Academic literature on the topic 'Paris (france), politics and government'
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Journal articles on the topic "Paris (france), politics and government"
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KOSTIUK, Maryna. "Corpus-Based Analysis of the Concept France." Linguistic and Conceptual Views of the World, no. 75 (1) (2024): 60–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-6397.2024.1.04.
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The article focuses on a corpus-based analysis of the concept FRANCE. The analysis of concepts through the lens of corpus linguistics allows us to determine the general perception of a particular reality. Given the current political context and the development of diplomatic relationships, the concept FRANCE becomes significant and requires analysis. As the material for our study, we chose the corpus of Ukrainian language GRAK. General Regionally Annotated Corpus of Ukrainian (GRAC) is a large representative collection of texts in Ukrainian accompanied by a program that enables customization of subcorpora, searching words, grammatical forms and their combinations as well as post-processing of the query results. For this analysis, journalistic and literary texts dated from 1991 to 2022 were selected. The lexeme “France”, representing the concept FRANCE, appeared 189,178 times in GRAK between 1991 and 2022 with the majority of occurrences found in journalistic texts. Besides, other lexical representatives of the concept FRANCE were analyzed, such as “French”, “Paris”, “France”. The article pays particular attention to the contexts in which the concept FRANCE is realized. Ten main thematic groups related to the concept FRANCE were identified and analyzed: FRANCE – PRESTIGE; FRANCE – REFUGE; FRANCE – HISTORY; FRANCE – LAW; FRANCE – POLITICS; FRANCE – LANGUAGE; FRANCE – ECONOMY; FRANCE – SPORT; FRANCE – FOOD; FRANCE – STYLE. Key adjectives and verbs that verbalize the concept FRANCE in the corpus were found. These words often evoke images of well-known politicians and the names of European countries. Moreover, crucial collocates were determined. Thirty collocates representing the lexeme France were identified: Germany, Macron (Emmanuel), Francois (Hollande), President, Italy, Britain, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Spain, Merkel, Sarkozy, Championship, Leaders, Paris, Ambassador, Team, Elections, PSG, Finance, Embassy, Canada, Government, Lady, Great, Match, Ukraine, Protests, Authority, Visit. These collocates predominantly align with themes of politics, international relations and sports. The extensive usage of the concept FRANCE in Ukrainian corpus indicates a strengthening of political relations between Ukraine and France.
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Manent, Pierre. "Letter from Paris." Government and Opposition 25, no. 3 (July 1, 1990): 317–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1990.tb00586.x.
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In previous letters from Paris, which Government and Opposition has been kind enough to publish, I do not believe that I erred on the side of complacency about my country. This is why I have less hesitation in writing today that France is at present the victim of a gale of calumny, the intensity and extent of which leaves one bewildered, incredulous and unhappy.A particular and aggravating circumstance is that these aspersions are believed in, or at least spread, by the French media and the political elite itself. According to them the moral health of France is threatened. It is in danger of being submerged by a wave of racism, of anti-Semitism and even of neo-Nazism. The most implacable vigilance is necessary. This new official doctrine, it must be said, is quite simply absurd.
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Novanto, Diko Catur, Ika Riswanti Putranti, and Andi Akhmad Basith Dir. "Cybernorms: Analysis of International Norms in France's Paris Call for Trust and Security in Cyberspace." Journal of Islamic World and Politics 5, no. 2 (November 12, 2021): 326–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jiwp.v5i2.11656.
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Cybercrime is a crime involving computers and networks that began to develop after the Cold War. International politics also have developed through computer networks or cyberspace, especially in communication and diplomacy. Many actors who have different interests make the cybersphere unstable. Several state and non-state actors themselves have collaborated and conventions in the cyber realm. In 2018, France made a high-level declaration called the Paris Call for Trust and Security in Cyberspace to maintain stability in cyberspace. Through the Paris Call, France tries to establish an international norm in the cyber domain known as Cybernorms. This norm has been supported by several state and non-state actors. This study seeks to see the importance of the Paris Call that has been made by the French government which aims to remind the general norms of cyber that are not popular or see the formation of international norms in the cybersphere. This study uses a qualitative method with the process-tracing data analysis method used to explain change and cause-and-effect. This research argues that cyber norms are very important for state or non-state actors in maintaining the stability of the cyber world.
