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Journal articles on the topic 'Pan-Turkism'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 26 April 2022

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1

Milyukova, Anna, Alla Vladimirovna Kovaleva, and Ekaterina Vladimirovna Valyulina. "Pan-Turkism and geopolitical identity in modern Eurasia: the analysis of representations in the media." Мировая политика, no. 1 (January 2021): 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8671.2021.1.34970.

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The subject of research is quantitative and qualitative characteristics of representation of the issue of Pan-Turkism in the Mass Media. The authors study two trends of development of the Pan-Turkism ideas: on the other hand, marginalization, on the other hand - actualization, which corresponds with the periods of crises (wars, epidemics, political crises). As an alternative to separatist movements, the authors name the increase of the role of transborder cooperation in the context of Eurasian integration with the help of the Eurasian Economic Union, Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the Eurasian Economic Community, and the project of transborder regional cooperation Big Altai. The purpose of the research is to characterise the main media trends of presentation of the Pan-Turkism issue in the Mass Media. The authors demonstrate the assessment of quantitative and qualitative characteristics of media coverage of the ideas of Pan-Turkism (the dynamics of referring; the activity of media in the number of messages and mediaindex, the level, categories, genres, the most remarkable newsworthy events; the role of international social, religious, educational organizations; the position of countries, regions, public figures, government and social organizations and institutions in the media coverage of the Pan-Turkism ideas). The scientific novelty consists in the fact that the context of references to the Pan-Turkism ideas in the media, as well as the media trends in this field which are being formed, almost haven’t been studied. The main conclusions of the research are about the information agenda, formed mainly by the Russian federal Internet media, aimed at the coverage of the Pan-Turkism issues. The most active in the formation of the Pan-Turkism agenda are the Russian pro-government and pro-Armenian media. Turkey, Armenia, Syria, Azerbaijan and Nagorno-Karabakh have a negative image in the media materials in the context of Pan-Turkism. Russia, the U.S., China. Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, as well as such political figures as Recep Erdoğan, Vladimir Putin, Ilham Aliyev and Nikol Vovayi Pashinyan are referred to in a positive context.   

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2

Hyman, Anthony. "Turkestan and pan‐Turkism revisited." Central Asian Survey 16, no. 3 (September 1997): 339–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02634939708400995.

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3

KARYAKIN, Vladimir. "PAN-TURKISM: CIVILIZATIONAL PROJECT OF MODERN TURKEY." Central Asia and The Caucasus 21, no. 3 (September 25, 2020): 031–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.20.3.03.

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4

Landau, Jacob M. "The fortunes and misfortunes of Pan‐Turkism∗." Central Asian Survey 7, no. 1 (January 1988): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02634938808400611.

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5

Shichor, Yitzhak. "Artificial resuscitation: Beijing’s manipulation to pan-Turkism." Asian Ethnicity 19, no. 3 (February 2018): 301–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14631369.2018.1434759.

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6

Kalirad, Ali. "From Iranism to Pan-Turkism: A Less-known Page of Ahmet Ağaoğlu’s Biography." Iran and the Caucasus 22, no. 1 (May 15, 2018): 80–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20180107.

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Ahmed Agayev, better known as Ahmet Ağaoğlu (1869-1939), has been a prominent preacher of Turkism and one of the founding fathers of the so-called Azerbaijani identity, having played also a significant role in the formation of Pan-Turkism. Ağaoğlu’s involvement in Pan-Turkist circles in the Ottoman Empire and then in the nationalist movement in Kemalist Turkey partly overshadowed some details of his earlier life. This paper examines one of the lesser-known episodes in his biography—his participation in the activities of the Iranian revolutionaries in Istanbul and his collaboration with their Persian organ, Sorush (Sorūš) in 1909-1910 in Istanbul. Ironically, positioning himself in his Persian writings in Sorush as an avid follower of Iranian nationalism, Ağaoğlu began soon to propound in the Ottoman press the idea of “the Turks of Iran”, actively promoting Turkism and Pan-Turkist views on the ethnic background of the South Caucasian Muslims and the population of the northwestern areas of Iran. Ahmet Ağaoğlu’s writings in Istanbul in 1909 and 1910 shed some light on the genesis of a modern ethnic identity, which was later labelled as “Azerbaijani”.

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7

Avetikian, Gevorg. "Pān-torkism va Irān [Pan-Turkism and Iran]." Iran and the Caucasus 14, no. 1 (2010): 176–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338410x12743419189702.

