanisme, le néo-colonialisme, la lutte armée et la Révolution africaine. La construction d'un appareil de propagande à même de produire et de diffuser un imaginaire panafricain mobilisateur tant à l'intérieur qu'à l'extérieur du pays a été l'une des principales réalisations de l'époque. Dans le même temps, de grandes difficultés ont été rencontrées dans l'organisation politique des populations migrantes originaires de l’espace franco-africain et résidant au Ghana. Devenu un carrefour de la Révolution africaine, le Ghana a été progressivement amené à devenir un laboratoire où se discutaient et se construisaient une praxis et une idéologie reposant sur l'analyse des conditions politiques issues des indépendances africaines. La jeune nation a ainsi offert un lieu favorable à l'observation et l'étude du croisement des dynamiques qui ont traversé les anciens empires britannique et françaisFollowing the Pan-African Congress in Manchester in October 1945 and then its independence in March 1957, until 1966, Ghana became the center of transnational dynamics, which had their roots in the social and political transformation of French Africa. Convinced that the independence of Ghana was linked to the total liberation of the African continent, Kwame Nkrumah worked towards building this young African nation as a standard bearer of Pan-Africanism and as the nucleus of a union of independent African States, which would be freed from the structures inherited from the colonial period. To this end, Ghana formed a number of political alliances, and provided shelter and work for many francophone militants and intellectuals who, in turn, contributed to the reflex ions on the transformation of empires, Pan-Africanism, neo-colonialism, armed struggle and the African Revolution. The establishment of a propaganda machine able to produce and to widen a Pan-African imagined community in order to mobilise inside as well as outside Ghana was one of the main realizations of the period. Meanwhile, there were great difficulties regarding the political organization of the migrant populations coming from French Africa and living in Ghana. As a crossroads of the African Revolution, Ghana was progressively pushed to become a testing ground where a praxis and an ideology based upon an analysis of the political conditions coming from the newly independent African states were being discussed and built. The young nation proved to be a place where the intersection of the dynamics, which crossed both the former French and British empires, can be observed and studied
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Garman, Brian Donald. "The new Africans: a textual analysis of the construction of 'African-ness' in Chaz Maviyane-Davies' 1996 poster depictions of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001844.
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In 1996, Zimbabwean graphic designer Chaz Maviyane-Davies created a set of human rights posters which represent several articles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, from what he calls an “African perspective”. In this study I investigate how Maviyane-Davies has constructed ‘African-ness’ and probe what he refers to as the “alternative aesthetic” that he is trying to create. I use a visual social semiotic approach to examine the discourses he draws on to re-image and re-imagine Africa and Africans in a manner that contests the stereotypical representations found in political, news and economic discourses about Africa, paying particular attention to the ways he uses images of the body. My analysis of the posters shows how complex and difficult it can be to contest regimes of representation that work to fix racialised and derogatory meanings. In response to the pejorative stereotypes of the black body, Maviyane-Davies uses images of strong, healthy, and magnificent people (mostly men) to construct a more affirmative representation of Africa and Africans. Significantly, he draws on sports, touristic, traditional and hegemonic discourses of masculinity in an attempt to expand the complexity and range of possible representations of African-ness. In so doing he runs the risk of reproducing many of the stereotypes that sustain not only the racialised and gendered (masculinist) representations of Africa, but also a sentimentalisation and romanticisation of a place, a people and their traditions. Apart from women in prominent positions, other conspicuous absences from these images include white people and hegemonic references to Western modernity. I do not believe he is discarding whites and modernity as un-African, but is rejecting the naturalisation of whiteness as standing in for humanity, and particular icons of Western modernity as significations of ‘modernity’ itself
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Ferrari, Aurelia. "Instrumentalisation du Swahili dans l’espace revendicatif afro-americain et commentaires de locuteurs swahili sur la celebration Kwanzaa." Universitätsbibliothek Leipzig, 2012. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:15-qucosa-98364.