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HOLT, ANDREW. "‘No more Hoares to Paris’: British foreign policymaking and the Abyssinian Crisis, 1935." Review of International Studies 37, no. 3 (February 15, 2011): 1383–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210510001646.
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AbstractItaly's invasion of Abyssinia in October 1935 prompted a major European crisis. This article applies the main theories of foreign policy analysis to the British Government's handling of this crisis. It argues that bureaucratic politics existed, but had little impact on outcomes. Domestic politics had more influence, but did not provide detailed instructions on how to act. The perceptions of key actors, informed by reasoned judgement, determined this. Fears of the threat posed by rival states coalesced with concerns about Britain's own military weakness, leading decision-makers to emphasise the need to act in tandem with France. British policy was therefore motivated by the tension between the public's desire to see action against Italy and the Government's wish to minimise any breach with her allies. These findings highlight the weaknesses of the bureaucratic politics model and show how domestic politics can affect foreign policy outcomes. They also demonstrate the interaction between rational analysis defined in terms of reasoned judgement, and actors' perceptions. It is thus argued that benefits are to be gleaned from combining these theories.
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Balme, Richard, Jeanne Becquart-Leclercq, Terry N. Clark, Vincent Hoffmann-Martinot, and Jean-Yves Nevers. "New Mayors: France and the United States." Tocqueville Review 8 (December 1987): 263–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.8.263.
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In 1983 we organized a conference on “Questioning the Welfare State and the Rise of the City” at the University of Paris, Nanterre. About a hundred persons attended, including many French social scientists and political activists. Significant support came from the new French Socialist government. Yet with Socialism in power since 1981, it was clear that the old Socialist ideas were being questioned inside and outside the Party and government—especially in the important decentralization reforms. There was eager interest in better ways to deliver welfare state services at the local level.
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Swann, Julian. "Parlements and political crisis in France under Louis XV: the Besançon affair, 1757–1761." Historical Journal 37, no. 4 (December 1994): 803–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00015107.
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ABSTRACTThe causes and consequences of the quarrels between Louis XV and the parlements in the third quarter of the eighteenth century continue to provoke a lively debate amongst historians. In France, the traditional thesis of a reforming monarchy confronted by the selfish obstructionism of the judiciary has many adherents. However, few Anglo-American scholars favour such an interpretation and some have gone as far as to reject the existence of a crisis altogether. Research is also concentrated upon the consequences of these disputes, and their importance to the development not only of parlementaire constitutionalism, but even of a new political culture. In order to contest these conflicting interpretations, this article takes afresh look at the Besançon affair of 1757–1761. In one of the most heated political battles of the reign, thirty judges were exiled from the parlements of Besançon, provoking a lively response from the other parlements, headed by that of Paris. By examining the origins of the dispute in Franche-Comté, and the subsequent reaction of both the government and the Parisian magistrates, this article offers a new picture of the causes of crisis and of how judicial politics actually worked.
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Carbone, Maurizio. "From Paris to Dublin: Domestic Politics and the Treaty of Lisbon." Journal of Contemporary European Research 5, no. 1 (April 24, 2009): 43–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.30950/jcer.v5i1.173.
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This article discusses the domestic politics of treaty reform in the European Union, from the failed referendum on the Constitutional Treaty held in France in May 2005 to the failed referendum on the Treaty of Lisbon held in Ireland in June 2008. A meticulous examination of the national level, it is argued here, helps us to better understand the European level and why some Member States manage to influence outcomes more than it would be expected. In particular, this article looks at the role played by actors beyond national governments, the impact of the political system and the general context on preference formation and inter-state bargaining, and the use that national negotiators made of ratification hurdles to receive extra concessions. More generally, by looking at the preparatory, negotiation and ratification process of the Treaty of Lisbon, this article aims to make a contribution to an emerging literature, which argues that we can no longer explain the evolution of the European Union without understanding the increased politicisation of the European project.