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8

Farah, Caesar E. "Pan-Turkism: From Irredentism to Cooperation: Jacob M. Landau." Digest of Middle East Studies 6, no. 1 (January 1997): 53–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1949-3606.1997.tb00708.x.

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9

Vodenicharov, Petar. "The Formation of the Azerbaijan Nation: Cultural and Language Policies." Scientific knowledge - autonomy, dependence, resistance 29, no. 2 (May 30, 2020): 118–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v29i2.9.

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The author follows the different stages of the formation of the Azerbaijan nation from the second half of the 19th century till the Second world war. From the sociolinguistic point of view the processes of language planning and policy during the different stages – pan-Islamism, pan – Turkism and Azerbaijanism, have been analysed. Special attention has been payed to the European influences on the culture and alphabet choice in Azerbaijan. The processes of cultural and language engineering in USSR during the time of building pseudo –nations defined by Stalin with the ambivalent notion „socialist in content and national in form„ has been analysed with special emphasis on the reasons for changing alphabets – Arabic, Latin, Cyrillic, and again Latin.

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10

Vyatkin, Anatoly. "Muslim Crimea in the Beginning of the 20th Century Between Obscurity, Pan-Turkism and Sovereignty." Islamology 2, no. 2 (February 3, 2009): 91–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.24848/islmlg.02.2.04.

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11

Vander Lippe, John M. "Jacob Landau. Pan-Turkism: From Irredentism to Cooperation.Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1995. pp. viii + 275." New Perspectives on Turkey 15 (1996): 155–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600002569.

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12

Fuller, Graham E. "Jacob M. Landau, Pan-Turkism: From Irredentism to Cooperation (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1995). Pp. 275." International Journal of Middle East Studies 28, no. 4 (November 1996): 629–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800064072.

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13

Çaliş, Şaban. "Pan‐Turkism and Europeanism: A note on Turkey's ‘pro‐German neutrality’ during the Second World War." Central Asian Survey 16, no. 1 (March 1997): 103–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02634939708400974.

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14

Öztürkmen, Arzu. "The Role of People'S Houses in the Making of National Culture in Turkey." New Perspectives on Turkey 11 (1994): 159–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600001023.

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Scholars engaged in the study of nationalism have often stressed an analytical distinction between the rise of nationalism and the growth of nations since nationalism, by its very nature, has always preceded the nation (Anderson, 1983; Gellner, 1983; Smith, 1983; Hobsbawm, 1990). In the case of Turkey, the rise of nationalist movements rooted in Ottoman Turkism has been well-documented by studies focussing on their pioneering leaders, publications and institutions. Efforts aimed at the making of a Turkish nation, however, coincided with the period following the establishment of the Turkish nation-state. This new phase of Turkish nationalism differed from the preceding nationalist movements of the late Ottoman era, in its concern with the consolidation of a form of its own. It borrowed elements from, but also deviated from, the expansionist, pan-Turkist tendencies of the earlier era.

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15

Avatkov, Vladimir A., and Pavel A. Gudev. "Geopolitics of Russian-Turkish Relations in the Black Sea Region." RUDN Journal of Political Science 23, no. 3 (August 31, 2021): 348–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2021-23-3-348-363.

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The Black Sea region has a special geopolitical significance for at least two states - Russia and Turkey. In order to identify the key factors that complicate regional cooperation between the two countries, the article considers the main problems of Russian-Turkish cooperation in the Black Sea area under the conditions of post-crisis resumption of bilateral relations after the 2015 incident. Regional contradictions between Moscow and Ankara are largely caused by different positions on such issues as Crimeas joining to Russia, the regime of the Black Sea Straits as well as the policy of pan-Turkism pursued by Turkey towards the Turkic-speaking peoples of the region in the strive to form a Turkic world. In conclusion the authors explain the need to further strengthen versatile bilateral cooperation with Turkey and to pay special attention to security and humanitarian fields.

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16

Tachau, Frank. "Pan-Turkism: From Irredentism to Cooperation. By Jacob M. Landau. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1995. 256p. $14.95 paper." American Political Science Review 90, no. 4 (December 1996): 955–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2945923.

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17

Ternov, N. M. "Turkish policy in Kazakhstan`s Instagram content: political analysis." Bulletin of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. Political Science. Regional Studies. Oriental Studies. Turkology Series. 136, no. 3 (2021): 66–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/26-16-6887/2021-136-3-66-74.

