Journal articles: 'Pan-Arabism'

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Masalha, N. "Faisal's Pan‐Arabism, 1921–33." Middle Eastern Studies 27, no. 4 (October 1991): 679–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263209108700885.

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Sirriyeh, Hussein. "A New Version of Pan-Arabism?" International Relations 15, no. 3 (December 2000): 53–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047117800015003006.

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Agustina, Dian, and Iin Suryaningsih. "Dampak Pan Arabisme Terhadap Identitas Masyarakat Mesir Koptik." JURNAL Al-AZHAR INDONESIA SERI HUMANIORA 7, no. 3 (November 9, 2022): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.36722/sh.v7i3.1129.

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This study aims to determine the impact of the Pan Arabism Movement initiated by Gamal Abdul Nasser in 1956-1970 on the religious identity, language, and culture of the Egyptian Coptic society. The method used in this study is a library research method by collecting data from various sources, then analyzing and describing the results of data analysis based on the cultural theory of the Egyptian Coptic society according to Malaty, 1993 and the Pan Arabism Policy theory according to Elie and Onn Winckler Podeh, 2004. Pan Arabism had an identity-changing impact on Egyptian Coptic society. In religion, the freedom to guard and protect their places of worship was restricted and the existence of the Coptic religion began to diminish. In language, the use of Coptic is increasingly restricted and Coptic is almost extinct because it is only used during worship as a liturgical language. Meanwhile, in cultural field, there was an ideological shift in Egyptian society and Egypt became more identical with Arab culture.Keyword - Pan Arabism, Gamal Abdul Nasser, Identity of the Egyptian Coptic Society.

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Saad, Radwa. "Reconciling Pan-Arabism and Pan-Africanism: The North African Leadership Dilemma." Leadership and Developing Societies 3, no. 1 (December 9, 2019): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.47697/lds.3436100.

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The purpose of this research to examine the challenges Arab leaders face in simultaneously adhering to Pan-Arabism and Pan-Africanism and extract conditions in which the two ideologies can be reconciled to produce mutual benefits. This study poses the question: what strategies do North-African leaders deploy to balance their Pan-Arab and Pan-African commitments and what repercussions do these strategies have on the state of Arab-African relations? By drawing on two scenarios where Pan-Arabism and Pan-Africanism conflicted, namely the 1967-1979 Arab-Israeli Conflict and the 2011 Libyan civil war, it will highlight the role leadership can play in mediating such tensions. The study finds that it is only through the decrease of hegemonic pursuits and the increase in effective leadership processes both domestically and regionally that the two ideologies can coexist.

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Wróblewski, Bartosz. "Haszymidzkie Królestwo Jordanii w konfrontacji z ideologią panarabską (1946–1999). Z badań nad stabilnością polityczną monarchii arabskich." Polityka i Społeczeństwo 20, no. 4 (2022): 381–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/polispol.2022.4.26.

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Since early 1950s military coups were a frequent phenomenon in the Arab world. In consequence of that a lot of monarchies fell and they were replaced with republics. In fact, however, the politics became dominated by violence and the regimes quickly became oppressive dictatorships. The new governments made use of the pan-Arab ideology to legitimize their authority (which aimed at uniting Arabs from Morocco to Iraq). The small Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan became an important place of confrontation between the pan-Arab ideology and the monarchy, with its traditional legitimization of power. Since approximately 1948 until 1990s there was competition between parties and political movements opting for pan-Arabism or the court of the Hashemite. This resulted in severe political crises in 1956–1957, 1966 and 1991. The consequence of that was also the civil war of 1970. The Jordan monarchy succeeded in overcoming these crises and emerged victorious from the ideological struggle. The current monarchy maintained complete authority and recognition, while pan-Arabism underwent marginalization.

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Zureik, Elia, and Tewfik E. Farah. "Pan-Arabism and Arab Nationalism: The Continuing Debate." Contemporary Sociology 17, no. 1 (January 1988): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2069418.

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Mellon, James G. "Pan‐Arabism, pan‐Islamism and inter‐state relations in the Arab World." Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 8, no. 4 (December 2002): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537110208428675.

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Manduchi, Patrizia. "Arab Nationalism(s): Rise and Decline of an Ideology." Oriente Moderno 97, no. 1 (March 30, 2017): 4–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340137.