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Peer, Shanny. "Marketing Mickey: Disney Goes to France." Tocqueville Review 13, no. 2 (January 1992): 127–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.13.2.127.
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Inaugurated in April 1992, Euro Disneyland – located just twenty-three miles east of Paris – has launched a new assault in what has often been perceived as the "invasion" of France by American popular culture. Even though initial plans to build a European Disneyland were gratefully approved in 1986, completion of the project has provoked a certain "cross-cultural ruckus." After giving a brief overview of the Euro Disney project and concessions obtained by Disney from the French government, this article will explore several questions about the cross-cultural adaptations and misunderstandings engendered by this venture. Specifically, how was Euro Disneyland conceived, adapted and marketed for a French and European audience?
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Magadeev, Iskander E. "Role of the Baltic Republics in Soviet-French relations during the Non-recognition Period, 1919-1924." RUDN Journal of Russian History 21, no. 2 (June 2, 2022): 161–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2022-21-2-161-176.
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This article aims to define the role played by the Baltic Republics in the Soviet-French relations during the non-recognition period. The author tries to determine the place, which the Baltic Republics occupied in the French and Soviet conceptions of the “sanitary cordon,” to analyse the correlation between the ambitions and the capabilities of Paris and Moscow in Eastern Europe, to demonstrate the Soviet response to the interaction between the Baltic Republics and France. The article is based on the materials taken from the different French archives, as well as from the published French and Soviet diplomatic documents. The author emphasizes the ambiguity of the role played by the “Baltic factor” in the Soviet-French relations. The Baltic Republics (especially, Latvia and Estonia) were perceived by the French leadership as a part of the “sanitary cordon” aimed to separate Germany and the Soviet Russia from each other and to preclude their eventual “collusion” in the Eastern Europe. On the contrary, Moscow aimed to weaken the “sanitary cordon.” Paris didn’t exclude that the cooperation with future Russia performing the role of the counterbalance to Germany would be more important for France than full independence of the Baltic Republics. The Kremlin and the People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs welcomed this point of view and tried to support those French political leaders that developed such an approach. The dynamics of the post-war international relations, as well as the priority given by the French government to the “German threat”, prompted Paris to recognize the USSR, which met the interests of Moscow. The considerations of the “big politics” were more important than the voices of the “small countries” which tried to influence the interaction between the more powerful actors.
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Gaido, Daniel. "The First Workers’ Government in History: Karl Marx’s Addenda to Lissagaray’s History of the Commune of 1871." Historical Materialism 29, no. 1 (March 19, 2021): 49–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341972.
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Abstract In Marxist circles it is common to refer to Karl Marx’s The Civil War in France for a theoretical analysis of the historical significance of the Paris Commune, and to Prosper-Olivier Lissagaray’s History of the Commune of 1871 for a description of the facts surrounding the insurrection of the Paris workers and its repression by the National Assembly led by Adolphe Thiers. What is less well-known is that Marx himself oversaw the German translation of Lissagaray’s book and made numerous additions to it. In this article we describe Marx’s addenda to Lissagaray’s work, showing how they contribute to concretising his analysis of the Paris Commune and how they relate to the split in the International Working Men’s Association between Marxists and anarchists that took place after the Commune’s defeat. We also show how Marx’s additions to the German version of Lissagaray’s book were linked to his involvement with the recently created Socialist Workers’ Party of Germany and to his criticism of the programme it had adopted at the congress celebrated in the city of Gotha.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Paris (france), politics and government"
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Claveau, Cylvie. "L'autre dans les Cahiers des droits de l'homme, 1920-1940 : une sélection universaliste de l'altérité à la Ligue des droits de l'homme et du Citoyen en France." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=37604.
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This doctoral dissertation examines the position of the Other with regard to the Ligue des Droits de l'Homme et du Citoyen (LDH) in France during the interwar period of the twentieth century. A key institution of French political and intellectual life, the Ligue des Droits de l'Homme et du Citoyen exemplified the confrontation and contradiction between theory, discourse, and reality. The dissertation is divided into two parts: the first part introduces Them, the members of the Ligue; while the second part describes (or identifies) the Other, the colonized migrants, the foreigners, the political and ethnic refugees of the interwar period. This research demonstrates that, although in theory these groups were considered equal in the name of universalism, in practice the discourse of the Ligue discriminated against them. The evidence shows that the members of the Ligue des Droits de l'Homme et du Citoyen despised all foreigners, and established the level of discrimination according to a hierarchy of contempt.