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The article examines the perception of Turkey by Instagram users in the news resources of Kazakhstan. The use of machine learning methods allows to study a large volume of data to solve the problem. The connection between the formation of the image in the mass media and the perception of international relations among citizens is noted. The role of Instagram in covering political news among Kaznet users is revealed. The analysis of comments was performed with the help of information processing tools. The author states that there is no unified strategy for shaping the image of Turkey among users: Turkey as a discursive image is formed both from the point of view of abstract concepts (economics, health care, politics) and a specific personality, represented by R. Erdogan. Attention is paid to the connotations associated with the ideas of Pan-Turkism and the image of Turkey. It is concluded that users pay more attention to internal problem, comparing information provided by the news with situation in Kazakhstan.

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18

VARTANIAN, Egnara Gajkovna. "IDEOLOGICAL AND POLITICAL PRECONDITIONS OF THE TRAGIC EVENTS AT THE TURN OF XIX - XX CENTURIES IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE: THE OTTOMANISM, PAN- ISLAMISM, PAN-TURKISM DOCTRINES." Historical and social-educational ideas 7, no. 3 (May 19, 2015): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.17748/2075-9908-2015-7-3-26-30.

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VARTANIAN, Egnara Gajkovna. "IDEOLOGICAL AND POLITICAL PRECONDITIONS OF THE TRAGIC EVENTS AT THE TURN OF XIX - XX CENTURIES IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE: THE OTTOMANISM, PAN- ISLAMISM, PAN-TURKISM DOCTRINES." Historical and social-educational ideas 7, no. 3 (May 19, 2015): 026. http://dx.doi.org/10.17748/2075-9908-2015.7.3.026-030.

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20

VARTANIAN, Egnara Gajkovna. "IDEOLOGICAL AND POLITICAL PRECONDITIONS OF THE TRAGIC EVENTS AT THE TURN OF XIX - XX CENTURIES IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE: THE OTTOMANISM, PAN- ISLAMISM, PAN-TURKISM DOCTRINES." Historical and social-educational ideas 7, no. 3 (May 19, 2015): 026. http://dx.doi.org/10.17748/2075-9908.2015.7.3.026-030.

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21

Mentzel, Peter. "Jacob M. Landau, Pan-Turkism: From Irredentism to Cooperation. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1995, viii, 260 pp. and index." Nationalities Papers 24, no. 4 (December 1996): 773–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0090599200004104.

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22

Petriaiev, O. S. "FROM ATATÜRK’S REFORMS TO THE EMERGENCE AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE RADICAL POLITICAL MOVEMENT “MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD” AND TO MODERN PAN-TURKISM." Scientific Journal "Regional Studies", no. 27 (2021): 27–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.32782/2663-6170/2021.27.4.

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23

Suleymanov, R. R. "RELIGIOUS EXPANSION OF TURKEY IN TATARSTAN IN THE POST-SOVIET PERIOD." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 2(47) (April 28, 2016): 40–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2016-2-47-40-48.

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Turkey considers Tatarstan a sphere of its geopolitical interests in the framework of pan-Turkism concepts. With the collapse of the USSR Ankara began to pursue an active policy in the Volga region, strengthening its influence there. One of the Turkish policies towards Tatarstan became religious expansion. Islamic Jamaat of Turkey sent its missionaries to Tatarstan. This led to the fact that some Muslims of Tatarstan began to focus on Turkey and the spiritually obey Turkish sheikhs. Authorities in Tatarstan treated religious intervention of Turkey in the region favorably. The ideological rapprochement with Turkey was a part of the foreign policy strategy of Tatarstan elite that after gaining independence in the early 1990s saw in Ankara a natural ally. Turkey acted as a "big brother" for Tatarstan. The religious sphere of cooperation was seen as one of the factors bringing the two Turkic republics togather. A huge variety of Turkish islamic jamaats in Tatarstan is due to the fact that Ankara has actively supported the religious expansion in those regions that are a zone of its interests. And often those religious groups that were in opposition to the Turkish authorities inside Turkey, are supported by Ankara outside the country in their missionary work.

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24

Çiçek, M. Talha. "Visions of Islamic Unity: A Comparison of Djemal Pasha’s al-Sharq and Sharīf Ḥusayn’s al-Qibla Periodicals." Die Welt des Islams 54, no. 3-4 (December 2, 2014): 460–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-05434p07.