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Kwanzaa ni sikukuu ya utamaduni pendwa inayosherehekewa na amarekani-Waafrika na watu wengine wa diaspora sehemu mbalimbali duniani. Kwanzaa husherehekewa kwa siku saba toka Desemba tarehe 26 hadi Januari 1. Sherehe hiyo iliyotokana na vuguvugu la Wamarekani weusi kuenzi historia na utamaduni wao toka Afrika. Ilianzishwa mwaka 1966. Katika makala haya, tutaonyesha kwamba Kiswahili katika sherehe hiyo hakitumiki kama lugha ya mawasiliano, kinatumika kama lugha ya kuungana Wamarekani weusi na kuwakumbusha asili zao za kiafrika. Tutaangalia pia maoni mbali mbali ya Waafrika wanaojua Kiswahili na wanaoishi barani Afrika kuhusu sherehe hiyo. Tumeyachukua na tumeyachanganua maoni ya Waghana kwa sababu Ghana ilichaguliwa na watu wa diaspora na hasa na Warasta kama “nchi au ardhi ya rejeo”, kwa hivyo Waghana wanahusika sana na msukumo huu wa Wamarekani weusi.
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Ramondy, Karine. "1958-1961 : l'assassinat des leaders africains, un "moment" de construction nationale et de régulation des relations internationales (étude comparée en Afrique centrale)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA01H006.
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En suivant la trajectoire de quatre leaders africains au temps des indépendances, Barthélémy Boganda (République centrafricaine), Patrice Lumumba (République du Congo), Félix Moumié et Ruben Um Nyobè (Cameroun), ce travail cherche à explorer par le biais de l’anthropologie historique, de la méthode comparative et à l’échelle de l’Afrique centrale, en quoi l’assassinat politique peut constituer un moyen de réguler les relations internationales et peut être un fondement de la construction nationale de leur pays d’origine. Au fil de l’itinéraire politique de ces leaders, seront évoquées leurs désillusions onusiennes et panafricaines qui resserrent sur eux l’étau mortel d’une Realpolitik entre bipolarisation et néocolonialisme. L’autre hypothèse explorée est la suivante : il serait possible par le biais de l’Histoire comparée de faire émerger des invariants à l’assassinat politique sous forme de processus récurrents comme l’arme judiciaire, l’arme médiatique, l’absence de sépultures décentes, la damnatio memoriae dont ils sont frappés qui aboutit a contrario à une inversion symbolique et iconique. L’étude s’appuie sur de nombreuses sources qui se sont complétées afin de reconstituer l’enchaînement des évènements et de nouvelles interprétations : archives privées inédites, archives publiques dont certaines ont été déclassifiées pour cette étude, sources audiovisuelles et imprimées, témoignages oraux inédits recueillis par l’auteureThrough a close examination of the trajectory of four African leaders, Barthélémy Boganda (Republic of Central Africa), Patrice Lumumba (Republic of Congo), Félix Moumié et Ruben Um Nyobé (Cameroun), during the independence era, and by means of the historical anthropology, the comparative method and focusing on Central Africa, this study tries to explore to what extent political assassination could constitute a way of regulating international relationships and lay the foundations of the national construction of their country of origins. Along their political career path, their UN-related and Pan–Africanism disillusionment that tightens around them the lethal noose of a Realpolitik caught between bipolarization and neo-colonialism will be referred to. The other hypothesis developed here is as followed : it could be possible through comparative history to bring out invariance within political assassination under the forms of recurrent processes such as the judiciary weapon, the media weapon, the lack of a decent burial place and the damnatio memoriae they’ve been sentenced to which all contrastingly led to a symbolic and iconic reversal. The study relies on numerous sources that complete each other in order to reconstitute the chain of events and allow new interpretations: private exclusive archives, public archives, some of which having been declassified for this purpose, audio-visual and printed sources, exclusive oral narratives collected by the author
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Amin, Larry. "Harlem Renaissance: Politics, Poetics, and Praxis in the African and African American Contexts." Bowling Green, Ohio : Bowling Green State University, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1180021663.
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Frasson-Quenoz, Florent. "La construction de la communauté de sécurité africaine : une perspective africaine." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011LYO30015.