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MAGGIONI, ALESSANDRO. "The regulation of urban logistics platforms. The urban governance of food wholesale markets in France and Italy : the case of Paris (Semmaris) and Milan (Sogemi)." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano-Bicocca, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10281/222963.
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One of the elements that characterize the process of economic globalization is the development of freight logistics as a strategic sector to determine the competitive advantages of urban regions. This study analyses the link between market changes, state reorganisation and the development of urban logistics infrastructures. The entry point for this analysis is the study of the policies that have produced and governed over time two European wholesale food markets: the Marché d’Intérêt National of Rungis and the General Markets of Milan. The paired comparison of these two cases explains how market and state structural changes have influenced the constitutive elements of both infrastructural policies and why today two wholesale markets, which were initially very similar from an analytical point of view, have nowadays two very different policy outcomes. Using a theoretical and methodological approach based on the contributions of historical neo-institutionalism and urban political economy, the role of interest groups, political actors, policy rules and the market forces are linked to these divergent outcomes of present time. These factors are interrelated to explain the policy conversion observed for MIN Rungis and the policy drift in the case of Milan. Finally, the policy processes that led to policy changes that are explained in terms of causal mechanisms. The analysis highlights the central role of local policy rules and political context in determining the ability of local interest groups to influence decision-making processes, and the effect of their mobilization on the development of these urban infrastructures.
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Grummitt, David Iain. "Calais 1485-1547 : a study in early Tudor politics and government." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1996. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.362349.
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This thesis examines the role of Calais in the early Tudor state, 1485-1547. From 1453 until 1558 Calais was the last English possession in France. I will reexamine the town and marches within the context of the development of the early Tudor state and the transition from the medieval to the early modern period. It is clear that the importance of Calais to the early Tudors has been underestimated by historians. The central theme of the thesis is the growth of effective royal government under the early Tudors. This is set in the historiographical framework of the 'new monarchy' and the 'Tudor revolution in government'. Themes such as the relationship between the centre and the periphery; the organisation of royal finance; the role of the king, the court and his ministers in government; the defence of the realm and foreign policy are explored with reference to specific political and administrative changes in Calais. The thesis is divided into five chapters. The first examines the role of Calais within the late medieval English polity. It shows how, by proper management of the wool trade that was channelled through the town, Calais became a central pillar of late medieval finance and thus a place of prime political importance during the fifteenth century. The second chapter analyses the developing role of Calais in the early Tudor polity and the growth of royal authority in the town that helped maintain its continued importance. The third chapter explores the office-holding class in Calais and considers the roles of the king's affinity and his household in the government of the realm. The fourth chapter describes the defence of Calais under the early Tudors and the transition from the bastard feudal retinue to the professional army loyal only to the king. The final chapter reassesses the finances of Calais and the role that the town played in the organisation of the crown's resources as a whole.
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Lipkin, Jonathan. "From delegation to participation : citizen politics in Grenoble and Toulouse, 1958-1981." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2cededba-391b-41e7-a0a2-68e2b4f63660.