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During the First World War, the Ottomans undertook a pan-Islamism propaganda campaign through the newspaper al-Sharq (published by Djemal Pasha in Damascus) to motivate its Arab subjects to support the Ottoman struggle against the Entente powers. To this end, many articles and news items appeared in al-Sharq to inspire Muslim unity around the figure of the caliph. Unity was presented as a crucial part of saving Muslims; disasters were predicted should the Ottoman Empire fall to the ‘infidels’. Sharīf Ḥusayn and his followers were explicitly or implicitly accused of splitting the umma and rendering the Ḥijāz and the remainder of independent Muslim territories vulnerable to British and other European imperialists. In 1916, Sharīf Ḥusayn launched a revolt in Mecca against the Ottoman Caliph and established a periodical, al-Qibla, to target the same audience. In al-Qibla, Ḥusayn presented the Committee of Union and Progress as amoral and irreligious usurpers of the caliph’s authority, and therefore undeserving of allegiance. In this article I analyse the discourse of the two competing sides by examining their propaganda on issues such as loyalty to the caliph, the unity of the Muslims and the formation of alliances with the Great Powers. I argue that Islam shaped the propaganda battle between the Ottomans and the sharīf to a greater extent than did Arabism or Turkism.

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25

Atlaskirov, Albert Ruslanovich. "The problem of establishment of All-Russian identity in multinational regions of North Caucasus." Политика и Общество, no. 1 (January 2021): 26–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0684.2021.1.34728.

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The dissolution of the Soviet Union actualized the problems of seeking the spiritual guidelines for further development of the country in the nascent civil society. The “new” elite that separated from the yesterday’s Komsomol workers, saw itself as part of the rich and progressive West. However, building the single social, economic, and cultural community with Europe did not turn out successful. Therefore, the processes of seeking spiritual grounds and establishing an integral, unique, All-Russian identity became particularly relevant. The research carried out among youth on the national and regional levels, demonstrate different citizens’ assessments of their identity: All-Russian and regional. If All-Russian identity is more characteristic to the residents of large cities, then the majority of young residents of the national republics of North Caucasus prioritize their regional identity. The expert survey conducted in the Kabardino-Balkar Republic reveals that in the expert community, All-Russian and regional identities are equally important. It is also noted that some regions of North Caucasus are characterized by proliferation of the ideas of consolidation around the ethnic identity of closely related peoples residing in different regions of Russia and the world. For example, the sociopolitical environment of Turkic-speaking peoples indicates the political and cultural movement of Pan-Turkism, which is focused on consolidation of all Turkic peoples. In the central and western regions of North Caucasus prevail the Circassian social movements, which promote consolidation of the scattered Circassian communities in the regions of southern Russia.

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26

D’Agostino, Glauco. "Tatarstan and Bashkortostan: A Political and Religious Test for Tsar Putin." International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding 3, no. 5 (December 9, 2016): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v3i5.55.

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The process of institutional centralization launched by Mr. Putin in a Federation currently counting 85 entities (including the Republic of Crimea and Sevastopol’) is likely to collide with the self-government aspirations, particularly by the 22 republics, because of a documented extensive presence of ethnic minority groups living in their territories. Each of them has its own constitution and legislation. But, according to the Russian Federal Law, all regional heads are to be nominated by Russian President. On the other hand, the Tatar Constitution, aimed to guarantee minority ethnic, religious, or linguistic rights, maintains President of the Republic has to be popularly elected. This situation is creating a framework, if not of legal uncertainty, at least of institutional tensions threatening to escalate unless it would be properly addressed, also due to the specific ethno-religious features of Republics, particularly Tatarstan and Bashkortostan. Both republics are regarded as a model of winning multiethnic states, mainly for the ability to bring together Christians and Muslims to live peacefully.Moscow concerns give substance to the ghost of never vanished pan-Turkism, since Tatarstan still has relevant independence movements, with a mix of nationalist ideals and religious revival, but all of them with features of peaceful struggle and never extremist. The traditional theological school of law among Muslims of the region is the Ḥanafī one, and the gradual presence of Salafis in the Ural region is regarded by many (though disputed by others) as a source of rampant extremism. TheRussian Federationshould undertake to recognize and to spread among Tatarstan and Bashkortostan population the value of ethnic and religious coexistence underpinning theRussian Federationconcept in the post-Communist era.