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When speaking about Arab nationalism, at least three phenomena, only partially distinct from one another, must be identified: Arabism, Pan-Arabism and Nationalisms on a local basis.The first is Arabism (ʿurūbah, being Arab) in the sense of belonging to the same world, in a single context from Morocco to Iraq, that emerged in Egypt and Near East in the last decades of thexixcentury. From this cultural awareness of an Arab identity, the Pan-Arabism (qawmiyyah ʿarabiyyah) developed in the interwars period, but especially after the Second World War. Finally, with the acquired national Arab independences, Nationalism emerged on a local basis, and took the name ofwaṭaniyyah.The debate has never closed and all the major questions are still open: if an Arab nation (and therefore an Arab nationalism) has ever existed; if we can talk about a Pan-Arab nationalism once local based nationalisms emerged; which are the ideological principles of Arab Nationalism that are not uncritically assimilated from outside; finally, how and why the nationalistic ideologies have suffered an heavy crisis in front of the impressive rise of contemporary radical Islamism after the Seventies.Finally, if the figure of the global jihadist, not tied to this or that national cause but fighting anywhere you have to fight aǧihādin the way of God, is the antithesis of the militant of nationalistic movements, for his absolute disregard for any cause that can be defined national. The goal is the creation of an Islamic State, no matter how utopian this project is, not based on the concept of nation but on that ofummah. It’s the phase of the “après panarabisme”: the myth of cohesion from the Gulf to the Atlantic no longer enchants Arab people and Arab States, and the era of Nasser and the Ba‘athist dream has finally ended.

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Abdi, Kamyar. "From Pan-Arabism to Saddam Hussein's cult of personality." Journal of Social Archaeology 8, no. 1 (February 2008): 3–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1469605307086076.

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Creswell, Robyn. "Nazik al-Mala’ika and the Poetics of Pan-Arabism." Critical Inquiry 46, no. 1 (September 2019): 71–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/705300.

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Segell, Glen. "Revisiting Nasser Style Pan-Arabism and Pan-Africanism Prompted by the Abraham Accords." Insight on Africa 14, no. 1 (October 28, 2021): 24–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09750878211048161.

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The Abraham Accords signed in September 2020 between Israel and the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain was followed by ties between Israel and the African states of Sudan and Morocco. These were all unique with the common link and timing apparently only the broker American President Donald Trump’s re-election campaign. Looking deeper reveals another common element that is a shift in regional strategic dynamics both at ideological and strategic fronts. This prompts revisiting the Nasser style Pan-Arab and Pan-African ideologies in the context of the current unfolding situation. A primary finding is that government-to-government negotiations to establish multi-lateral forum based on ideological movements rarely achieve this and even when they do such forum tend to debate rather than act. Only with popular and grassroots support can ideological movements bring change and achieve objectives. Such lessons applied to the Abraham Accords, that is a different style of Pan-Arabism and Pan-Africanism, but also top–down at its origins, might lead to an evolution of a different kind of domestic and regional ambiance. The structure of the article is to provide definitions, then discuss the role of leaders, the distinct differences in geography and demography, revisit Nasser style Pan-Africanism, revisit Nasser style Pan-Arabism, and discuss the Qaddafi continuum of the Nasser style ideologies. The academic contributions giving new insight to Africa are the examination of the role of individual leaders and hegemonic leadership, and the shifts and evolution of ideologies where outcomes are not necessarily the desired ones or enduring.

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А. ЖАМБАЛ. "ПАНАРАБИЗМ БА ПАНИСЛАМИЗМ." Political Studies 16, no. 489 (February 25, 2023): 225–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.22353/ps.v16i489.2491.

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(Pan-Arabism and Pan-Islamism- панарабизм и панисламизм- пан гэдэг нь эртний грек хэлний нармай, их, бүх гэсэн утгатай нийлмэл үгийн эхний хэсэг) Панарабизм нь арабууд өөрийн хэл, соёл, түүхтэй бие даасан тусгаар угсаатан ард түмэн бөгөөд угсаатны эдгээр шинж чанараараа эв нэгдэлтэй байж уламжлалт соёл, хэл, ёс заншил, аж амьдралынхаа хэвшлийг хадгалан хамгаалж мандан бадрах ёстой гэсэн үзэл санааг агуулсан нийгэм-улс төрийн номлол болно.

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Sawani, Youssef Mohamed. "The ‘end of pan-Arabism’ revisited: reflections on the Arab Spring." Contemporary Arab Affairs 5, no. 3 (July 1, 2012): 382–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2012.696785.

