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Books on the topic 'Pan-Arabism'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 10 March 2023

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1

Tawfic, Farah, ed. Pan-Arabism and Arab nationalism: The continuing debate. Boulder: Westview Press, 1987.

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2

Doran, Michael Scott. Pan-Arabism before Nasser: Egyptian power politics and the Palestine Question. New York: Oxford University Press, 1999.

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3

Mufti, Malik. Sovereign creations: Pan-Arabism and political order in Syria and Iraq. Ithaca, N.Y: Cornell University Press, 1996.

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4

Mohammed, Hassan Essam, Harris Kate W, and Markaz al-Qāhirah li-Dirāsāt Ḥuqūq al-Insān., eds. Revitalization of political thought through democracy and human rights: Islamism, Marxism and Pan Arabism. Garden City, Cairo: Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies, CIHRS, 1996.

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5

Hāshim, M. Jalāl. To be or not to be: Sudan at crossroads : a Pan-African perspective : a black African nation undone by the ideology of Islamo-Arabism. Dar es Salaam, Tanzania: Mkuki na Nyota Publishers Ltd., 2019.

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6

Bill, James A. Pan-Arabism and Arab Nationalism. Edited by Tawfic E. Farah. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429300967.

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7

Freer, Courtney. Rentier Islamism after Pan-Arabism. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190861995.003.0006.

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This chapter assesses the changing role of Brotherhood affiliates in Kuwait, Qatar, and the UAE in the first decade of the 2000s, with a view to highlighting the increased politicization of the Kuwaiti branch and heightened marginalization of the Emirati, alongside the informalization of the Qatari affiliate. It presents the differing responses of the governments in Kuwait, Qatar, and the UAE to the Arab Spring, specifically how these governments sought to manage the movement toward greater political involvement and liberties for their citizenry and how they treated Islamists involved in that movement specifically. In describing this tumultuous time, the chapter continues tracing how Islamist influence is felt inside these states and how rentier Islamism is politically adaptive.
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8

Pan-Arabism and Arab Nationalism: The Continuing Debate. Taylor & Francis Group, 2019.

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9

Farah, Tawfic E. Pan-Arabism and Arab Nationalism: The Continuing Debate. Westview Press, 1987.

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10

Farah, Tawfic E. Pan-Arabism and Arab Nationalism: The Continuing Debate. Taylor & Francis Group, 2019.

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11

Pan-Arabism Before Nasser: Egyptian Power Politics and the Palestine Question. Oxford University Press, 1999.

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12

Pan-Arabism Before Nasser: Egyptian Power Politics and the Palestine Question. Ebsco Publishing, 1999.

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13

Pan-Arabism before Nasser: Egyptian Power Politics and the Palestine Question (Studies in Middle Eastern History). Oxford University Press, USA, 2002.

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14

Pan-Arabism Before Nasser: Egyptian Power Politics and the Palestine Question. Studies in Middle Eastern History. Oxford University Press, 2002.

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15

Dorraj, Manochehr. Middle East Foreign Policy. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190846626.013.261.

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The scholarly literature on Middle Eastern foreign policies has long treated the region as a pawn in the larger game of the great powers’ international rivalry for global supremacy. During the Cold War, Middle Eastern foreign policies were seen in terms of East-West confrontation, or as a replica of Western foreign policies. Over time, more sophisticated theories of Middle Eastern foreign policy have emerged. Two of the earliest theories that were applied to the study of Middle Eastern foreign policies were diplomatic political history and psychological approaches. Some scholars argue that the behavior of Middle Eastern states is reflective of some of the basic premises of the realist theory. Others, adopting a neorealist structural approach, contend that while Middle Eastern states may use the language of Islam and Pan-Arabism, power politics still lies at the core of their foreign policy. These scholars consider the shift in the regional and the global balance of power as the major explanatory factors for understanding foreign policy changes in the Middle East. Then there are those who conceptualize Middle Eastern foreign policies primarily in terms of dependency theory, the core-periphery power relations, and a struggle for the control of the region's oil and energy. Two other approaches to the study of Middle Eastern foreign policies are international political economy and bureaucratic politics. The Palestinian–Israeli conflict has been a major polarizing issue responsible for radicalization of regional politics and foreign policies in the Middle East.
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16

Baskan, Birol. The Politics of Islam. Edinburgh University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474490245.001.0001.

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This book traces how state-religion relations in Bahrain, Kuwait, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE have changed from the 1950s to the 2010s, narrating the unfolding of two historical processes: Gulf states’ relations with an Islamist movement, the Muslim Brotherhood and their religious policies. First, the book narrates how state-Muslim Brotherhood relations had been cordial in five Gulf countries from the 1950s to the 1970s, but eventually deteriorated in Kuwait, the UAE and Saudi Arabia, but not Qatar and Bahrain in reaction to geopolitical developments such as the rise and demise of pan-Arabism, the Iranian revolution, Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait, the 9/11 attacks and finally the Arab Spring and domestic circumstances dictated by necessities and challenges of (rentier) state building and regime formation. Second, the book shows that Gulf states have never undergone any kind of forceful state secularization and therefore have been, and still are, quite religious states with Saudi Arabia always being more religious than other Gulf states.Tracing the continuities and discontinuities in both historical processes this book makes a simple yet intriguing claim: the level of state religiosity seems to have little impact on whether an Islamist opposition emerges in a country and the emergence of an Islamist opposition has similarly no major impact on the level of state religiosity. With this claim the book sheds light on Islamism's inherently oppositional character and challenges the premise that Islamist oppositionality and state religiosity are causally linked in the Middle East.
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