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1
Joseph, John E. "Language Pedagogy and Political-Cognitive Autonomy in Mid-19th Century Geneva." Historiographia Linguistica 39, no. 2-3 (2012): 259–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.39.2-3.04jos.
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Summary Charles-Louis Longchamp (1802–1874) was the dominant figure in Latin studies in Geneva in the 1850s and 1860s and had a formative influence on the Latin teachers of Ferdinand de Saussure (1857–1913). Longchamp’s work was in the grammaire générale tradition, which, on account of historical anomalies falling out from the Genevese Revolution of 1846 to 1848, was still being taught in Geneva up to the mid-1870s, despite having been put aside in France in the 1830s and 1840s. Longchamp succeeded briefly in getting his Latin grammars onto the school curriculum, replacing those imported from France, which Longchamp argued were making the Genevese mentally indistinguishable from the French, weakening their power to think for themselves and putting their political independence at risk. His own grammars offered “a sort of bulwark against invasion by the foreign mind, a guarantee against annexation”. Longchamp’s pedagogical approach had echoes in Saussure’s teaching of Germanic languages in Paris in the 1880s, and in the ‘stylistics’ of Saussure’s successor Charles Bally (1865–1947).
2
JOHNSON, JAMES H. "Urban development and the culture of masked balls in nineteenth-century Paris." Urban History 40, no. 4 (2013): 646–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926813000205.
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ABSTRACTThis article links the nature of commercial masked balls in Paris in the 1830s and 1840s to urban development during these decades. The raucous and often destructive character of the balls, which united elites and popular classes under the mask's anonymity, coincided with a society undergoing social and political upheaval. The dress and conduct of revellers were expressions of their ambitions, fears and resentments. Changes in the urban landscape of the 1820s and 1830s – in particular, the construction of the grands boulevards and alignment of theatres sponsoring masked balls along this axis – sharpened potential conflict at such events by placing them in one of the most socially charged corridors of the city.
3
Tarlow, Sarah. "Landscapes of memory: The nineteenth-century garden cemetery." European Journal of Archaeology 3, no. 2 (2000): 217–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/eja.2000.3.2.217.
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During the 1820s, 1830s and 1840s, garden cemeteries were founded in most cities in Britain. Their characteristic appearance owes much to a British tradition of naturalistic landscape design but has particular resonances in the context of death and mourning in the nineteenth century. This article considers some of the factors that have been significant in the development of the British landscape cemetery, including public health, class relationships and foreign influences (particularly that of Père Lachaise cemetery in Paris). It is argued that none of these things explains the popularity of this particular form of cemetery in Britain; rather, the garden cemetery offered an appealing and appropriate landscape for remembering the dead and mediating the relationship between the dead and the bereaved.
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Freifeld, Alice. "Marketing Industrialism and Dualism in Liberal Hungary: Expositions, 1842–1896." Austrian History Yearbook 29, no. 1 (1998): 63–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800014806.
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The expositions stagedby Hungarian liberals in the nineteenth century—the modest Pest industrial fairs of the 1840s; the agricultural hibitions of the counterrevolutionary 1850s; the Pest agricultural exhibition in 1865; the three provincial industrial exhibitions of the 1870s in Kecskemét, Szeged, and Székesfehérvár; the successful national exhibition in Budapest in 1885; and the lavish Millennium Exhibition of 1896—conformed to the wider European and American pattern of expositions. Between 1876 and 1916 some one hundred million Americans attended expositions; over 20 percent of the U.S. population attended Philadelphia's Centennial Exposition of 1876. Over forty-eight million people passed through the turnstiles of the Paris Exposition of 1900. The three million who attended the 1896 Hungarian Millennium Exhibition were well aware that they were participating in a distinct rite of industrial civilization. Although the Hungarian numbers were far smaller, it is wrong to assume that the Hungarian nationl fairs were copycat undertakings.
5
Gadamska-Serafin, Renata. "Norwid and Edmund Chojecki – the Traveller." Studia Norwidiana 38, English Version (2020): 177–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/sn.2020.38-13en.
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The writer Edmund Chojecki (Charles Edmond) was one of Norwid’s most significant acquaintances, already in the Warsaw period, and later in Paris. Their friendship started in Warsaw in the 1840s and lasted a lifetime (or at least until the 1870s), although its preserved epistolary traces are scarce. This article focuses on Chojecki’s reports from his travels and their inspiring influence on Norwid: Edmund’s trip with Count Branicki to the Crimea (Wspomnienia z podróży po Krymie, Warszawa 1845), journey to the North Seas with Prince Napoleon (Voyage dans les mers du Nord, Paris 1857), Chojecki’s sojourn in Egypt at the turn of 1851, and finally his involvement in preparing the Egyptian exhibition (as the commissioner general) at the 1867 World Exhibition in Paris (L’Égypte à l’Exposition universelle de 1867, Paris 1867). The most important outcome of this is Norwid’s drama Kleopatra i Cezar and his collection of Egyptian drawings in the album Orbis (I).
6
Vellutini, Claudio. "Fanny Tacchinardi-Persiani, Carlo Balocchino and Italian Opera Business in Vienna, Paris and London (1837–1845)." Cambridge Opera Journal 30, no. 2-3 (2018): 259–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954586719000090.
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AbstractThis article addresses several historiographical questions about narratives of nineteenth-century Italian opera by discussing the international career of prima donna Fanny Tacchinardi-Persiani during the 1830s and 1840s. A number of hitherto overlooked letters between the singer and Carlo Balocchino, impresario of the Kärntnertortheater in Vienna, provide important insights into Tacchinardi-Persiani's strategies of self-representation in the context of a dynamic operatic network that included the Italian States, Vienna, Paris and London. By revealing shifting power dynamics between opera impresarios, performers and composers, these letters, read in parallel with reviews and other writings of the time, offer a fresh look at the economic, ideological and artistic factors that contributed to the shifting geography of the European operatic landscape in the first half of the nineteenth century.