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This article draws on implications of the Arab Spring so as to elucidate the dynamics that characterize its revolutions. The analysis builds upon the results of major public opinion surveys conducted in the Arab world, both immediately before and after the Arab Spring, in order to facilitate the identification of developments that shape the relationship between Arabism and Islamism in the context of mass media, the demographic ‘youth bulge’ and Arab ongoing intellectual debates. The argument advanced here is that the Arab Spring consolidates the view that Arabism and Islamism have maintained their position and hold on public opinion and prevailing attitudes as the primary and inseparable trends of Arab thought. The interaction and shifting relative weights of both trends provide the context for the identity, conceptual outlook and reciprocal framework of contemporary Arabs; and the Arab Spring seems only to confirm the two trends as constituting the essential point of reference and departure for Arabs. Within this context and scope of analysis this article traces the emergence of a ‘historical mass’ for change that, coupled with an indelibly engrained link between the two trends is opening up a new conceptual sphere and public space for the emergence of a new Arabism. Such development is also supported by the role of mass media and the thoughtful intellectual contributions that have been advancing a new Arab paradigm which further refutes the ‘End of Arabism’ thesis.

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Majak, Jonathan. "Pan-Arabism v. Pan-Africanism in the Sudan: The Crisis of Divergent Ethnic Ideologies." Explorations in Ethnic Studies 18, no. 1 (January 1, 1995): 37–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ees.1995.18.1.37.

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Najjar, Maria. "Reviving Pan-Arabism in Feminist Activism in the Middle East." Kohl: A Journal for Body and Gender Research 6, Summer (June 1, 2020): 119–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.36583/2020060113.

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This essay is a preliminary attempt to explore the potential of a feminist, Pan-Arab ideology in relieving some of the tensions in feminist movement building in the Middle East and North Africa region. In its current formulation, regional feminisms suffer from compounded inefficiencies due to fragmentations in grassroots, civil society organizing; an overreliance on the state and state actors including NGOs and discourses of neoliberal development; and a narrow focus on a human rights approach for feminist action. Nonetheless, the present also offers a number of opportunities that are often omitted in our analysis of these disabling tensions. These include women’s growing salience and their increasing presence in public, political spaces of mobilizing, organizing and resistance, which has facilitated communication and negotiation with and within state apparatuses. Opportunities also exist thanks to the enabling and connective nature of the Internet for the purpose of transnational feminist organizing. Crucially, it is the idea that a single, organized and unified movement will gather more support, and collect greater influence than would be the case if these movements remained in their divided and atomized states. Ultimately, this piece is an exercise of feminist imagination – one that envisions the ways in which a regional feminism can emerge based on an active struggle against patriarchy in all its manifestations.

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16

Robins, Philip. "Sovereign creations: pan-Arabism and political order in Syria and Iraq." International Affairs 73, no. 2 (April 1997): 387. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2623879.

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Hurvitz, Nimrod. "Muhibb ad‐Din al‐Khatib's semitic wave theory and Pan‐Arabism." Middle Eastern Studies 29, no. 1 (January 1993): 118–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263209308700937.

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Frisch, Hillel. "PAN-ARABISM AND ITS COMPETITORS: ISLAMIC RADICALS AND THE NATION STATE." Critical Review 22, no. 1 (March 2010): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08913811003625455.

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Quandt, William B., and Malik Mufti. "Sovereign Creations: Pan-Arabism and Political Order in Syria and Iraq." Foreign Affairs 75, no. 6 (1996): 166. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20047884.

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Bass, Warren, and Michael Doran. "Pan-Arabism before Nasser: Egyptian Power Politics and the Palestine Question." Foreign Affairs 78, no. 5 (1999): 183. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20049508.

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Owen, Roger, and Malik Mufti. "Sovereign Creations: Pan-Arabism and Political Order in Syria and Iraq." American Historical Review 103, no. 1 (February 1998): 241. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2650898.

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Gershoni, Israel, and Michael Doran. "Pan-Arabism before Nasser: Egyptian Power Politics and the Palestine Question." American Historical Review 106, no. 1 (February 2001): 301. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2652421.

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Faheem Sheikh. "Pan-Arabism: A Tool of Ruling Elites or a Politically-Relevant Ideology?" Policy Perspectives 13, no. 2 (2016): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.13169/polipers.13.2.0093.

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Alsayed, Wafa. "Beyond Instrumentalism: Arab Nationalism and the Foreign Policy of Kuwait in the 1960s and 1970s." Middle East Journal 76, no. 2 (August 31, 2022): 199–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/76.2.13.

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The international relations literature on Arabism overwhelmingly views the behavior of Arab states through an instrumentalist lens. This article departs from this approach, arguing that Kuwait's Arabist foreign policy in the 1960s and 1970s largely stemmed from its distinctive history, which produced a prevailing pan-Arabist current in society evident in the mainstream press and official discourse. A combined historical-sociological and constructivist approach is used to disentangle the relationship between history, identity, and foreign policy.