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27

Shissler, A. H. "Pan-Turkism: From Irredentism to Cooperation, by Jacob M. Landau. 275 pages, illustration, notes, bibliography, index. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1995. $14.95 (Paper) ISBN 0-253-20960-9." Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 30, no. 1 (July 1996): 86–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026318400033423.

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28

Suvanova, M. S. "Turkish policy in the South Caucasus." Post-Soviet Issues 5, no. 3 (August 24, 2018): 284–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2018-5-3-284-297.

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The South Caucasus region traditionally has an important role to play in global politics. This region for centuries has been an arena of confrontation for geopolitical and geostrategic interests between regional states and world powers; this affected the main transport routes, different cultures and religions. With the collapse of the USSR, the South Caucasus became an important and strategic place for Western countries; this bolstered the weakening of Russian influence in the region and the creation of a catalyst for further strengthening of its partners. Western countries sought to establish control over the extraction and diversification of Azerbaijani hydrocarbons. To fulfill these goals Western countries have relied on their ally Turkey, which also pursues its interests in the South Caucasus region.Since the early 1990s, Turkey’s policy towards the countries of the South Caucasus has intensified. Turkey developed policies of expanding its influence in the region. These policies were complex; it included both economic, energy and cultural components. A key element of Turkey’s policy in the region was the energy aspect. In the issue of diversifying the energy resources of the South Caucasus Turkey has made significant progress by implementing projects of pipelines going through its territory, she achieved the status of an energetic conveyor. Another important area of Turkey’s policy in the South Caucasus was the cultural and educational aspect. It is based on the policy of «neo-Ottomanism», which includes elements of «pan-Turkism». The main purpose of this idea was to expand Turkey’s influence by educating pro-Turkic youth in the countries of the region, and also create a positive image for Turkey among various segments of the population that would support its policies.The peculiarity of Turkey’s policy is a multilateral and flexible policy that includes both economic integration, energy cooperation, and a soft and effective policy that includes cultural interaction based on ethnic and linguistic similarity.

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29

Gudev, Pavel Andreevich. "Foundations of Turkish Claims in the Eastern Mediterranean." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 3 (September 20, 2021): 472–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-3-472-486.

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The Eastern Mediterranean is becoming a new region of interstate confrontation and clash of national interests. This is largely due to the discovery of oil and gas reserves, the development of which is becoming possible with the existing technology. The Republic of Turkey has a special position regarding this maritime region. The paper analyzes those bases - historical, political and legal - that determine Turkeys current policy with regard to maritime delimitation and the settlement of maritime disputes in the Eastern Mediterranean. Particularly, it is shown that Turkeys policy in the region continues to be based on the approaches that were announced by Turkey during the I-III UN Conferences on the Law of the Sea (1958, 1960, 1973-1982 respectively), which have remained unchanged up to now. This position, as regards both the outer limits of the territorial sea, the legal regime of islands and the delimitation of the continental shelf, continues to define the essence of the controversy between Turkey and other countries of the region, including Greece and the Republic of Cyprus. At the same time, it is shown that there is a set of circumstances that significantly limit the prospects of solving these interstate contradictions within the framework of international judicial instances, including the International Court of Justice and the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea. The conclusion is made that, for both Turkey and Greece, the most acceptable option would be to work out a model of settlement, which would not imply the obligation of its immediate implementation. Particular attention is paid to the ideological and practical framing of Turkish claims within the framework of the Blue Homeland doctrine, developed by a number of retired Turkish officers. It shows how Ankara uses the ideas of pan-Turkism and neo-Ottomanism to justify its claims to vast maritime spaces. The distinctive feature of this doctrine most likely is its anti-American, anti-NATO and anti-European orientation. There is a paradoxical situation when certain ideas enshrined in this concept directly correlate with the interests of the Russian Federation.

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30

Juraev, Farkhad S. "Central Asia Reader." American Journal of Islam and Society 12, no. 4 (January 1, 1995): 571–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v12i4.2362.