7
Ferguson, Trish. "Bonfire Night in Thomas Hardy’s The Return of the Native." Nineteenth-Century Literature 67, no. 1 (2012): 87–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ncl.2012.67.1.87.
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This study of Thomas Hardy’s The Return of the Native (1878) examines the context of the 1840s when the narrative is set, when the celebration of November Fifth had become an annual occasion of radical violence. Through the symbol of the bonfire The Return of the Native examines contemporary fears of violence in England in the wake of the French Revolution against an indigenous, age-old culture of economic unrest and rebellion. This division between political and economic radicalism is figured in the distinction between Eustacia Vye’s association with bonfires and Paris and the Egdon laborers whose bonfire burning is an age-old act of rebellion that, in the 1840s, had associations with radical violence on account of economic grievances. Bonfire Night in The Return of the Native thus gives expression to the political and economic issues that underlie the narrative and the economic issues that remain unresolved, thus reflecting the complex and divided radical climate of England in the wake of the French Revolution. This reading of the significance of the 1840s as a setting for the narrative provides a coherent framework for understanding the seemingly disparate elements in the novel, namely bonfires as a structural motif, Clym’s return from Paris and his educational program, the breakdown of the Yeobrights’ marriage, the death of Eustacia, and Hardy’s addition of the epilogue, “Aftercourses,” as a revised ending.
8
FINKELSTEIN, GABRIEL. "M. du Bois-Reymond goes to Paris." British Journal for the History of Science 36, no. 3 (2003): 261–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087403005065.
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This article examines the science of electrophysiology developed by Emil du Bois-Reymond in Berlin in the 1840s. In it I recount his major findings, the most significant being his proof of the electrical nature of nerve signals. Du Bois-Reymond also went on to detect this same ‘negative variation’, or action current, in live human subjects. In 1850 he travelled to Paris to defend this startling claim. The essay concludes with a discussion of why his demonstration failed to convince his hosts at the French Academy of Sciences.La science ne consiste pas en faits, mais dans les conséquences que l'on en tire.Claude Bernard, Introduction à l'étude de la médicine expérimentaleGood talkers are only found in Paris.François Villon, Des Femmes de Paris
9
Ellis, Katharine. "Female Pianists and Their Male Critics in Nineteenth-Century Paris." Journal of the American Musicological Society 50, no. 2-3 (1997): 353–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/831838.
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The sudden appearance of several female concert pianists in Paris in the mid 1840s forced male journalists to develop new critical rhetorics. Criticism of the period became saturated with problematic notions of gender, the use of the body, and levels of acting in performance. Because they were interpreters rather than composers, women pianists challenged traditional ideas about the meaning of pianistic virtuosity and were central to the enlargement of the concert repertory. In comparison with male colleagues, however, they were disadvantaged, caught in a web of conflicting ideas concerning the relative value of particular keyboard repertories that were themselves gendered.
10
Loeser, Martin. "Zur Rezeption der Oratorien Haydns in Paris zwischen 1800 und 1850: Institutionelle und ästhetische aspekte." Studia Musicologica 51, no. 1-2 (2010): 201–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/smus.51.2010.1-2.14.
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In German speaking countries Haydn’s oratorios, and particularly TheCreation , have played an important role in the repertoire of choral societies and music festivals since the 1810s. However, in France, and also in Paris — “the capital of the 19th century” —, Haydn’s oratorios were performed only on rare occasions, and then they were given mostly in parts. The reasons for these circumstances can be seen in the institutional and esthetical context of the Parisian concert life. With respect to professional concert societies, like the Société des Concerts du Conservatoire , rigid obstacles were on the one hand the enormous financial risk of a complete oratorio performance. On the other hand the established type of concert programmes with its varied mixture of vocal and instrumental pieces functioned as a barrier. Most important was a lack of mixed amateur choral societies, which developed in Paris quite late, primary in the 1840s, and then only little by little. Since oratorio performances lasted to be mostly a private affaire in the first half of the 19th century, it is not surprising, that Haydn’s oratorios were studied in aristocratic salons of Princesse de Belgiojoso and Baron Delmar with the intention of both education and entertainment.
11
Loughridge, Deirdre. "Making, Collecting and Reading Music Facsimiles before Photography." Journal of the Royal Musical Association 141, no. 1 (2016): 27–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02690403.2016.1151232.
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ABSTRACTFacsimiles of musical autographs are typically thought to require photography, and to have a primary purpose of clarifying composers’ intentions. But there was a robust culture of music facsimile prior to photography. Made by transfer lithography, these facsimiles served different purposes and reading habits. The activity of collecting handwriting samples was paramount, as was the idea that handwriting was a mirror of character. This article surveys ways of using and finding meaning in composer autographs in the 1820s to the 1840s, focusing especially on music facsimiles in Paris. Here, composers used facsimiles to help shape their public image, and publishers used them to entice consumers. When facsimiles reproduced documents of friendship, they crossed private and public expression in ways that could be advantageous or problematic, as seen through a look at the publication in facsimile of a Rossini waltz by the Revue et gazette musicale and the ensuing legal battles.
12
Johnston, Joyce Carlton. "Taking Humour Seriously: Women and the Theatre of Virginie Ancelot." Nottingham French Studies 53, no. 3 (2014): 267–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/nfs.2014.0092.
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With twenty-one single-authored plays staged at Paris’ premier theatres during the 1830s and 1840s, Virgine Ancelot produced more theatrical works than any other French woman dramatist of the period. Despite her success, Ancelot's comedies and vaudevilles have received little critical attention. Contrary to the light façade common throughout much of her theatrical work, Ancelot's plays underscore the inequality and injustices experienced by women of her time. Her use of humour to simultaneously conceal and accentuate her attacks within the most public of literary genres indicates that a reconsideration of Ancelot's theatre is overdue. This study illuminates the simultaneous evolution of Ancelot's humour and her desire to pinpoint inequities surrounding the feminine condition through an examination of some of her most successful theatrical works: Le Château de ma nièce (1837 – Théâtre français), L'Hôtel de Rambouillet (1842 – Théâtre du Vaudeville) and Follette (1844 – Théâtre du Vaudeville).