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Boms, Nir Tuvia, and Hussein Aboubakr. "Pan Arabism 2.0? The Struggle for a New Paradigm in the Middle East." Religions 13, no. 1 (December 29, 2021): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13010028.

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The Abraham Accords, signed in September 2020 have helped shed a light on a new discourse emerging from the Gulf that seeks to challenge some of the old dogmas that have dominated the region in the last few decades. A decade of turmoil that followed what was once dubbed as the “Arab Spring” finds a divided region, full of ethnic and religious conflict, ungoverned territories, and the growing reality of failed states. An “axis of resistance”, led by radical elements from both the Shi’a and the Sunni world, is perceived as a growing challenge to a group of actors led by a number of Gulf countries who identify radicalization as an existential threat. Facing the “axis of resistance”, a new “axis of renaissance” is coming of age with an alternative vision that seeks to change the face of the Middle East. In parallel to the rapid decline of the traditional Arab capitals, the Gulf is emerging as a more significant voice in the region due to its economic, political, and media influence. This article seeks to capture and explain the rise of this new Gulf-led axis and the early formulation of a new agenda of a more tolerant Middle East through a radical reshuffling of the order of priorities in the region.

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Zisser, Eyal. "The Mediterranean Idea in Syria and Lebanon: between territorial nationalism and Pan-Arabism." Mediterranean Historical Review 18, no. 1 (June 2003): 76–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09518960412331302223.

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Lust-Okar, Ellen M. "THE DECLINE OF JORDANIAN POLITICAL PARTIES: MYTH OR REALITY?" International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 4 (November 2001): 545–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801004044.

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Going back to the early beginnings of democracy in Jordan in the [1950s], the Jordanian people, particularly the youth and the activist forces, were very enthusiastic about political parties, despite the fact that the level of political awareness then was not as advanced as it is now. Conditions on the domestic, Pan-Arab, and international levels were encouraging. Pan-Arabism was on the rise. There were goals for the Arabs to achieve, and there was a consensus that it was feasible to achieve those goals. Political parties at that time had a vast popular base. They were large and effective due to the large-scale popular participation in these parties. The situation at present is the opposite. When political parties were born again, they looked as if they were parties in the stage of formation.

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Abadi, J. "Great Britain and the Maghreb in the Epoch of Pan Arabism and Cold War." Cold War History 2, no. 2 (January 2002): 125–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713999956.

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Hollis, Rosemary. "Inter‐Arab politics and the Gulf War: States’ rights take precedence over Pan‐Arabism." Cambridge Review of International Affairs 5, no. 2 (September 1991): 16–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09557579108400063.

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KALEOĞLU UÇANER, Burcu. "Bir 'Pan-Arap Kahramanın' Sosyal İnşası: Cemal Abdülnasır." Gaziantep University Journal of Social Sciences 21, no. 4 (October 19, 2022): 2389–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.21547/jss.1139290.

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This article investigates the social construction of Gamal Abdel Nasser’s pan-Arab identity from a social constructivist theoretical approach. In this sense, it scrutinizes how Nasser came to be constructed as a pan-Arab hero by cleverly manipulating the symbolic politics and establishing socially and politically binding pan-Arab norms and eventually made himself constrained by them. This study also examines social constructivism’s explanatory power as a theoretical model in understanding and explaining Nasser’s political motives and moves by comparing it with that of rationalism. It is argued that Nasser’s power did not come from the economic or military capabilities, as rationalism fails to explain, but his power came from his ability to frame the events within a historical narrative in such a rhetorical way to establish new Arab norms. He was the leading figure in the establishment of United Arab Republic, North Yemen Civil War and The Six-Day War of 1967, despite all were against his and Egypt’s absolute material national interests. This article analyzes the path to nationalist ascent and descent of Nasser’s Arabism by chronologically scrutinizing on the discourses and events in order to examine the power of the given theories in explaining each period.

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Isya, Muhammad. "Novel dan Kritik Politik Luar Negeri (Studi Sastra Realis Historis Al-Zaynī Barakāt Karya Al-Ghitani)." Buletin Al-Turas 19, no. 2 (January 23, 2018): 369–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/bat.v19i2.3726.