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The collapse of the Soviet Union and the creation of new independentstates has generated great interest among scholars and politiciansin the history and contemporary situation in the region. CentralAsia is not an exception to this case. Viewed in this light, Central Asia: The Rediscovery of History is a welcome contribution towardintroducing the western scholarly community to the politics of CentralAsia.The book is composed of a number of articles published by Turkiclanguage specialists from 1904 to 1990, and of official documents fromCentral Asia and Azerbaijan. The integration processes of the Turkicpeoples, which began during the Soviet period, are now in full force. In1990, the heads of the Central Asian republics signed a treaty for economicand cultural cooperation. The treaty was also signed by Tajikistan,the only representative of the Indo-European family in CentralAsia. The integration envisioned a united economic space betweenKazakhstan, Uzbekistan, and Kyrgystan. In the 1992 and 1994 summitsheld in Ankara and Istanbul, Turkey and five newly independent Turkicstates confirmed their desire to cooperate in the economic and politicalarenas. Therefore, attention to Central Asian problems and the publicationof several scholarly works from this region are symbolic, to someextent, of the attention being paid to the significance of a commonTurkic tradition and the possibilities of a meaningful integration in the“Great Turan.”The book begins with Ayaz Malikov’s “The Question of the Turk:The Way out of the Crisis.” This chapter actually sets the tone for thewhole book by making a case for the need to attract the attention ofscholarly and political circles from around the world to the problems ofthe Turkic nations and their suffering under Soviet rule. His statementthat “our peoples do not have their own history” seems to be true, forall of the nations (not only the Turkic ones) in the former Soviet Unionhad to study mainly the history of the Russian state at the expense ofdeveloping their own historical consciousness. No doubt the author isright in his claims about Soviet violations of the rights of Turkic communitiesin Russia, especially the right to study in their own languagesat schools and universities and even the right to listen to programsbroadcast by western radio stations in their native languages. Arguingthat the political history of the Turkic nations extends backwards formore than two thousand years (p. 4), Malikov calls for the right ofTurkic peoples to seek unification without fear of being charged withadvocating “Pan-Turkism” (p. 6). The author appeals for the formationof a terminological commission that will be entrusted with seeking theunification of the Turkic language.All of the other chapters-Muhammad Ali’s “Let Us Learn about OurHeritage: Get to Know Yourself,” Zeki Togan’s “The Origins of theKazakhs and Ozbeks,” and Kahar Barat’s “Discovery of History: TheBurial Site of Kashgarli Mahmud”-are attempts to prove the Turkic originsof Central Asia since antiquity. Ali’s attempt to connect the term“Turan” with the ethnic term “Turkic” by referring to the Shah-ndma ofAbul Qasem Firdousi is quite novel, if not eccentric, as is his attributionof the Iranian language’s dominance in Central Asia as being the result ...

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31

Avatkov, V. A. "Ideology and Values in Turkey's Foreign Policy." MGIMO Review of International Relations 12, no. 4 (September 9, 2019): 113–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2019-4-67-113-129.

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The article considers the role of ideology and values in the formation and implementation of the current foreign policy of the Republic of Turkey. Taking into account the increasing role of regional actors such as Turkey in international politics, studying their tactics and mechanisms of influence on the global political environment is necessary to explain the further transformation of the international system.The study reveals the strengthening role of the ideology and values in world politics in general and in individual states, such as Turkey, in particular. Under the rule of the Justice and Development Party headed by the current President R.T. Erdogan the country began a gradual transition from «Kemalism», which includes the preservation of secularism, ProWestern democratic values and a gradual departure from the Ottoman heritage, to a more conservative domestic and foreign policy, characterized by the strengthening of Islamist and nationalist sentiments, as well as the transition to the policy of «neo-Ottomanism», «neo-pan-Turkism». The return of the idea of «aggrandizement» of the country to the official political discourse has affected the conduct of Turkey's foreign policy towards both the regional states and the world arena as a whole.The Republic not only began self-restoration as an autonomous actor of international relations in the eyes of the key world powers, but also started to spread its own values and ideas among the population of both the Middle East and among the states which constitute a national interest for Turkey (Russia, the post-Soviet space, etc.), thus influencing them at various levels and involving them in its orbit of influence – both politically, economically and from a humanitarian point of view.Using «hard power» abroad no longer meets the current Turkey’s policy. Instead it relies on forging humanitarian ties, combining initiatives in the cultural, educational and scientific fields to achieve a long-term influence. The Republic of Turkey is trying to spread the following values among the world community:«Justice». International relations must be just and fair. For Turkey it means conformity with its national interests.«Religious fatalism». Government actions both at home and abroad are legitimized through references to religion and fate.«Democratic values». The Republic of Turkey considers itself the most democratic state in the world and contrasts itself with “Western democracies”, which, according to the Turkish leadership, are spreading hegemony rather than democracy.«State-centrism» and collectivism. The interests of the state, society, and especially the Muslim Ummah, are placed above the values of the individual.«Traditional values». Given the Islamization and conservatism of Turkish society as a whole, traditional values also begin to play a major role in the general political discourse of the state.«Culture». Turkey also makes adjustments to the concept of «culture» in very inclusive terms, presenting its culture as a «melting pot» that can turn anything into Turkish.«Respect». In the eastern tradition, it is customary to show respect to elders, as well as neighbors and guests. Turkey uses a demonstration of respect in foreign policy instrumentally and pragmatically. An example of this is the address of the President of Turkey in relation to the leaders of other states: Nursultan Nazarbayev – «aksakal» of the Turkic world, Vladimir Putin is a «dear friend».