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Les difficultés rencontrées pour assurer le maintien de la paix et de la sécurité internationale sur le continent africain constituent un réel obstacle au développement économique, un danger pour les populations et une menace sérieuse pour la survie des Etats.Les outils théoriques classiques de la sécurité internationale s’étant révélés insuffisants pour apporter une réponse à cette problématique, notre objectif est ici, en recourant à l’approche constructiviste, de déterminer si les États africains manifestent une réelle volonté et/ou capacité à construire une communauté de sécurité (CS) à même de palier ces difficultés.Pour ce faire nous nous interrogeons sur l’existence d’un lien entre la production d’actes de parole, la promotion et l’adoption de normes de régulation pacifiques des conflits et la manière qu’ont les États africains d’appréhender leurs relations avec les autres membres de la CS supposée.L’utilisation additionnelle du concept de région et l’adoption d’une perspective africaine nous permettent en outre de diviser l’objet d’étude « Afrique » en plusieurs sous-Ensembles plus propices à la réalisation d’une étude scientifique et d’évaluer d’une part la pertinence et d’autre part le sens même du concept de CS lorsqu’il est appliqué au terrain africainThe difficulties met to insure the preservation of the peace and the international security on the African continent constitute a real obstacle to the economic development, a danger for the populations and a serious threat for the survival of States.The classic theoretical tools of the international security having proved insufficient to provide an answer to this issue, our objective is to determine, on the basis of the constructivist approach, whether African States show a real willingness and\or a capacity to build a Security Community (SC) that would be able to overcome these difficulties.In order to do so we question whether a link exists between the production of “speech acts” on the one hand and the promotion and the adoption of pacific regulation norms for conflicts on the other, and we examine the way African States apprehend their relations with other members of the supposed SC.The additional use of the concept of “region” and the adoption of an African perspective allow us to divide the object of study "Africa" into several subsets more propitious to the achievement of a scientific study, and to evaluate the relevance and the meaning of the SC concept when applied to the African field of study
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Grégoire, Nicole. "Faire avancer la communauté: diasporas africaines et associationnisme panafricain en Belgique." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209514.
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En Belgique, à l’instar d’autres populations d’origine immigrée, les populations d’origine africaine subsaharienne font face à une relative impuissance. Cette dernière peut-être déterminée en fonction de critères tels que l’accès à l’emploi, au logement, à l’enseignement, ou encore le statut juridico-politique. Dans ma thèse, je m’intéresse aux stratégies mises en place par ces populations afin d’améliorer collectivement leur sort. J’articule la question des conséquences sociales et culturelles de la migration en termes de dialectique de l’identification, focalisée notamment sur l’utilisation couramment synonymique des catégories ethno-raciales « africain », « subsaharien » et « noir », avec celle des formes de l’action collective dégagées dans le cadre des social movement studies. Ma réflexion part d’une proposition théorique formulée de façon synthétique par Pnina Werbner et suggérant que, malgré le climat concurrentiel que la formation et l’expansion d’associations ethniques peut générer, leur développement et leur mise en relation constituerait les prémices incontournables d’éventuelles actions collectives protestataires. Pour Pnina Werbner, cette mise en réseau des associations, si elle s’assortit d’un processus de « convergence idéologique », peut donner lieu à des mobilisations. J’ai enrichi cette proposition de deux manières :d’une part, en affinant la notion de convergence idéologique au moyen de la littérature sur le cadrage et le processus d’alignement des cadres dans la mobilisation collective, et, d’autre part, en articulant dans mon analyse les trois courants théoriques centraux des recherches sur des mouvements sociaux – structure des opportunités politiques, mobilisations des ressources, cadres de l’action collective.J’ai ainsi montré que le système politique belge était globalement à la fois favorable à l’expression de potentiels mouvements sociaux issus de l’immigration et peu ouvert à leur reconnaissance officielle. J’ai également mis en évidence que les niveaux infra-nationaux et supra-nationaux véhiculaient des opportunités politiques spécifiques. Je me suis ensuite penchée sur la façon dont les différentes opportunités et contraintes politiques mises à jour ont été saisies par deux associations « africaines » soucieuses de former un groupe d’intérêt représentant l’ensemble de la collectivité d’origine africaine subsaharienne, et sur les conséquences organisationnelles de ces choix. Ces études de cas m’ont permis de mettre en exergue le répertoire d’action accommodateur dans lequel ces organisations s’inscrivent, et la relation de leurs membres avec la structure des opportunités politiques. J’ai souligné comment certaines de ces opportunités, dans la façon dont elles ont été réappropriées par les leaders associatifs, ont eu un impact négatif sur la cohésion interne de leurs associations. Aussi, en me penchant plus spécifiquement sur la façon dont les différentes parties prenantes de ces organisations donnent sens aux activités de celles-ci, j’ai montré que les objectifs de ces associations étaient, de façon générale, investis de sens fort différents par les acteurs, y compris au sein des collèges d’administrateurs. Dans la lignée des travaux de Michael Herzfeld, les résultats de ma recherche soulignent la relation disémique inévitable entre la volonté de représentation communautaire officielle et les pratiques internes à la collectivité. Depuis quelques années, les entrepreneurs de représentation de cette collectivité tâchent d’amenuiser cette disémie en engageant leurs associations respectives, rebaptisées « panafricaines », dans des actions collectives. L’analyse de ces actions rend compte de la construction d’un « répertoire symbolique commun » qui se décline autour du référent panafricain et de politiques identitaires pragmatiques. Enfin, j’ai identifié les formes de sociabilité plutôt élitaires du réseau associatif « panafricain » comme une limite de son extension.