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Abstrak Penelitian ini ini membuktikan bahwa salah satu kritik politik Novelis al-Ghitani di dalam novel al-Zayni> Baraka>t ialah kritikan terhadap kinerja Presiden Nasser atas kekalahan Arab pada perang Arab-Israel tahun 1967. Menurutnya, pemerintah ini terlalu disibukkan dengan memperbaiki internal Mesir sehingga kurang memperhatikan eskternal. Dengan kata lain, sepanjang tahun 1960-an, Presiden terlalu disibukkan dengan penanaman pan-Arabisme sehingga kurang dalam persiapan dan perencanaan melawan Israel tahun 1967.---Abstract This research this proves that one of the criticisms of the political Novelist al-Ghitani in novel Zayni al-Baraka is the criticism of the performance of President Nasser over the defeat of the Arabs in the Arab-Israel war of 1967. According to him, the Government is too preoccupied with internal fix Egypt so little regard for external. In other words, throughout the 1960s, the President is too preoccupied with planting of pan-Arabism so lacking in preparation and planning against Israel in 1967.

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Bashkin, Orit. "HYBRID NATIONALISMS:WAṬANĪANDQAWMĪVISIONS IN IRAQ UNDER ʿABD AL-KARIM QASIM, 1958–61." International Journal of Middle East Studies 43, no. 2 (April 8, 2011): 293–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743811000079.

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AbstractThis paper analyzes Iraqi national narratives in the years from 1958 to 1961 to consider how innovative definitions of Arab nationalisms were affected by worldwide processes of decolonization. It demonstrates how Pan-Arabism was transformed in Qasimite Iraq because of its hybridization with Iraqi patriotism and, concurrently, how various elements of Arabist discourses were integrated into local and patriotic perceptions of Iraqi nationalism. Examining cultural idioms shared by Iraqi intellectuals belonging to different political groups, especially the communists and the Baʿthists, destabilizes a typology that assumes each ideological camp subscribed to a rigidly defined set of well-known historical narratives. The Pan-Arabists in this period often cultivated the notion that Arab nationalism did not entail an ethnic origin but rather the ability to adopt the Arabic language, as well as Arab history and culture, as a marker of one's national and cultural identity. The attempts to adapt Pan-Arab discourses to the specificities of the Iraqi milieu and to build coalitions with as many of the nation's groups as possible meant that the sectarian, anti-Shiʿi, and anti-Kurdish notions that colored Baʿthist discourses in later years were not as prominent in this period.

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Mohamad, Husam A. "Assessing the Impact of Pan-Arabism on the Politics of the PLO in Historical Context." Journal for Peace and Justice Studies 10, no. 2 (2000): 29–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/peacejustice20001021.

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Dekmejian, R. Hrair. "Gershoni Israel, The Emergence of Pan-Arabism in Egypt (Tel Aviv: Shiloah Center, 1981). Pp. 142." International Journal of Middle East Studies 17, no. 2 (May 1985): 267. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800029044.

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Eppel, Michael. "The Elite, theEffendiyya, and the Growth of Nationalism and Pan-Arabism in Hashemite Iraq, 1921–1958." International Journal of Middle East Studies 30, no. 2 (May 1998): 227–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800065880.

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One of the basic characteristics of the social conditions that marked political life in the Arab states in the 1920s, 1930s, and 1940s was the complex relationship between the politicians from among the elites of traditional notables of the Fertile Crescent cities and theeffendiyya, or Westernized middle stratum. These elites consisted not only of traditional notable families, but also of families newly risen since the Tanzimat reforms in the 19th-century Ottoman Empire. Since the end of World War I, these elites had stood at the center of the new states established by the Western powers—Great Britain and France—and it was now the politicians from within those elites who headed the struggle of those states for independence. This relationship, as well as the character of the elite of notables and theeffendiyya, constituted an important element in the social conditions characterizing the political and ideological environment in which the Iraqi politicians from the elite of notables had operated, and in which Arab nationalism and Pan-Arab ideology became a highly influential factor.

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Qutait, Tasnim. "“Qabbani versus Qur’an”: Arabism and the Umma in Robin Yassin-Kassab’s The Road from Damascus." Open Cultural Studies 2, no. 1 (May 1, 2018): 73–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/culture-2018-0008.