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MINASYAN, NELLI. "THE NEO PAN-TURKISM IDEAS IN THE POLITICAL SYSTEM OF TURKEY (THE PROGRAM THESES OF PARTIES)." COUNTRIES AND PEOPLES OF THE NEAR AND MIDDLE EAST, 2018, 159–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.52837/18291422-2018.31-159.

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At the beginning of 1990s Turkey’s foreign policy activity was connected with the collapse of the Soviet Union and the independence of the Turkic republics. The Pan-Turkism ideas were transformed during this period and they were introduced in a new way. The neo Pan-Turkism ideas were presented by three interconnected systems: the first as a spiritual cultural program, the second as a part of the political system, the third as Turkic component of the Turkic-Islamic synthesis. All Turkish parties attach great importance to the cooperation with Turkic republics in their programs. This especially emphasizes the ruling Justice and Development Party. The Nationalist Action Party is well known for PanTurkism and nationalist ideas. The NAP suggests to establish Pan-Turkic organizations. Neo Pan-Turkism is not only a cultural project, it is also a political program. We can say that the Neo Pan-Turkism is a part of the political system and it will stay in the context of Turkey’s foreign policy.

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DEMİRAĞ, Yelda. "PAN-IDEOLOGIES IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE AGAINST THE WEST : FROM PAN-OTTOMANISM TO PAN-TURKISM." Milletleraras, 1995, 001–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1501/intrel_0000000109.

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MINASYAN, NELLI. "PAN-TURKISM MANIFESTATIONS OF TURKEY-AZERBAIJAN MILITARY-POLITICAL COOPERATION." Scientific Artsakh, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52063/25792652-2021.4-44.

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The purpose of this article is to show the dynamics, main goals and objectives of the establishment of military-political relations between Turkey and Azerbaijan. On the other hand, an attempt is made to present the Pan-Turkism manifestations of Turkish-Azerbaijani military-political cooperation, which became more obvious with the signing of the Shushi Declaration. The issue of the work is to present the process of development of military-political cooperation between Turkey and Azerbaijan and to consider it as a part of the integration programs of the Turkic world, the ideological basis of which is Pan-Turkism. From this point of view, parallels are drawn between the 1996 and 2010 military-political agreements and Shushi Declaration (actually agreement), which were signed between Turkey and Azerbaijan. This work is written by a combined examination of the facts, applying the principles of historical analysis and comparison. As a result of the study, it can be argued that the military-political cooperation established between Turkey and Azerbaijan is gradually becoming part of the Turkic integration program. The above-mentioned two military-political agreements represented military-political cooperation between the two countries, as a result of which Turkey managed to establish its full influence in Azerbaijan. But in the Shushi Declaration mentions about the Turkic world, in particular in the name of communications, an attempt is made to ensure the land connection between Turkey and Azerbaijan through the so-called "Zangezur'' corridor. The Shushi Declaration signed after the Second Artsakh War, in fact, plans harmonization of the two countries' actions in the spheres of military, security and foreign policy. On the other hand, Turkish-Azerbaijani cooperation is presented to Turkic countries as a successful attempt at integration.

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Imomaliev, A. A. "Features of the development of the ideology of Pan-Turkism in the 21st century." TRENDS IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF SCIENCE AND EDUCATION, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18411/lj-01-2021-83.

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Rokina, Galina V., and Oxana B. Zemtsova. "Pan-Turkism and Discussion on Muslim National School in the Middle Volga Region After 1905." Review of European Studies 7, no. 8 (April 29, 2015). http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/res.v7n8p95.

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