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Examining the period between 1958 (the inception of the Fifth Republic) and 1981 (election of François Mitterrand as President and Socialist parliamentary majority), my research sought to answer the question: why and how did grass-roots mobilisation in favour of citizen participation develop in two French cities, Grenoble and Toulouse? The thesis first develops a general conceptual framework within which to analyse each locality. It elaborates the notion that there existed two public action cycles in France. The first was a 'reform cycle' (1958-1968) which preceded, and was interrupted by, a more critical 'contention cycle' which developed post May 1968 (ending by about 1981); both were triggered by major political crises. The reform cycle was marked by a high level of extra-party organisation through clubs and educational associations, which attempted to change patterns of interaction between civil society and the political process. In contrast, the contention cycle that followed May 1968 was far more radical in its critique, range of themes, organisational structures and forms of action. In the case studies, I explore the contrasting experiences of Grenoble and Toulouse during the two cycles. We see how the development of powerful associative currents in Grenoble during the reform cycle facilitated the emergence in 1964 of a citizen action movement, the Groupe d'action municipale (GAM). The success of the GAM in coming to power in coalition with other parties of the non-Communist Left created a municipality determined to institute improved participationary practice. This commitment to new forms of democracy from within city hall meant that the contention cycle in Grenoble did not precipitate major pressure for fundamental change in local government structures. However, in Toulouse, the reform cycle had no comparable impact upon city politics or associative life in the 1960s. The local associative world was far more fragmented and unable to exert any substantial influence. The traditionalist Socialist administration and subsequently a centre-right, conservative municipality were then confronted with sustained grass-roots opposition in the aftermath of May 1968. What occurred in the city during the contention cycle was typical of patterns elsewhere in France. For close to a decade, a small core of associations, seeking a radical overhaul of municipal decision-making, consistently challenged city hall, using a mixture of diplomatic approaches and direct action techniques. I draw two central conclusions from my research, one empirical, the other conceptual. Firstly, evidence from both the national and local level indicates that associations played a key role in the public action cycles. This challenges the traditional view of France as having inherently weak associative structures. Secondly, my research questions the frequently made connection between a so-called 'new middle class' and innovative forms of political action, showing the term 'new middle class' to be misleading and inexact.
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Eling, Kim Tobias. "The politics of cultural policy in France : government professionals and networks, 1981-1993." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.263268.
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McNamara, Sara. "Posters, Politics and immigration during the May 1968 Protests in France." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2010. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/110.
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How were immigrants, immigrant issues and their histories represented through radical poster art created during the 1968 protests and strikes in France? The May 1968 protests remain one of the most significant moments in contemporary French history and it occurred during a time when immigrant populations were rapidly increasing. There is a multitude of research, analysis and reflections on the protests and strikes; yet there is very little mention of the place of immigrants during this event. Art collectives that were created during the protests designed and produced posters that later became a symbol of the strike. By using a variety of primary and secondary sources including small press publications, interviews, manifestos, historical and artistic secondary soured this work argues that it is during this social movement that immigrants and immigrant issues entered French social discourse and this can be seen by exploring the messages presented in the posters.
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Chauvel, Jeanne. "La question du Grand Paris (2001-2012)." Thesis, Paris 2, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA020079/document.
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Le Grand Paris est une utopie en 2001, utopie qui va jouer un rôle moteur dans le changement de l’ordre institutionnel francilien de l’aménagement du territoire dans la décennie (2001-2012). Cette idée se manifeste dans trois processus menés conjointement : 1. une politique de coopération entre élus locaux mise en place par la Ville de Paris dès 2001 ; 2. un projet d’aménagement du territoire dès 2004 avec la révision du schéma directeur d’Ile-de-France, et dès 2008 avec un projet gouvernemental d’aménagement ; 3. un projet de réforme institutionnelle de changement d’échelle avec la création d’un gouvernement métropolitain. L’idée Grand Paris se matérialise par la mise en oeuvre d’un gigantesque réseau de transports publics autour de Paris depuis2010 et par une institution métropolitaine en 2014. Ces réalisations trouvent leurs racines dans les luttes institutionnelles et politiques de la décennie 2000.Cette monographie sur le Grand Paris illustre la problématique du changement d’échelle en contexte de forte concurrence entre métropoles mondiales. A travers l’analyse du système d’acteurs publics (en particulier la Ville de Paris, les maires de l’agglomération, le Conseil régional d’Ile-de-France et l’Etat), il s’agit de comprendre quels sont les usages du Grand Paris par ces acteurs,comment se construisent leurs représentations, et quels sont les blocages institutionnels contre la montée en puissance de l’échelon politique métropolitain. On montrera que l’on peut combiner utilement les trois variables d’analyse du changement que sont les intérêts, les idées et les institutions pour comprendre ce que révèle le problème public « Grand Paris » de l’évolution des relations entre l’Etat, la ville de Paris et le Conseil régional d’Ile-de-FranceThe Greater Paris in in 2001 an utopia. However this planning vision for Paris has brought major changes to the Ile-de-France governance regarding urban development from 2001 to 2012. Three processes jointly carried out illustrate this idea: 1- Since 2001 the City of Paris has been encouraging cooperation between local elected representatives. 