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Abstract In The Road from Damascus (2008), Syrian-British writer Robin Yassin-Kassab’s debut novel, the protagonist describes “the opposing camps of [his] childhood,” as narratives of “Qabbani versus Qur’an” (56). While Sami’s father idolises the pan-Arabist poet Nizar Qabbani and supports the Syrian regime despite its repressive policies, Sami’s mother, disillusioned with nationalist ideology, turns instead to faith, offering her son a “different mythology” based on “the adventures of God’s messengers” (53). Tracing Sami’s negotiations of these seemingly opposed inherited narratives, Yassin-Kassab’s novel examines the lingering impact of pan-Arabism and the alternatives offered by Islamic frameworks. While critics have previously approached this novel as part of a growing corpus of British Muslim fiction, in this essay, I focus more closely on the novel’s interrogation of Arab nationalism. As I will show, Yassin-Kassab’s novel unfolds as a series of ideological disillusionments that chart the protagonist’s confrontation with the failure of nationalist politics. Inviting the reader to follow the protagonist’s successive conversions and de-conversion from various forms of nationalism, Yassin-Kassab’s representation of the polarisation between “Qabbani versus Qur’an” poses the question of how one might find alternatives beyond such restrictive dichotomies, dramatizing the inadequacies of political vision in the Arab world today.

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عارف, نصر محمد. "عروض مختصرة." الفكر الإسلامي المعاصر (إسلامية المعرفة سابقا) 5, no. 17 (July 1, 1999): 158–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/citj.v5i17.2903.

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Christopher Melchert, The Formation of The Sunni School of Law, 9th-10th Centuries (Leader, Brill, 1997) pp 272. Richard Yeomams, The story of Islamic Architecture, (London: Garmet Publishing, 1998) pp. 252. Hasan Kayali, Arabs and Young Truks: Ottomanism, Arabism and Islamism in the Ottoman Empire, 1908-1918 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997) pp. 308. Azmi Ozcan, Pan-Islamism: Indian Muslims, The Ottoman and Britain (1877-1924) (Leiden: Brill, 1997) pp. 237 - Jakob Skovgaard-Petersn, Defining Islam for the Egyptian State: Muftis and Fatwas of the Dar al-Ifta, Social Economic, and Political Studies of the Middle East and Asia (Leiden: Brill, 1997) pp. 431. للحصول على كامل المقالة مجانا يرجى النّقر على ملف ال PDF في اعلى يمين الصفحة.

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Watanabe, Shoko. "Making an Arab-Muslim Elite in Paris: The Pan-Maghrib Student Movement of the 1930s." International Journal of Middle East Studies 53, no. 3 (August 2021): 439–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743821000337.

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AbstractThis paper aims to clarify the scope and limitations of the ideals of Pan-Maghrib nationalism as developed by the Association of North African Muslim Students in France (AEMNAF) in the 1930s. The AEMNAF members’ inclination toward sciences and technology and their emphasis on conserving their mother culture made them consider Arabism and Islam their most important identity markers. Moreover, the AEMNAF created a sense of solidarity among Maghribi students in France and extended its social influence by cooperating with French and Mashriqi opinion leaders in Europe. However, the AEMNAF's narrow definition of Muslim-ness and its elitist nature led to the exclusion of Maghribis with French citizenship from the organization. The dualistic view of technology and culture in Maghribi nationalist thought also contributed to prioritizing Francophones over Arabophones, Muslims over non-Muslims, men over women, and students in the sciences over those in humanities.

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Wyrtzen, Jonathan. "COLONIAL STATE-BUILDING AND THE NEGOTIATION OF ARAB AND BERBER IDENTITY IN PROTECTORATE MOROCCO." International Journal of Middle East Studies 43, no. 2 (April 8, 2011): 227–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743811000043.

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AbstractColonial state-building in Protectorate Morocco, particularly the total “pacification” of territory and infrastructural development carried out between 1907 and 1934, dramatically transformed the social and political context in which collective identity was imagined in Moroccan society. Prior scholarship has highlighted the struggle between colonial administrators and urban Arabophone nationalist elites over Arab and Berber ethnic classifications used by French officials to make Moroccan society legible in the wake of conquest. This study turns to the understudied question of how rural, tribal communities responded to state- and nation-building processes, drawing on a unique collection of Tamazight (Berber) poetry gathered in the Atlas Mountains to illuminate the multiple levels on which their sense of group identity was negotiated. While studies of identity in the interwar Arab world have concentrated on how Pan-Islamism, Pan-Arabism, and local nationalisms functioned in the Arab East, this article changes the angle of analysis, beginning instead at the margins of the Arab West to explore interactions between the consolidation of nation-sized political units and multivocal efforts to reframe the religious and ethnic parameters of communal solidarity during the colonial period.

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Rowe, Nicholas. "Dance and Political Credibility: The Appropriation of Dabkeh by Zionism, Pan-Arabism, and Palestinian Nationalism Nicholas Rowe." Middle East Journal 65, no. 3 (July 20, 2011): 363–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/65.3.11.