Ces développements empiriques montrent tout l’intérêt d’observer largement « l’espace des mouvements sociaux », c’est-à-dire la trajectoire des organisations et des acteurs susceptibles de donner forme à l’action collective. Ce faisant, mon travail contribue à décloisonner des études sur les mouvements sociaux trop souvent cantonnées aux actions protestataires directement menées contre l’autorité publique.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Grabli, Charlotte. "L’urbanité sonore : auditeurs, circulations musicales et imaginaires afro-atlantiques entre la cité de Léopoldville et Sophiatown de 1930 à 1960." Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019EHES0138.
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Cette thèse examine les rapports entre musique et politique dans l’espace de circulations musicales s’étendant entre Sophiatown, à Johannesburg, en Afrique du Sud, et la « cité indigène » de Léopoldville (aujourd’hui Kinshasa), au Congo belge, de 1930 à 1960. L’étude envisage à la fois la fabrique musicale de ces quartiers ségrégués – l’usage des nouvelles technologies d’écoute, l’appropriation des styles afro-atlantiques, la profusion des fêtes et la vie des bars – et la formation de l’espace transcolonial de la musique congolaise moderne, mieux connue sous le nom de « rumba congolaise », à l’ère de la radio. Bien que souvent occulté, le développement précoce de l’industrie musicale sud-africaine joua un rôle important dans l’émergence et la mobilité des premières célébrités médiatiques congolaises qui parcouraient les routes transimpériales entre Léopoldville, Elisabethville (Lubumbashi), Nairobi et Johannesburg. Étudiés conjointement, l’ancrage et le déploiement de ce que nous appelons l’« urbanité sonore » permettent d’éclairer la place des célébrités et chansons transcoloniales dans l’imaginaire politique des auditeurs africains. Ces phénomènes témoignent également des nouvelles possibilités d'émancipation que l'économie des plaisirs offraient aux catégories les plus marginalisées de la ville coloniale, telles que les « femmes libres » et/ou membres des sociétés d'élégance.A la cité de Léopoldville, comme à Sophiatown, auditeurs, danseurs et musiciens contestaient la définition coloniale de l’urbanité alors que le gouvernement monopolisait la définition de « la ville », en même temps qu’il en conditionnait l’accès, symbolique et concret. Jusqu’au lendemain de l’Indépendance du Congo en 1960, la scène musicale de la cité s’établit comme le principal espace d’expression politique et d’affirmation de la place du Congo moderne dans l’Atlantique noir.L’étude considère ainsi la musique dans la continuité de l’écologie sonore de la ville afin d’« écrire le monde depuis une métropole africaine ». Il ne s’agit pas seulement de penser la musique en contexte, mais aussi comme contexte, en tant que paysage, en l’étendant au-delà de la performance pour inclure les différents jeux d’échelle qui façonnaient les mondes musicaux. Pour comprendre la dimension politique des échanges afro-atlantiques impliqués dans la création de la rumba congolaise – un style africain né de l’écoute des musiques afro-cubaines –, il importe de prendre en compte le contexte de globalisation des modes d’écoute et de l’ethnicité. A une époque où le nationalisme racialisé des États-Unis façonnait la compréhension du jazz, comment repenser l’opposition d’une « Afrique latine » à une « Afrique du jazz », dont les pôles respectifs se situeraient à Johannesburg et Léopoldville ? Cette thèse cherche à déconstruire ces représentations tout en observant la puissance d’agir de la musique noire – « sa réalité et son inexistence » – en fonction des contextes, des acteurs et des lieuxThis thesis studies connections between music and politics within the space of music circulation stretching from Sophiatown, in Johannesburg, South Africa, to the cité (the “native quarters”) of Léopoldville (today Kinshasa), in the Belgian Congo, from 1930 to 1960. This study considers the music making of these segregated areas – the uses of new sound technologies, the appropriation of Afro-Atlantic styles, the profusion of festivities and nightlife – as well as the formation of the trans-colonial space of modern Congolese music—better known as “Congolese rumba”—in the age of radio. Although often overlooked, the early development of the South African record industry played an important role in the making and mobility of the first Congolese media celebrities who circulated across the trans-imperial roads between Léopoldville, Elisabethville (Lubumbashi), Nairobi and Johannesburg. Studied together, the grounding and the deployment of what I call “sonic urbanity” highlight