13
Southcott, Jane. "Egalitarian Music Education in the Nineteenth Century: Joseph Mainzer and Singing for the Million." Journal of Historical Research in Music Education 42, no. 1 (2019): 29–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1536600619848104.
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In the 1840s, massed singing classes led by charismatic pioneer music educators such as Joseph Mainzer (1801–1851) sprang up across the United Kingdom. Mainzer was a much respected composer, music journalist, and music educator. Born in Trèves (Prussia), he traveled across Europe and settled in Paris, where he was part of the revolutionary Association Polytechnique that offered free education to the working classes. His mass singing classes were a remarkable success but aroused the suspicions of authorities. Mainzer left Paris for political reasons and moved to England, and after teaching across the United Kingdom, settled in Edinburgh. His arrival in Scotland was greeted with a degree of adulation reserved for celebrities. Across Scotland classes were established to disseminate his new system that was taught in larger centers and most small towns. Although Mainzer’s fixed-doh system did not long survive him and the subsequent arrival of the tonic sol-fa method in the 1850s, his work (and that of others) created an environment in which popular singing classes in schools, churches and the community could flourish. Mainzer was a skilled and charismatic educator. He advocated tirelessly for lifelong music education for all. Mainzer has been overlooked and deserves recognition.
14
Cove, Patricia. "“THE BLOOD OF OUR POOR PEOPLE”: 1848, INCIPIENT NATIONAL IDENTITY, AND THE FRENCH REVOLUTION IN ANTHONY TROLLOPE'SLA VENDÉE." Victorian Literature and Culture 44, no. 1 (2016): 59–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s106015031500042x.
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In the late 1840s, as revolutionswept across Europe, Anthony Trollope wrote a novel portraying the Vendean War, a French civil war fought during the revolutionary decade.La Vendée: An Historical Romance(1850) depicts the conflict between centralised, revolutionary France led by the National Convention in Paris and the insurgent, royalist population of western France from the perspective of the royalist rebels.La Vendéeis one of Trollope's least read novels; yet Trollope's turn to the history of the 1790s in the context of renewed revolutionary movements in the 1840s demonstrates that the political and cultural stakes of the revolutionary period remained present in the minds of Victorians who confronted the possibility of European revolution for the first time in their own lives. Trollope draws on the interrelated democratic and nationalist movements that produced the 1848 revolutions in order to represent the royalist Vendeans as a victimised incipient nation, akin to other minor European nations struggling for sovereignty against their more powerful neighbours. Significantly, throughout the 1840s Trollope lived in Ireland, one such minor nation, and witnessed the Famine years and the consequences of Ireland's governance from London throughout that crisis first-hand. Using the conventions of the generically related national tale – a typically Irish genre – and the historical novel, Trollope works to establish sympathy for a marginalised Vendean community while containing revolution in the past by casting the royalist Vendeans as the true patriots and insurrectionists. However, although Trollope attempted to contain revolution by re-aligning it with the conservative, Vendean position,La Vendéeis fragmented by anxieties about the possibility of revolution in the late 1840s that disrupt his efforts to establish an authoritative, distanced historical perspective.
15
Hoffmann-Piotrowska, Ewa. "Mit fundacyjny Rzeczypospolitej w Kursie pierwszym Prelekcji Paryskich Adama Mickiewicza." Colloquia Litteraria 20, no. 1 (2017): 141. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/cl.2016.1.10.
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The Foundational Myth of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in Mickiewicz’s Kurs pierwszy from Paris Lectures The article attempts to recreate Mickiewicz’s vision of Polish Medieval history in the context of the history of Slavdom as it is presented by him in the speeches from Kurs pierwszy from the Paris lectures. Invoking particular facts from the first centuries of Polish history and interpreting them in a particularly individual manner – frequently contrary to the traditional historical narrative, Mickiewicz rediscovered the foundational myth of the Commonwealth of the nobles in the history of the Piast and Jagiellonian Poland; furthermore, the whole of the Medieval period served Mickiewicz as a universal political model worthy of translation to the poet’s contemporary period. The modern christianitas state model, which Mickiewicz will later design in his writings from 1830s and 1840s, had its roots precisely in this reinterpreted political history of the Middle Ages. When discussing the past, Mickiewicz first and foremost advocated talking about the present and the future of Poland and Europe. Underscoring the strong relationship between Poland and Rome as well as the ties with Western Christendom – as it used to be done in the Middle Ages – was meant to produce a propagandist image: it attempted to demonstrate that the Byzantine-Orthodox culture could neither serve to unite Slavic peoples nor rejuvenate Europe in any way.
16
Leopold, Joan. "Ernest Renan (1823–1892)." Historiographia Linguistica 37, no. 1-2 (2010): 75–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.37.1-2.03leo.
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Summary This article, a successor to the author’s 2002 “Steinthal and Max Müller: Comparative Lives”, attempts to situate the Semiticist and ‘Orientalist’ Ernest Renan in a nexus between the poles represented by Heymann Steinthal (1823–1899) and Friedrich Max Müller (1823–1900). Renan can be viewed as wavering — in the 1840s through 1860s — between (and perhaps developing from) a natural scientific and linguistic orientation influenced by Humboldtians such as August Friedrich Pott (1802–1887) and the Völkerpsychologist Steinthal and a racial ideology in linguistics similar to that of the more historicist linguist Max Müller. Max Müller had a similar set of influences in Paris to Renan in this period, such as their common amateur mentor Baron Ferdinand von Eckstein (1790–1861) and Collège de France professor Eugène Burnouf (1801–1852). But a crucial hypothesis relates to how much Renan was influenced in his change to racial ideology by the advent of the 1848 Revolution. The author explains how this hypothesis can be tested by specific further research into the manuscript of Renan’s 1847 Prix Volney prizewinning essay.
17
Jones, Colin. "THEODORE VACQUER AND THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF MODERNITY IN HAUSSMANN'S PARIS." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 17 (December 2007): 157–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440107000576.