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Mason, Victoria. "The Im/mobilities of Iraqi Refugees in Jordan: Pan-Arabism, ‘Hospitality’ and the Figure of the ‘Refugee’." Mobilities 6, no. 3 (September 2011): 353–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17450101.2011.590035.

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Gordon, Joel. "Egypt and the Nakba: Pan-Arabism before Nasser: Egyptian Power Politics and the Palestine Question . Michael Doran." Journal of Palestine Studies 29, no. 4 (October 2000): 102–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2000.29.4.02p00836.

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Abou-El-Fadl, Reem. "Early pan-Arabism in Egypt's July revolution: the Free Officers' political formation and policy-making, 1946-54." Nations and Nationalism 21, no. 2 (March 24, 2015): 289–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/nana.12122.

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TAAN‎, Sulaiman. "THE NATIONAL ANTHEM ORIGIN, SYMBOLISM, AND FUNCTION “MODELS OF ARAB NATIONAL ANTHEMS”‎." International Journal of Humanities and Educational Research 4, no. 3 (June 1, 2022): 20–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2757-5403.14.2.

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This research aims to shed light on the beginnings of the formation of the national anthem in the Arab countries, and the function performed by the national anthem. After the emergence of Arab political entities in the last century, the nascent countries were inspired by the Western tradition of having a national anthem for each country. The national anthem has been one of the symbols that the nascent Arab states tried to exploit to enhance the association between the citizens and to create a single identity among the members of the state. It is usually played in official ceremonies and is a sign of state sovereignty. National anthems are classified into three main categories: the first calling for the ruler’s safety, the second referring to the battles fought by the nation, and the third expressing patriotic sentiments. Key words: National Anthem, Identity, Imagined communities, Pan-Arabism.

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Green, Jerrold D. "Are Arab Politics Still Arab?" World Politics 38, no. 4 (July 1986): 611–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010169.

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For many scholars and observers of the Middle East, the uniqueness of the Arabs has proved to be far more interesting than those areas of Arab political life that exhibit similarities with politics elsewhere. Some of the studies reviewed here provide a partial corrective to this gap. They suggest that Arab politics, much like politics in other settings, is concerned with issues of socioeconomic change and conflict, problems of legitimacy, the role of competing ideologies, and elite factionalism. Those of the studies that highlight the weaknesses of pan-Arabism are more persuasive than those that emphasize its vitality. What is needed now is the ability to determine where we can usefully generalize about Arab politics and where politics in the Arab world are in fact unique. The social-scientific approach is deemed more likely to accomplish this analytical goal than the traditional area-studies and policy approaches.

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Shannon, Jonathan H. "THERE AND BACK AGAIN: RHETORICS OF AL-ANDALUS IN MODERN SYRIAN POPULAR CULTURE." International Journal of Middle East Studies 48, no. 1 (January 14, 2016): 5–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743815001440.

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AbstractThis article explores the rhetorical function of al-Andalus (medieval Spain) in modern Syrian popular culture, with a focus on music. The rhetoric of al-Andalus in Syria is intimately related to the project of nation building. The nostalgic performance of links between modern Syria and medieval al-Andalus assumed great rhetorical force in the 1960s as a result of ideologies of pan-Arabism, the loss of Palestine, the rise of Islamist threats at home, and the emergence of petrodollar regimes in the Arabian Gulf. As a result, the rhetoric of al-Andalus became “good to think” for wide audiences of Syrians. Musical genres linked to al-Andalus play an important role as potent vehicles for constructing Syrian memory cultures. Drawing on heavily mythologized and nostalgic visions of an Andalusian golden age, musical performance in Syria sonically reinforces forms of nostalgic remembrance and enacts claims on Syrian pasts, presents, and futures.

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Gräf, Bettina, and Laura Hindelang. "The Transregional Illustrated Magazine Al-Arabi." Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 15, no. 3 (September 6, 2022): 301–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18739865-01503002.

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Abstract This article investigates the transregional cultural magazine Al-Arabi (al-‘Arabi) during the late 1950s and 1960s under its first editor, the Egyptian scientist Ahmad Zaki. Founded in Kuwait, the magazine’s establishment and sociocultural-political agenda are reconstructed within the context of Kuwait’s cultural diplomacy and pan-Arabism during decolonization and early Cold War politics. Al-Arabi offered timely discussions on Arab cities, gender, literature, politics and science, and readily embraced color photography for illustrations as a way of stimulating transnational understanding during times of substantial change in the region. Consequently, an analysis of Al-Arabi provides insights into historical strategies for re-imagining the region from within. Overall, the magazine can be situated in a long-standing tradition of Arab printing and publishing, while also forming part of a global illustrated magazine culture. Using a transdisciplinary approach, the article combines archival research and interviews with the media-historical and art-historical analyses of text, image and graphic design.