the place of trans-colonial celebrities and songs in the political imaginary of African listeners. These phenomena also show how the economy of pleasure offered new possibilities of emancipation to the most marginalized categories such as the "free women" and members of women’s fashion associations.Both in the cité of Léopoldville and in Sophiatown, listeners, dancers and musicians challenged ideas of black exclusion to urbanity enforced by the government that conditioned symbolic and material access to “the city”. Until the day after independence in 1960, the musical scene represented the main space for political expression in the modern Congo, allowing it to claim its place in the Black Atlantic.This thesis thus conceptualizes music as part of the city’s ecology of sound in an attempt to “write the world from the African metropolis”. It does not merely think of music in context but also regards it as context and soundscape, extending it beyond performance by including the different “scale games” that shaped musical worlds. Understanding the political dimension of the AfroAtlantic exchanges involved in the creation of Congolese rumba – an African style born out of listening to Afro-Cuban music – requires a consideration of the globalisation of ways of listening and ethnicity. How can we rethink the opposition of a “Latin Africa” to an “Africa of jazz”, whose poles would be located respectively in Léopoldville and Johannesburg, at the moment when U.S. racialized nationalism shaped understandings of jazz? This thesis seeks to both deconstruct these representations and examine the power of black music to act—its “reality and non-existence”— depending on contexts, actors and places
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Lester-Massman, Elizabeth P. "The Pan Africanist discourse and the creation of an imaginary Africa a textual analysis of New African magazine /." 1989. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/21137180.html.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1989.Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 220-236).
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Ankle, Garnett L. "Garvey's Pan-Africanism : its impact on Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana and Michael Manley of Jamaica /." 2006. http://www.consuls.org/record=b2838605.
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Thesis (M.A.) -- Central Connecticut State University, 2006.Thesis advisor: C. Charles Mate-Kole. "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science in International Studies" Includes bibliographical references (leaves 113-117). Also available via the World Wide Web.
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Leshoele, Moorosi. "Pan-Africanism and African Renaissance in contemporary Africa: lessons from Burkina Faso’s Thomas Sankara." Thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/26595.
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This study is about four interrelated key issues, namely, critique of Thomas Sankara as a
political figure and erstwhile president of Burkina Faso; examination of Pan-Africanism as a
movement, theory, ideology and uniting force for Africans and people of African descent
globally; evaluation of leadership and governance lessons drawn from Burkina Faso’s August
1983 revolution, its successes, challenges, and shortcomings, and lastly; it draws socioeconomic and developmental lessons from the Burkina Faso experience under Sankara’s
administration during the brief period from 1983 until his untimely assassination on 15 October
1987. The ousting of Blaise Compaore in October 2014 brought to the fore Sankara’s long
buried and suppressed legacy, and this is what, in part, led to me deciding to do a systematic
and thorough study of Sankara and the Burkina Faso Revolution. Two theories were used in
the study – Pan Africanism and Afrocentricity - because they together centre and privilege the
African people’s plight and agency and the urgent need for Africans to find solutions to their
own problems in the same way Sankara emphasised the need for an independent endogenous
development approach in Burkina Faso. Methodologically, a Mixed Methods Research (MMR)
approach was employed so as to exploit and leverage the strengths of each individual approach
and due to the complex nature of the phenomena studied. The study argues that the nerve centre
of developmental efforts in Burkina Faso was a self-propelled, self-centred, and endogenous
development model which placed the agency and responsibility, first and foremost, in the hands
of Burkinabe people themselves using their own internal resources to improve their lives.