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AbstractThéodore Vacquer (1824–99) was an archaeologist who excavated, directed excavations in and visited all archaeological sites in Paris between the 1840s and his death. In the latter part of his career, he served as assistant curator at what became the Musée Carnavalet, specialising in the Roman and early medieval history of the city. Taking advantage of the reconstruction of the city in the nineteenth century associated with the work of Paris prefect, Baron Haussmann, he was able to locate far more of Roman Paris than had been known before. His findings remained the basis of what was known about the Roman city until a new wave of archaeological excavations after 1950. Vacquer aimed to highlight his discoveries in a magnum opus on the history of Paris from earliest times to ad 1000, but he died with virtually nothing written. His extensive archive still exists, however, and provides the substance for this essay. The essay seeks to rescue Vacquer from the relative obscurity associated with his name. In addition, by setting his life and work in the context of the Haussmannian construction of Paris as the arch-city of modernity it aims to illuminate the history of archaeology, conservation and urban identity in nineteenth-century Paris.
18
Barles, S. "Urban metabolism and river systems: an historical perspective – Paris and the Seine, 1790–1970." Hydrology and Earth System Sciences Discussions 4, no. 3 (2007): 1845–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/hessd-4-1845-2007.
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Abstract. The aim of this paper is to analyse interaction between Paris and the Seine during the industrial era, 1790–1970, a period marked by strong population growth, changes in techniques, and the absence of specific legislation on environmental issues. The viewpoint focuses on exchanges of waters and wastes between city and river, quantifying them and tracing evolution in the light of the strategies implemented by the stakeholders in charge. The study combines industrial ecology, local history and the history of technology. From 1790 to 1850, waste matters, and especially excreta, were considered as raw materials, not refuse: they generated real profits. The removal of human excreta aimed not only at improving urban hygiene, but at producing the fertilizers needed in rural areas. Discharging them into the river was out of the question. But after the 1860s, several factors upset this exploitation, notably domestic water supply. Even so, Parisian engineers continued to process sewage using techniques that would not only ensure hygiene but also conciliate economic and agricultural interests. Both of these early periods are thus noteworthy for a relative limitation of the river's deterioration by urban wastes. Not until the 1920s, when domestic water supply had become the rule and excreta came to be considered as worthless waste, was the principle of valorisation abandoned. This led to important and long-lasting pollution of the Seine, aggravating the industrial pollution that had been in evidence since the 1840s. Analysing the priorities that led to the adoption of one principle or another in matters of urban hygiene and techniques, with the causes and consequences of such changes, enables us to understand the complex relations between Paris and the Seine. From raw material to waste matter, from river to drain, the concept of quality in environment remains the underlying theme.
19
Frick, John W. "The ‘Wicked City’ Motif on the American Stage before the Civil War." New Theatre Quarterly 20, no. 1 (2004): 19–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x03000290.
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By the middle of the nineteenth century, the characterization of the big city as evil incarnate – a veritable latter-day Sodom – had achieved the status of national myth in both the United States and Britain, and had become a popular theme for journalists, novelists, and playwrights alike. John Frick examines this phenomenon – what came to be known as the ‘wicked city motif’ – as it manifested itself on the antebellum American stage. Originating in the urbanization of the eighteenth-century gothic novel and the French feuilleton roman and coalescing in Eugène Sue's Les Mystères de Paris and G. W. M. Reynolds's The Mysteries of London, the city mysteries narrative successfully negotiated the unstable border between the public and private spheres to examine the depravity and danger of the modern metropolis. Disseminated through populist politics, sensationalized journalism, popular fiction, and – the focus here – dramatic renderings, the apocalyptic vision of the modern city with its inexplicable and impenetrable secrets became commonplace in the 1840s and 1850s. John Frick is Professor of Theatre and American Studies at the University of Virginia and teaches in the M.Litt. program at Mary Baldwin College. His most recent book, Theatre, Culture, and Temperance Reform in Nineteenth-Century America, was published by Cambridge University Press in 2003.
20
Morrison, Doug, and Ivan Barko. "The Lapérouse Expedition and Geomagnetism: The Unexpected Discovery of Lamanon’s ‘Lost’ Letter and Ledru’s Instructions." Historical Records of Australian Science 26, no. 1 (2015): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/hr14026.
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In January 1787, on board Lapérouse's Boussole anchored off Macao, the chevalier de Lamanon wrote a letter to the marquis de Condorcet, the then permanent secretary of the Académie Royale des Sciences in Paris. Lamanon's letter contained a summary of his magnetic observations made up to that point on Lapérouse's famous but ill-fated expedition. The letter, amongst other detail, included evidence that the Earth's magnetic field increased in intensity from the equator towards the poles. Sent to Condorcet via the then minister for the French Navy (the maréchal de Castries), the letter was subsequently lost, but not before it was copied. The copy, with early nineteenth-century ownership identified first to Nicolas Philippe Ledru and subsequently to Louis Isidore Duperrey, was itself then lost for over 150 years, but recently rediscovered bound-in with other manuscripts related to the Lapérouse expedition and terrestrial magnetism, including instructions by Ledru and remarks written in the 1830s and 1840s by Duperrey on Lamanon's letter and observations. The significance of Lamanon's letter and the Ledru and Duperrey manuscripts to the history of geomagnetism is discussed here. Duperrey's notes are transcribed in French for the first time and the Lamanon, Ledru and Duperrey manuscripts are translated into English, also for the first time.
21
Barles, S. "Urban metabolism and river systems: an historical perspective – Paris and the Seine, 1790–1970." Hydrology and Earth System Sciences 11, no. 6 (2007): 1757–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/hess-11-1757-2007.