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Ahmedov, Vladimir M. "The Role of Nationalism in Arab-Iranian Relations: Historical and Ideological Dimensions." Oriental Courier, no. 4 (2022): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310023831-2.

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For the last decades Iran has been playing significant role in Middle Eastern politics. Tehran’s rooted involvement in Arab’s political environments provokes tensions and hostilities in Arab-Iranian relations. The author believes that historical legacy of Arab-Iranian interactions has been still determined some important characteristics of Arab-Iranian relations. In this article the author investigates the role of nationalism and national building process in Arab countries and Iran. He shows that the rise of national movement and emergence of new nation-states based on different ideological principals and theoretical models politicized historical Arab-Iranian ethnic and sectarian differences and cultural rivalries. The author studies how developments of various forms of nationalism in Arab countries and Iran, their approaches to national state building affected their relations. The author considers that both Arabs and Iran have been challenged the internal political dynamics and regional transformations were forced to instrumentalized nationalism as a protective tool to secure and legitimize their state suzerainty, establish their presence and provide their interests in the region. In practice, regards their historical territorial, ethnic, religious disputes, both Arabs and Iran frequently exaggerated Iranian threats to Arabism and overestimated Arab nationalism, pan-Arabism as Arab’s ambitions for regional leadership. These fears converted into real politic have spoiled Arab Iranian relations. The author stresses that emphasizing on Islamic feelings at the expense of particular nationalism in Iran after Islamic revolution in 1979 and giving up secular ideas in favor of Islamism in Arab countries after the “Arab Spring” brought neither reconciliation, nor normalization in the Arab-Iranian relations. The author pays special attention to the dynamic of Iranian nationalism in view of the developments in power mechanism of Tehran’s politics in the Middle East.

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Ahmad, Ahmad Yousef. "Introduction to a general reading of the Arab scene." Contemporary Arab Affairs 9, no. 4 (October 1, 2016): 493–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2016.1201932.

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This paper provides a reading of the current Arab scene with a view to understanding the reasons for its present frustrating and depressing decline. The establishment of the Arab League in 1945 embodied the birth of the modern Arab regional system. The rise of a period of pan-Arab nationalism saw numerous successes for the Arab system and possibilities for achieving Arab unity. However, this was followed by the defeat of the 1967 war, inter-Arab conflicts, the other setbacks for pan-Arabism and increasing foreign penetration, particularly by the United States, Israel, Turkey and Iran. This foreign interference, increasing terrorism and the rise of sectarian and ethnic divisions now threaten the integrity of the Arab system as well as the Arab identity. The Arab system and the Arab League are failing to tackle these threats effectively and the League has made decisions that have had serious repercussions for many critical Arab issues. The Arab Spring represented a hope for a renaissance of the Arab system, but in some cases it has worsened foreign penetration and caused further instability. This paper proposes that it is necessary to examine the features of the Arab scene in order to understand its predicament and reflect on the prospects for this decline to be exacerbated or contained. The conclusion looks at several possible future scenarios for the Arab scene.

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Wien, Peter. "THE LONG AND INTRICATE FUNERAL OF YASIN AL-HASHIMI: PAN-ARABISM, CIVIL RELIGION, AND POPULAR NATIONALISM IN DAMASCUS, 1937." International Journal of Middle East Studies 43, no. 2 (April 8, 2011): 271–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743811000067.

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AbstractAfter his premature death in exile in Beirut in 1937, the body of former Iraqi prime minister Yasin al-Hashimi became a matter of contention between the Syrian and Iraqi governments, as did his legacy as an avid Pan-Arabist. When the coffin with the deceased stopped in Damascus on its promised transfer to Baghdad, the Syrian National Bloc government used the opportunity to stage a solemn republican funeral to bolster its Arab nationalist credentials. Syrian conflicts with the Iraqi government that had removed al-Hashimi in a military coup in the previous year ultimately made Yasin's return impossible, however, and he was buried in Damascus, next to Saladin's mausoleum at the Umayyad Mosque. Unfortunately for the National Bloc, the funeral coincided with the first clashes over the Alexandretta crisis. The resulting street protests destroyed all public confidence that the bloc had gained during the funeral, underlining the volatile nature of nationalist politics at the time.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Pan-Arabism'

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