Secondly, agrarian reforms were designed in such a way that they formed the bedrock of
economic self-reliance and industrial development in Burkina Faso. Lastly, overall findings of
the study indicate that the revolutionary cause and intervention in all critical sectors such as
education, health, and the economy were prioritised and the pace at which these sectors were
overhauled was crucial. Implication of these findings for development in Africa is that
development cannot be externally imported either through foreign direct investments or
through a straight-jacket policy transfer where African countries often borrow European
economic policies and try to implement them in drastically different contexts and historical
epochs.Political Sciences
Ph. D. (Philosophy)
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Bullens, Stacy-Leigh. "VARIATIONS IN TRAJECTORY: MARCUS GARVEY IN THREE MOVEMENTS, 1914-1922." 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10222/13308.
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Marcus Mosiah Garvey was the leader of the largest and most populous Black Nationalist movement of the early twentieth century. The movement began in Colonial Jamaica in 1914 but became a transnational phenomenon having its greatest success in the United States and a rather variegated existence throughout the rest of the globe. The difference in trajectories of the Garvey movement has created a localized approach to the study of the movement. American historians have been at the forefront of this approach. To that end, this thesis attempts to unite the localized histories of the Garvey movement in order to emphasize the ideological continuities and discontinuities of this movement, a creation of colonial disaffection.History of Garveyism in Jamaica, North America and West Africa
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Nyirabega, Euthalie. "Locating the African Renaissance in development discourse : a critical study." Thesis, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/3061.
Full textAbstract:
The concern of this study is "locating the African Renaissance in development discourse: a critical study" and aims to investigate how the South African President Thabo Mbeki has conceptualized the African Renaissance. Through this the author has discovered the meaning of Mbeki's African Renaissance discourse with regard to its context in African development and how it is located in historical conceptions of development in Africa. Through this what innovation to development in Africa is presented by the discourse of the African Renaissance has been identified. Therefore this study is based primarily on an extensive literature research on conception of development and the African Renaissance. In comparison with other discourses on development, the study finds that Mbeki's African Renaissance discourse has been inspired by Pan-Africanist discourses such as self-reliance and African regeneration combined with dominant political and economic discourses such as globalization, good governance, structural adjustment and democracy. The study finds that the great contribution of Mbeki's African Renaissance is to call again on the Africans to realize their self-rediscovery and to restore the African's self esteem without which Africans will never become equipped for African development. However Mbeki stops short of attempting to suggest practical strategies to do so. The study finds that Mbeki' s Arican Renaissance discourse is moralistic and can no longer challenge global economic inequalities.Thesis (M.A.)- University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2001.
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Ratcliff, Anthony James. "Liberation at the End of a Pen: Writing Pan-African Politics of Cultural Struggle." 2009. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/open_access_dissertations/74.
Full textAbstract:
As a political, social, and cultural ideology, Pan-Africanism has been a complex movement attempting to ameliorate the dehumanizing effects of "the global Eurocentric colonial/modern capitalist model of power," which Anibal Quijano (2000) refers to as "the coloniality of power." The destructive forces of the coloniality of power--beginning with the transatlantic slave trade--that led to the dispersal and displacement of millions of Africans subsequently facilitated the creation of Pan-African political and cultural consciousness. Thus, this dissertation examines diverse articulations of Pan-African politics of cultural struggle as a response to racist and sexist oppression and economic exploitation of Afro-descendants. I am specifically interested in the formation of international politico-cultural movements, such as the Black Arts movement, Négritude, and the Pan-African Cultural Revolution and their ideological alignments to political liberation struggles for the emancipation of people of African descent. With varying degrees of revolutionary commitment, intellectuals in each of these movements utilized literary and cultural production to raise the political consciousness of Africans and Afro-descendants to combat forces that oppressed their communities. To demonstrate this, my dissertation historicizes and analyzes the numerous Pan-African festivals, congresses, and conferences, which occurred between 1965 and 1977, while interrogating the specific manifestations of "translocal" contacts and linkages between movement intellectuals. I chose to focus on these years because they roughly correspond with the historical time period known as the Black Arts movement in North America (1965-1975), which had a vibrant, yet understudied Pan-African worldview. Moreover, while Pan-Africanism gained considerable traction after World War II, it was particularly between 1966 and 1977 that intellectuals aligned with Négritude and Pan- African Marxism competed for ideological hegemony of the movement on the African continent and in the African Diaspora.