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Abstract. The aim of this paper is to analyse metabolic interaction between Paris and the Seine during the industrial era, 1790–1970, a period marked by strong population growth, technological changes, and the absence of specific legislation on environmental issues. The viewpoint focuses on exchanges of waters and wastes between city and river, quantifying them and tracing their evolution in the light of the strategies implemented by the stakeholders in charge. The study combines industrial ecology, local history and the history of technology. From 1790 to 1850, waste matters, and especially excreta, were considered as raw materials, not refuse: they generated real profits. The removal of human excreta aimed not only at improving urban hygiene, but at producing the fertilizers needed in rural areas. Discharging them into the river was out of the question. But after the 1860s, several factors upset this exploitation, notably domestic water supply: night soil became more and more liquid, difficult to handle and to turn into fertilizer; once utilised, the water had to be removed from the house; at the same time, the sewerage system developed and had negative impacts on the river. Even so, Parisian engineers continued to process sewage using techniques that would not only ensure hygiene but also conciliate economic and agricultural interests: combined sewerage system and sewage farms. Both of these early periods are thus noteworthy for a relative limitation of the river's deterioration by urban wastes. Not until the 1920s, when domestic water supply had become the standard and excreta came to be considered as worthless waste, was the principle of valorisation abandoned. This led to important and long-lasting pollution of the Seine (despite the construction of a treatment plant), aggravating the industrial pollution that had been in evidence since the 1840s. Analysing the priorities that led to the adoption of one principle or another in matters of urban hygiene and techniques, with the causes and consequences of such changes, enables us to understand the complex relations between Paris and the Seine. From raw material to waste matter, from river to drain, the concept of quality in environment remains the underlying theme.
22
Vellutini, Claudio. "Donizetti, Vienna, Cosmopolitanism." Journal of the American Musicological Society 73, no. 1 (2020): 1–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jams.2020.73.1.1.
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This article examines the change in the Viennese reception of Donizetti's operas in relation to the internationalization of the city's theatrical life during the last fifteen years of the Metternich regime (1833–48), as well as the ensuing tensions between German nationalist ideology and the cosmopolitan aspirations of Habsburg cultural policies. While the transformation of Donizetti's image from Italian to cosmopolitan composer resulted in part from the development of his career in Paris from 1838, it was also inseparable from evolving ideas of cultural cosmopolitanism in Vienna's political landscape. As the Habsburg court sought to contain the dissemination of national ideologies in the Austrian Empire, the construction of a Viennese operatic identity was increasingly set apart from national discourses. In Vienna's press, discussions of Donizetti's two operas written specifically for the Kärntnertortheater, Linda di Chamounix (1842) and Maria di Rohan (1843), focused on the different ways in which these works combined Italian, French, and German elements, and aligned with conceptions of cosmopolitanism that advocated for the overcoming of national divides. Viennese attempts at reconciling operatic cultures, however, collided with the universalizing aspirations that German nationalists had reckoned as the mission of their own national culture. Charting the flow of ideas emerging from the Viennese reception of Donizetti's operas for the Kärtnertortheater allows us to rethink the relationship between opera and politics in Vienna in the 1830s and 1840s, and to reconsider our approach to “national” designations as focal concepts of nineteenth-century music historiography more broadly.
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Armstrong, Alan. "Gilbert-Louis Duprez and Gustave Roger in the composition of Meyerbeer's Le Prophète." Cambridge Opera Journal 8, no. 2 (1996): 147–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954586700004663.
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It is well known that mounting large-scale productions at the Paris Opéra during the 1830s and 1840s was a highly collaborative effort. The nature of so-called ‘grand opera’ demanded that composer, librettist and stage designer work closely together for the sake of a creation larger than the sum of its parts. Above them loomed the directeur, who laboured to ensure that his creative team had the means to produce their æuvres both in materials and human resources, and to guarantee that the Opéra made a profit from the finished products. A fifth collaborator, the singer, is not often cited as such in the literature, but in many ways wielded the greatest power in the creation of Parisian operatic works. By the 1830s, European singers had achieved professional status, and a singing artist of high calibre could find the Opéra a perfect venue in which to flex muscle. During the Opera's ‘golden age’, a bourgeois public, tired of political upheaval and economic uncertainty, found escape in the new ‘romanticè fare of the Opéra, and elevated the singers who strode its boards to what today is called ‘star status’. The Opéra became a temple and its singers, adored gods and goddesses. A beloved singer could – and did – ensure an opera's success simply by appearing in it, or doom it to failure by refusing to appear. With such power a singer could easily hold a new opera for ransom, forcing the composer and librettist to revise, excise or otherwise alter the work to some self-serving end. To secure a place for their stage works at the Opéra and to guarantee a public triumph, therefore, it is not surprising that composers such as Donizetti, and especially Meyerbeer, the leading composer of French grand opera, composed or revised their operas for particular singers.
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Everist, Mark. "Wagner and Paris: The Case of Rienzi (1869)." 19th-Century Music 41, no. 1 (2017): 3–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ncm.2017.41.1.3.
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The French reception of Wagner is often based on the two pillars of the 1861 Tannhäuser production and that of Lohengrin in 1891. Sufficient is now known about the composer's earliest attempt to engage with Parisian music drama around 1840 to be able to understand his work on Das Liebesverbot, Rienzi, Der fliegende Holländer, his editorial and journalistic work for Schlesinger, and his emerging relationship with key figures in Parisian musical life, Meyerbeer most notably. A clearer picture is also beginning to emerge of Wagner's position in French cultural life and letters in the 1850s. Wagner's position in Paris during the 1860s, culminating in the production of Rienzi at the Théâtre- Lyrique in 1869, is however complex, multifaceted, and little understood. Although there were no staged versions of his operas between 1861 and 1869, the very existence of a successful Parisian premiere for an opera by Wagner in 1869—given that there would be almost nothing for two decades after 1870—is remarkable in itself. The 1860s furthermore saw the emergence of a coherent voice of Wagnérisme, the presence of French Wagnéristes at the composer's premieres all over Europe and a developing discourse in French around them. This may be set against a continuing tradition of performing extracts of Wagner's operas throughout the 1860s, largely through the energies of Jules Pasdeloup, who—as director of the Théâtre-Lyrique—was responsible for the 1869 Rienzi as well. These competing threads in the skein of Wagner-reception in the 1860s are tangled in a narrative of increasingly tense Franco-German cultural and political relationships in which Wagner, his works, and his writings, played a key role. The performance of Rienzi in 1869 was embedded in responses to the Prussian-Austrian War of 1866, the republication of Das Judenthum in der Musik in 1869, and the beginnings of the Franco-Prussian War.