2- The Ile-de-France regional development plan has been reviewed since 2004 and as of 2008 a governmental urban development project has been formulated. 3- A new governance project which includes the creation of a metropolitan government has been discussed. The Greater Paris project has led to a new ambitious public transportation plan for its suburbs (2010) and the creation of a metropolitan government(2014). All of these achievements are the result of institutional and political conflicts from the last decade.This monography on the Greater Paris illustrates the issue of urban change of scale in thecontext of increased competition between cities. It aims at understanding the standpoints of public actors (the City of Paris, local mayors, the Ile-de-France region, the State): how they intend to use the Greater Paris idea, how they build up their representations of it and what are the institutional resistance against a metropolitan government. The analytical frame of this study combines three change variables - interests, ideas and institutions – to better understand how the Greater Paris project has changed the regional governance (2001-2012)
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Green, Dawn Amanda. "Women and the National Assembly in France : an analysis of institutional change and substantive representation, with special reference to the 1997-2002 legislature." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/21894.
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This thesis explores institutional features of the Fifth Republic in France that affect women's representation, both in terms of their access to elected office and in terms of their ability to substantively represent women once elected. After identifying factors that were particularly favourable to women in the 1997 Parliament, it assesses the institutional reforms enacted from 1997-2002, which include not only the Constitutional Amendment and the Parity Law, but also limitations on the cumul des mandats, reform of the Senate, the creation of a statut de l'elu (defining elected officials' benefits and rights) and of the new parliamentary Women's Delegations. It attempts a holistic appraisal of the institutional reforms, and their effect on patterns of political recruitment. The second part analyses practices and power within the Palais-Bourbon to assess gender differences in access to parliamentary posts and tasks. It investigates the National Assembly as a 'gendered institution' and asks whether women are in a position to make a difference to the political process and legislative outcomes. It finds perceptible differences in women's and men's access to power, their committee work and use of parliamentary questions. The thesis concludes with a study of the Women's Delegation. After investigating the rationale and circumstances of its creation, the institutional status of the Delegation within the Assembly is analysed. Its contribution to legislation and its modus operandi in the 1997 Parliament, as well as its integration into the National Assembly are examined, in order to ascertain whether it has the potential to enhance women's substantive representation and to provide' safe space' for women Deputies.
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Ewing, Tabetha Leigh. "Rumor and foreign politics in Louis XV's Paris during the War of Austrian Succession /." Ann Arbor : ProQuest/UMI, 2006. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb402255166.
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Richard, Picchi Anne-Isabelle Gijsbregtje Claire Frederieke Sophie Valérie. "Colonialism and the European movement in France and the Netherlands, 1925-1936." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609320.
Full textBooks on the topic "Paris (france), politics and government"
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Puech, Jean. La démocratie confisquée: Paris gouverne, la France étouffe. Paris: Archipel, 2002.
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Bonin, Hubert, Bernard Lachaise, and Christophe-Luc Robin. Robert Boulin: Itinéraires d'un gaulliste (Libourne, Paris). Bruxelles: P.I.E. Peter Lang, 2011.
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Carton, Daniel. "S'ils savaient à Paris...": Ce que la France d'en haut ne voit plus. [Paris]: A. Michel, 2005.
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Carton, Daniel. S'ils savaient à Paris--: Ce que la France d'en haut ne voit plus. Paris: Albin Michel, 2005.
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Bénot, Yves. Les parlementaires africains à Paris: 1914-1958. Paris: Editions Chaka, 1989.
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GLUCKSTEIN, DONNY. The Paris Commune: A revolution in democracy. Chicago, Ill: Haymarket Books, 2011.
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author, Morgat-Bonnet Monique, ed. Le Parlement de Paris: Histoire d'un grand corps de l'État monarchique, XIIIe-XVIIIe siècle. Paris: Honoré Champion éditeur, 2018.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Paris (france), politics and government"
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Stevens, Anne. "Local Government." In Government and Politics of France, 141–64. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4039-3996-8_6.