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Brown, Layla Dalal. "We Are the Ones We Have Been Waiting for: Pan-African Consciousness Raising and Organizing in the United States and Venezuela." Diss., 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10161/12262.
Full textAbstract:
We Are the Ones We Have Been Waiting for: Pan-African Consciousness Raising and Organizing in the United States and Venezuela, draws on fifteen months of field research accompanying organizers, participating in protests, planning/strategy meetings, state-run programs, academic conferences and everyday life in these two countries. Through comparative examination of the processes by which African Diaspora youth become radically politicized, this work deconstructs tendencies to deify political s/heroes of eras past by historicizing their ascent to political acclaim and centering the narratives of present youth leading movements for Black/African liberation across the Diaspora. I employ Manuel Callahan’s description of “encuentros”, “the disruption of despotic democracy and related white middle-class hegemony through the reconstruction of the collective subject”; “dialogue, insurgent learning, and convivial research that allows for a collective analysis and vision to emerge while affirming local struggles” to theorize the moments of encounter, specifically, the moments (in which) Black/African youth find themselves becoming politically radicalized and by what. I examine the ways in which Black/African youth organizing differs when responding to their perpetual victimization by neoliberal, genocidal state-politics in the US, and a Venezuelan state that has charged itself with the responsibility of radically improving the quality of life of all its citizens. Through comparative analysis, I suggest the vertical structures of “representative democracy” dominating the U.S. political climate remain unyielding to critical analyses of social stratification based on race, gender, and class as articulated by Black youth. Conversely, I contend that present Venezuelan attempts to construct and fortify more horizontal structures of “popular democracy” under what Hugo Chavez termed 21st Century Socialism, have resulted in social fissures, allowing for a more dynamic and hopeful negation between Afro-Venezuelan youth and the state.
Dissertation
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McCray, Kenja. "Complements to Kazi Leaders: Female Activists in Kawaida-Influenced Cultural-Nationalist Organizations, 1965-1987." 2017. http://scholarworks.gsu.edu/history_diss/57.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation explores the memories and motivations of women who helped mold Pan-African cultural nationalism through challenging, refining, and reshaping organizations influenced by Kawaida, the black liberation philosophy that gave rise to Kwanzaa. This study focuses on female advocates in the Us Organization, Committee for a Unified Newark and the Congress of African People, the East, and Ahidiana. Emphasizing the years 1965 through the mid-to-late 1980s, the work delves into the women’s developing sense of racial and gender consciousness against the backdrop of the Black Power Movement.
The study contextualizes recollections of women within the groups’ growth and development, ultimately tracing the organizations’ weakening, demise, and influence on subsequent generations. It examines female advocates within the larger milieu of the Civil Rights Movement’s retrenchment and the rise of Black Power. The dissertation also considers the impact of resurgent African-American nationalism, global independence movements, concomitant Black Campus, Black Arts, and Black Studies Movements, and the groups’ struggles amidst state repression and rising conservatism.
Employing oral history, womanist approaches, and primary documents, this work seeks to increase what is known about female Pan-African cultural nationalists. Scholarly literature and archival sources reflect a dearth of cultural-nationalist women’s voices in the historical record. Several organizational histories have included the women’s contributions, but do not substantially engage their backgrounds, motives, and reasoning. Although women were initially restricted to “complementary” roles as helpmates, they were important in shaping and sustaining Pan-African cultural-nationalist organizations by serving as key actors in food cooperatives, educational programs, mass communications pursuits, community enterprises, and political organizing. As female advocates grappled with sexism in Kawaida-influenced groups, they also developed literature, programs, and organizations that broadened the cultural-nationalist vision for ending oppression. Women particularly helped reformulate and modernize Pan-African cultural nationalism over time and space by resisting and redefining restrictive gender roles. As such, they left a legacy of “kazi leadership” focused on collectivity, a commitment to performing the sustained work of bringing about black freedom, and centering African and African-descended people’s ideas and experiences.
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Yoh, John Gay Nout. "The institutional role of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) in conflict resolution in Africa." Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/2033.
Full textAbstract:
The main objective of this thesis is to critically investigate and analyse the institutional role of the OAU in conflict resolution in Africa. In order to achieve that goal, among other things, it is argued that the philosophy, ideology and history of the Pan-African Movement influenced and shaped the institutionalisation process of the Pan-African Movement and the eventual establishment of the OAU, the formulation of its goals and objectives, as well as the OAU's potential in the resolution of conflicts on the continent.