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Mammеdov, S. E. "Methods for the reconstruction of Paris during the period 1850-1870." Bulletin of Kazakh Leading Academy of Architecture and Construction 79, no. 1 (2021): 92–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.51488/1680-080x/2021.1-12.
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Nicholls, David. "Richard Cobden and the International Peace Congress Movement, 1848–1853." Journal of British Studies 30, no. 4 (1991): 351–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385989.
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Between 1848 and 1853 a series of major peace congresses was held—in Brussels (1848), Paris (1849), Frankfurt (1850), London (1851), Manchester (1853), and Edinburgh (1853). This midcentury period was one of great confidence and optimism in the likely success of the cause. Indeed, reading the reports of the congresses today, one is struck by the at times naive overoptimism of many delegates. This may in part have been the product of the millenarian atmosphere of the period. However, it has to be said that the congresses were also characterized by a strong sense of the practicality of their proposals and the steady progress toward their goal that implementation of such proposals would achieve. Above all, the efflorescence of the peace movement in the short six years around the midcentury was the product of a class confidence, of a momentary triumphalism that inspired a section of the bourgeoisie to believe that the scourge of war could be eradicated at last.The nineteenth-century peace movement effectively began with the establishment toward the end of the Napoleonic Wars, independently and virtually simultaneously, of peace societies in the United States and Britain. They were dominated by men of religion, particularly Quakers, and for a quarter of a century their work was essentially that of proselytizing the peace cause through publicity, petitions, and lecture tours. In connection with the last, the London Peace Society sent emissaries on tours of continental Europe in the early 1840s to spread the peace message.
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Choi, Hyang Lan. "The Universal Expositions of Paris and Innovation of Jewelry Industry(1860s~1870s)." Journal of History and Practical Thought Studies 68 (April 30, 2019): 257–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.31335/hpts.2019.04.68.257.
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Blaszkiewicz, Jacek. "Listening to the Old City." Journal of Musicology 37, no. 2 (2020): 123–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2020.37.2.123.
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The ubiquitous din of Paris’s street hawkers, known as the cris de Paris or the “cries of Paris,” has captured the Parisian imagination since the Middle Ages. During the 1850s and 1860s, however, urban demolition severely disturbed the everyday rhythms of street commerce. The proliferation of books, poetry, and musical works featuring the cris de Paris circa 1860 reveals that many in the Parisian literary community feared the eventual disappearance of the city’s iconic sights and sounds. These nostalgia discourses transpired into broader criticism of Georges-Eugène Haussmann and the discriminatory mode of urbanism that he practiced. Haussmannization irrevocably altered the Parisian soundscape by displacing, policing, and thus silencing the working-class communities that made their living with their voices. As an ideological device, nostalgia offered a counternarrative to Second Empire ideas of progress by suggesting that urbanization would vanquish any remaining image of what came to be known as le vieux Paris. An analysis of Jean-Georges Kastner’s symphonic cantata Les cris de Paris (1857) shows how representations of the urban soundscape articulated a distinctly Parisian notion of modernity: a skirmish between a utopian “capital of the nineteenth century” and a romanticized Old City.
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Murphy, Marjorie. "And They Sang the “Marseillaise”: A Look at the Left French Press as It Responded to the Haymarket." International Labor and Working-Class History 29 (1986): 28–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900000521.
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This is a tale of two cities: Chicago and Paris. They were different worlds, one the gem of western Europe, the other the gem of the prairies, yet both had a working-class movement in the 1870s and 1880s that produced a unique set of historical events which have served a symbolic function of communicating between one side of the globe and another. To illustrate these events as they appeared to one continent from the other I will begin with Chicago and demonstrate how the Paris Commune served as a symbolic event which gave meaning to local political struggles in the Windy City. Then, as the Haymarket Affair of 1886 unfolds, I will shift to Paris and the left-wing press as it tried to translate Chicago events into something meaningful for French workers. If these were the best of times and worst of times for workers in the late nineteenth century, then it is worth exploring the uses of these events in the creation of a working-class language of internationalism.
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Zehnder, Christian. "Norwid's "tatarski czyn". Between hierarchy and eruption (semantics, contexts, and consequences)." Studia Norwidiana 37 English Version (2020): 17–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/sn.2019.37-2en.
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Drawing on a scholarly polemic of the 1930s, this paper differentiates between two ways of understanding and translating Cyprian Norwid’s formula “tatarski czyn,” as ‘Tatar deed’ (from the Polish czyn) or as ‘Tatar rank’ (from the Russian chin according to the Tsarist Table of Ranks). The aim is to show how the eruptive versus the hierarchical readings of “tatarski czyn” have influenced the opinions on Norwid’s dialogic treatise Promethidion (1851) and, more generally, on his criticism of the utopian thought of Polish Romanticism and of Russian po-litics. It was Adam Mickiewicz who in the 1820s and 1830s pointed to the homonymy between czyn and chin and its potential in enacting ambivalences between the seemingly incommensurable imaginaries of eruption and hierarchy. Moreover, Mickiewicz already linked both understandings of czyn with a stereotypical Tatar, or Mongolian, “Asianness.” In this respect, Norwid’s formula is fairly conventional. What is genuinely original, however, is how Norwid turns Mickiewicz’s earlier ideas against those of the later Mickiewicz who, in his Paris Lectures on the Slavs (1840–1844), seems to glorify the “Tatar deed.” In contrast to the “bloody ladder” of Russian bureaucracy and the irrational tendency in Mickiewicz’s activism, Norwid suggests a “gradual labor” culminating in, not erupting with, the deed (Promethidion). This aspect of Norwid’s metaphorical thought is shown in a parallel reading with the philosopher August Cieszkowski who, in his Prolegomena to Historiosophy (1838), conceptualized history as a “texture of deeds” leading to institutions. Similarly, Norwid’s positive notion of the deed, i.e. his revision of Romantic activism, should be situated beyond the alternatives of eruption and hierarchy.