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Palmer, Michael B. "Politics in Paris, 1869." In The Daniel Wilsons in France, 1819–1919, 59–66. First edition. | New York : Routledge, 2021.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003026778-6.
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Wilson, Graham K. "Government and Industry in France." In Business and Politics, 128–45. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-21080-0_7.
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Wilson, Graham K. "Government and Industry in France." In Business and Politics, 75–87. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-17936-7_5.
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Stevens, Anne. "Party Politics in France." In Government and Politics of France, 190–226. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4039-3996-8_8.
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Stevens, Anne. "France: An Introduction." In Government and Politics of France, 1–30. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4039-3996-8_1.
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Stevens, Anne. "Local Government." In The Government and Politics of France, 141–64. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22102-8_6.
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Stevens, Anne. "Local Government." In The Government and Politics of France, 158–81. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24745-5_6.
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Pickles, Dorothy. "The Government." In The Government and Politics of France, 69–98. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003346753-5.
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Stevens, Anne. "France: An Introduction." In The Government and Politics of France, 3–30. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22102-8_1.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Paris (france), politics and government"
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"Factors of Georgian Politics influenced Abkhazian-Georgian Relationships in Media Representation. 2002-2010." In April 19-21, 2022 Paris (France). Eminent Association of Pioneers, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.17758/eares11.eap0422402.
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D'Aprile, Marianela. "A City Divided: “Fragmented” Urban and Literary Space in 20th-Century Buenos Aires." In 2016 ACSA International Conference. ACSA Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.intl.2016.22.
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When analyzing the state of Latin American cities, particularly large ones like Buenos Aires, São Paolo and Riode Janeiro, scholars of urbanism and sociology often lean heavily on the term “fragmentation.” Through the 1980s and 1990s, the term was quickly and widely adopted to describe the widespread state of abutment between seemingly disparate urban conditions that purportedly prevented Latin American cities from developing into cohesive wholes and instead produced cities in pieces, fragments. This term, “fragmentation,” along with the idea of a city composed of mismatching parts, was central to the conception of Buenos Aires by its citizens and immortalized by the fiction of Esteban Echeverría, Julio Cortázar and César Aira. The idea that Buenos Aires is composed of discrete parts has been used throughout its history to either proactively enable or retroactively justify planning decisions by governments on both ends of the political spectrum. The 1950s and 60s saw a series of governments whose priorities lay in controlling the many newcomers to the city via large housing projects. Aided by the perception of the city as fragmented, they were able to build monster-scale developments in the parts of the city that were seen as “apart.” Later, as neoliberal democracy replaced socialist and populist leadership, commercial centers in the center of the city were built as shrines to an idealized Parisian downtown, separate from the rest of the city. The observations by scholars of the city that Buenos Aires is composed of multiple discrete parts, whether they be physical, economic or social, is accurate. However, the issue here lies not in the accuracy of the assessment but in the word chosen to describe it. The word fragmentation implies that there was a “whole” at once point, a complete entity that could be then broken into pieces, fragments. Its current usage also implies that this is a natural process, out of the hands of both planners and inhabitants. Leaning on the work of Adrián Gorelik, Pedro Pírez and Marie-France Prévôt-Schapira, and utilizing popular fiction to supplement an understanding of the urban experience, I argue that fragmentation, more than a naturally occurring phenomenon, is a fabricated concept that has been used throughout the twentieth century and through today to make all kinds of urban planning projects possible.
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Куцева, Е. А. "Activities of Loménie de Brienne, Head of The Royal Council of Finance of France, in the summer of 1787." In Конференция памяти профессора С.Б. Семёнова ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ЗАРУБЕЖНОЙ ИСТОРИИ. Crossref, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55000/semconf.2023.3.3.012.