It is also argued on the one hand, that the tension between the preservation of sovereignty of the OAU member states, as well as their national interests and the promotion of continental interests on the other hand, directly affected the work of the OAU in conflict situations in Africa. Furthermore, it is emphasised in the thesis that the colonial legacy and the dynamics of the Cold War era did indeed affect the relations between the OAU member states and as a result, impacted on the African regional cooperation and the role of the OAU in conflict resolution processes in Africa.
Another important aspect highlighted in the study was the evolution of the structures of the OAU involved in conflict management and resolution and their effect on the resolution of conflicts on the continent. A critical assessment was made of the various organs, mechanisms and methods adopted by the OAU and an attempt was made to ascertain whether they were suitable for the types of conflicts they were meant to resolve. Indeed, it is argued in the thesis that the principal organs of the OAU either lacked adequate powers to resolve inter-state conflicts, or they were inappropriately structured and thus they could not resolve these conflicts because their structures were not appropriate to intervene in most of these conflicts. Therefore, it can be stated that the mechanisms that were adopted by the OAU mediators to resolve these conflicts were not appropriate for the types of conflicts in which they were involved.
It is important to mention that the conflict resolution mechanisms, which were provided for by the OAU Charter, were mainly aimed at resolving inter-state conflicts, and did not cater for various types of intra-state conflicts. An attempt was made in the study to ascertain to what extent this omission affected the role of the organisation in dealing with intra-state and other forms of conflicts, which emerged on the continent. Moreover, it is argued that the structural set up of the OAU's conflict resolution organs has produced complex legal and political problems for member states as well as to the parties to the conflicts. That situation in turn produced complex impediments in the operationalisation and the work of these organs in conflict resolution situations in Africa. This was because their functions were not distributed to minimise jurisdictual disputes such as boundary conflicts, hence resulting in the ineffectiveness of the work of the organisation.
The study further analysed the extent to which the role and position of the UN as an international institution affected the role of the OAU in conflict management and resolution in Africa. The thesis also tried to ascertain to what extent the structural weaknesses and inherent challenges regarding the role of the UN in peace making in Africa hampered the work of the OAU in conflict situations where its cooperation with the UN was essential.
Moreover, it is argued that the role and position of other regional organisations on the continent did in fact affect the role of the OAU in conflict management and resolution and that the inherent challenges and legal omissions of some vital provisions in the OAU charter regarding the role of the sub-regional organisations in peace-making in Africa did constrain the work of the OAU in conflict situations where its cooperation with sub-regional organisations was required. It was further argued that, although the American-European initiatives in conflict prevention, management and resolution in Africa was meant to facilitate and enhance the activities of the OAU in conflict situations in Africa, some of these initiatives did affect in different ways the role of the OAU.
Finally, several arguments were presented to explain why the OAU was not able to successfully resolve the Ethiopian-Somali boundary dispute, a conflict seen as a typical inter-state dispute. Indeed, it is argued in the thesis that the Ethiopian-Somali boundary dispute exemplifies the challenges faced by and inherent weaknesses of the various mechanisms the OAU mediators had adopted to deal with conflict situations in Africa.Political Science
D. Litt. et Phil. (International Politics)
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Gudeta, Selamawit Tadesse. "Political unification before economic integration : a critical analysis of Kwame Nkrumah's arguments on the United States of Africa." Diss., 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/24525.
Full textAbstract:
Kwame Nkrumah was the first African leader to pursue the idea of Africa’s continent-wide
unity with fervour. Many thought that African unity will only be the pooling of poverty and
that Nkrumah’s dream was impossible. Nkrumah was known for his philosophy "Seek ye
first the political kingdom and all things shall be added unto it". He thought that political
unity should precede economic unity, which would naturally follow. Even though the newly
independent African states agreed on the necessity of unity, his philosophy was not
welcomed when the Organisation of African Unity was established in Addis Ababa
(Ethiopia) in 1963. Rather, delegates opted for incremental political integration leading to
economic integration –an aspiration that Africa is still struggling to bring to fruition. This
study demonstrates that Nkrumah’s idea of political unity before economic integration was
and still is valid for Africa’s continent-wide unity. To this end, the study will use textual
sources and use diachronic and integrative approaches as analytical tools.Political Sciences
M.A. (International Politics)