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Soppelsa, Peter. "Visualizing viaducts in 1880s Paris." History and Technology 27, no. 3 (2011): 371–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07341512.2011.604178.
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Kirk, Anna Marie. "Japonisme and Femininity: A Study of Japanese Dress in British and French Art and Society, c. 1860–c. 1899." Costume 42, no. 1 (2008): 111–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/174963008x285223.
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Artworks of the second half of the nineteenth century offer substantial evidence of the differing ways in which the 'Japanese craze' of this period was disseminated in dress. A discussion of the availability of garments in Paris and London, and the evidence for ownership of garments, takes place in this article. This study shows that Whistler was reflecting and informing the usage of Japanese attire by aesthetic women such as Ellen Terry. These garments offered a freer, looser, artistic style. The immense popularity of Japanese accessories is explored, as is the kimono's adaptation as a dressing gown. Alfred Stevens' artworks reflect this usage in France during the 1870s and 1880s. An examination of fancy dress books provides evidence of a growing familiarity with Japanese dress towards the end of the nineteenth century. This article is informed by nineteenth-century writings on Japan, fancy dress books, Liberty's catalogues, photographs and surviving garments.
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Murphy, Kerry. "Music in Paris in the 1830s." Musicology Australia 13, no. 1 (1990): 43–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08145857.1990.10420657.
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Rafferty, Oliver P. "Cardinal Cullen, Early Fenianism, and the MacManus Funeral Affair." Recusant History 22, no. 4 (1995): 549–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200002089.
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The political threat posed by the growth of Fenianism in Ireland in the late 1850s and early 1860s has generally been underplayed by much present-day historiography. Even contemporaries were not disposed to see American Fenianism as much of a danger to the constitutional stability of Ireland. The Dublin police authorities decided to recall sub-inspector Thomas Doyle from his surveillance work in America in July 1860. By that time Doyle had sent dozens of reports on Irish-American revolutionary activity. On the basis of his reports the authorities knew that John O'Mahony and Michael Dohney, both of 1848 notoriety, were prominently involved in Phoenix and Fenian conspiracy. They also knew the general points of the ‘phoenix theory’ that England's difficulty was Ireland's opportunity, that men were being recruited and drilled in large numbers in the U.S. for a possible invasion of Ireland, that ‘O'Mahony's theory [was] … to root out the Government, to cut down the landlords, and to confiscate the land of Ireland’, and that John Mitchel had gone to Paris as an agent for the ‘phoenix confederacy’ in the U.S.
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Lenhard, Philipp. "Zwischen Berlin und Paris." Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte 73, no. 1 (2021): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700739-07301003.
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For Hegel’s German-Jewish disciples, the French Revolution marked the starting point of a history of freedom, which was to include legal and political emancipation. In many cases, however, the experiences of German-Jewish migrants in Paris were disappointing. The philosophical idea of “France” was not to be confused with its political reality. Nevertheless, the image of France served as a critical antithesis to the political situation in Germany throughout the 1820 and 1830s. The article discusses the impact of France on the political concepts of Jewish Hegelians with a focus on the jurist and political philosopher Eduard Gans.
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Wesseling, H. L. "The Paris of Emile Zola." European Review 7, no. 2 (1999): 219–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700003999.
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Emile Zola (1840–1902) was one of the best known novelists of his time. In his work he gives a vivid description of French social and political life during the second Empire (1852–1870) and, in particular, of Paris. In this paper the author analyses the topography of the Paris of Emile Zola as described in one of his famous novels.
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Hoffman, Philip T., Gilles Postel-Vinay, and Jean-Laurent Rosenthal. "Private Credit Markets in Paris, 1690–1840." Journal of Economic History 52, no. 2 (1992): 293–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700010743.
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Relying on a large sample of private and public loan contracts taken from Parisian notarial records, this article examines the private borrowers and lenders who participated in the credit market between 1690 and 1840. It explains the important role notaries played in the market, describes the types of loans available to borrowers and lenders, stresses the importance of the life cycle in explaining the recourse to indebtedness, and ends with a discussion of the difficulties lenders had in assessing creditworthiness.
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Smith, Marian. "Backstage at the Paris Opéra in the 1830s." Dance Chronicle 27, no. 3 (2004): 427–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1081/dnc-200033891.
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Shryock, Richard. "Decadent Anarchists and Anarchist Decadents in 1880s Paris." Dix-Neuf 21, no. 2-3 (2017): 104–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14787318.2017.1386887.
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Tatić, Uroš. "Serbian students at Paris universities in the 1860s." Kultura, no. 164 (2019): 99–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/kultura1964099t.
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KREGOR, JONATHAN. "Collaboration and Content in the Symphonie fantastique Transcription." Journal of Musicology 24, no. 2 (2007): 195–236. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2007.24.2.195.
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Franz Liszt's transcription of Hector Berlioz's Symphonie fantastique has long been recognized for its innovative approach to musical reproduction——that is, its remarkable ability to recreate the sonic nuances of its model. However, the 1830s were a period of intense artistic and professional collaboration with Berlioz, and the genesis of the Symphonie fantastique transcription can thus also be interpreted as emblematic of this developing relationship. In particular, a gestural analysis of the work's content, as it can be recreated in part through Liszt's meticulous performance notation, indicates that the transcription served to reinforce a public perception of Berlioz as composer and Liszt as performer, whereby Liszt guides his audiences through Berlioz's enigmatic compositions by means of kinesic visual cues. Investigation of heretofore unknown manuscript materials suggests that this dynamic was further emphasized in Liszt's other renderings of Berlioz's orchestral works from the period. For various reasons, the transcription's inherently collaborative nature failed to impress audiences outside of Paris. As Liszt embarked in earnest upon a solo career toward the end of the decade and his concert appearances with Berlioz became less frequent, interest in the work waned on the part of both arranger and audience. Moreover, it was in the late 1830s that Liszt began adding several new works to his public repertory, especially opera fantasies, Schubert song arrangements, and weighty compositions by German composers. This decision effectively removed his earlier material——including the all-too-French Symphonie fantastique——from on-stage circulation. Indeed, when Liszt revised the transcription in the 1870s, he eliminated many of extraordinary collaborative elements found in the 1834 version, thereby disassociating it from the arena for which it was created.
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Soffel, H. C. "History of the Munich–Maisach–Fürstenfeldbruck Geomagnetic Observatory." History of Geo- and Space Sciences 6, no. 2 (2015): 65–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/hgss-6-65-2015.
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Abstract. The Munich–Maisach–Fürstenfeldbruck Geomagnetic Observatory is one of the observatories with the longest recordings of the geomagnetic field. It started with hourly measurements on 1 August 1840. The founder of the observatory in Munich was Johann von Lamont (1805–1879), the Director of the Royal Bavarian Astronomical Observatory. He had been stimulated to build his own observatory by the initiative of the Göttingen Magnetic Union founded in 1834 by Alexander von Humboldt (1769–1859) and Carl Friedrich Gauss (1777–1855). Before 1840 fewer than five observatories existed; the most prominent ones were those in London and Paris. At the beginning Lamont used equipment delivered by Gauss in Göttingen, but soon started to build instruments of his own design. Among them was a nonmagnetic theodolite which allowed precise geomagnetic measurements to be made also in the field. During the 1850s Lamont carried out geomagnetic surveys and produced geomagnetic maps for Germany and many other European countries. At the end of the nineteenth century accurate geomagnetic measurements in Munich became more and more disturbed by the magnetic stray fields from electric tramways and industry. During this period the quality of the data suffered and the measurements had to be interrupted several times. After a provisional solution in Maisach, a village 25 km west of Munich, a final solution could be found in the vicinity of the nearby city of Fürstenfeldbruck. Here the measurements started again on 1 January 1939. Since the 1980s the observatory has been part of INTERMAGNET, an organization providing almost real-time geomagnetic data of the highest quality.
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Hussey, Andrew. "The Paris Zone: A Cultural History, 1840–1944." French Studies 70, no. 2 (2016): 297. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/knw077.
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Turpin, Béatrice. "The Paris Zone. A Cultural History, 1840–1944." Modern & Contemporary France 24, no. 1 (2015): 95–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09639489.2015.1113939.
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Lee, Eun Young. "Lectures of the Opposition in Paris in the 1860s." Journal of Humanities 69 (May 30, 2018): 279–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.31310/hum.069.10.
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Peniston, William A. "Pederasts, Prostitutes, and Pickpockets in Paris of the 1870s." Journal of Homosexuality 41, no. 3-4 (2002): 169–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j082v41n03_12.
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ILLO, J. "American Divas in Paris 1880S Press Interviews by d'Alberty." Opera Quarterly 12, no. 3 (1996): 45–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oq/12.3.45.
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BLOCH, GREGORY W. "The pathological voice of Gilbert-Louis Duprez." Cambridge Opera Journal 19, no. 1 (2007): 11–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954586707002248.
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ABSTRACTThe tenor Gilbert-Louis Duprez is today remembered for his invention of the ‘C from the chest’, first presented to Parisian audiences in 1837. This has retrospectively been mythologised as the origin-point of modern tenor technique, though recent research has thrown the exact nature and significance of Duprez’s achievement into doubt. Nonetheless, one context in which Duprez was understood as revolutionary was in the scientific work of two Lyonnais doctors, Paul Diday and Joseph Pétrequin, whose 1840 essay ‘Mémoire sur une nouvelle espèce de voix chantée’ offers a unique perspective not only on what Duprez sounded like, but also on developments in the understanding of the physiological phenomenon of singing itself. Placing this work in the context of earlier medical writings on the voice, and of the authors’ subsequent debate with the singing teacher Manuel Garcia Jr., suggests that the late 1830s were a period of flux in the history of the understanding of singing, one in which long-held certainties were being questioned. Duprez thus arrived in Paris at a unique moment. The changing conceptual background shaped the understanding of Duprez’s voice even as the tenor was used by the doctors as a ‘living experiment’ to reach conclusions about the function of the voice generally.
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Basberg, Bjørn L. "Seeking International Coordination: The Norwegian Patent Law of 1885." Jahrbuch für Wirtschaftsgeschichte / Economic History Yearbook 60, no. 1 (2019): 157–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jbwg-2019-0007.
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Abstract During the 1870s and 80s many countries revised their national patent laws. This was also a period when international co-operation was intensified to reach an agreement on patent legislation. It culminated in the Paris Patent Convention of 1880, leading to an increased harmonization of the various national patent laws. In Norway the revision of the patent law was set in motion in the 1870s, culminating in a new law in 1885. The paper analyses this process, and in particular how it related to legislative work that went on abroad.
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Matthews David, Alison. "Body Doubles: The Origins of the Fashion Mannequin." Fashion Studies 1, no. 1 (2018): 1–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.38055/fs010107.
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This article traces the origins of the mannequin and challenges the gender assumptions it has been cloaked in. In nineteenth-century Paris, the fashion mannequin became a key technology in the construction of normative bodies, a principal “actor” in shaping current clothing cultures, and literally embodied debates over creativity and commodification. It locates the origins of the mannequin and the advent of live male fashion models in the bespoke tailoring practices of the 1820s, several decades before the female fashion model appeared on the scene. It ties the mannequin to larger shifts in the mass-production, standardization, and literal dehumanization of clothing production and consumption. As male tailors were put out of business by the proliferation of mass-produced clothing in standardized sizes, innovators like Alexis Lavigne and his daughter Alice Guerre-Lavigne made, marketed, and mass-produced feminized mannequins and taught tailoring techniques to and for a new generation of women. Starting in the 1870s and 80s, seamstresses used these new workshop tools to construct and drape innovative garments. Despite the vilification of the mannequin as a cipher for the superficiality and lack of individuality of fashionable displays in the modern urban landscape, early twentieth-century couturières like Callot Soeurs and Madeleine Vionnet ultimately used mannequins to produce genuinely creative clothing that freed the elite female body and allowed it new forms of mobility.