Full textAbstract:
В статье на основе законодательной базы, документации парламентов и материалов французской и европейской прессы рассматривается положение во Франции летом 1787 г., когда правительство во главе с Ломени де Бриенном в результате финансового кризиса вынуждено проводить серию реформ, направленных как на пополнение бюджета, так и на общее развитие страны. За короткий период были разработаны и проведены ряд реформ. Первой становится административная реформа, с введением провинциальных собраний, цель которых помощь правительству на местах, уточнение количества налогоплательщиков и пропорциональное распределение налогов. Разрабатывается как документация по введению провинциальных собраний для каждой провинции отдельно, так и общий регламент с уточненными функциями собраний. И с лета 1787 г. собрания начинают свою деятельность. Они были созданы на основе принципа выборности для улучшения действия королевской власти на местах. Учреждая новые органы власти, правительство оставило прежнюю администрацию, создав еще более громоздкий механизм управления. Для развития торговли были введены меры по введению свободной торговли зерном и замены натуральной дорожной повинности денежным налогом. Для пополнения бюджета власти планировали введения новых налогов – гербового сбора и поземельного налога, распространенного на все земли Франции без исключения. Но так как новые налоги затрагивали интересы привилегированных сословий, они встретили сопротивление парламента, который используя право регистрации эдиктов, тормозил их введения. Власти в ответ применили принцип Королевского заседания, когда в присутствии короля парламент обязан зарегистрировать эдикты. Но парламент даже после этого сопротивлялся, считая регистрацию недействительной. Начинается конфликт между королем и парламентом, который закончился ссылкой парламента в Труа. Осознав, что власти не намерены возвращать парламентариев в Париж, в конце августа – начале сентября начинаются переговоры между парламентариями и правительством, их итогом стала отмена введения новых налогов и возвращения старых, до этого отмененных, – двух двацатин. Таким образом, летом 1787 г. правительство проводит ряд реформ, но введения новых налогов вскрывает конфликт между правительством и парламентом. Именно тогда выдвигается идея созыва Генеральных штатов, которые и приведут Францию к революции 1789 г. The article, based on the legislative framework, documentation of parliaments and materials from the French and European press, examines the situation in France in summer of 1787, when the government led by Loménie de Brienne was forced to carry out a series of reforms as a result of the financial crisis, aimed both at replenishing the budget and for the overall development of the country. In a short period, a number of reforms have been developed and implemented. The first is the administrative reform, with the introduction of Provincial Assemblies, the purpose of which is to help the local government, clarify the number of taxpayers and establish proportional distribution of taxes. Documentation is being developed for the introduction of Provincial Assemblies for each province separately, as well as general regulations with clarified functions of assemblies. And beginning from summer of 1787, the meetings started their activities. These assemblies were created on the basis of the principle of election to improve the functioning of the royal power in the field. In establishing new authorities, the government abandoned the old administration, creating an even more cumbersome mechanism of governance. For the development of trade, measures were introduced to provide free trade in grain and to replace in-kind road service with a cash tax. To replenish the budget, the authorities planned the introduction of new taxes – the stamp duty and the land tax, extended to all the lands of France without exception. But since the new taxes had affected the interests of the privileged estates, they met the resistance of the Parliament, which, using the right to register edicts, hampered their introduction. In response, the authorities applied the principle of the Royal meeting, when in the presence of the king, parliament is obliged to register edicts. But even after that the Parliament resisted, considering the registration invalid. A conflict between the king and parliament once begun ended with the exile of parliament to Troyes. Realizing that the authorities did not intend to return the parliamentarians to Paris, in late August – early September, negotiations began between the parliamentarians and the government, their result was the abolition of the introduction of new taxes and the return of old taxes of two twenty, previously canceled. Thus, in summer of 1787, the government carried out a series of reforms, but the introduction of new taxes opened up a conflict between the government and Parliament. It was then that the idea of convening the States General was put forward, which would lead France to the revolution of 1789.
Reports on the topic "Paris (france), politics and government"
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Rezaie, Shogofa, Fedra Vanhuyse, Karin André, and Maryna Henrysson. Governing the circular economy: how urban policymakers can accelerate the agenda. Stockholm Environment Institute, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.51414/sei2022.027.
Full textAbstract:
We believe the climate crisis will be resolved in cities. Today, while cities occupy only 2% of the Earth's surface, 57% of the world's population lives in cities, and by 2050, it will jump to 68% (UN, 2018). Currently, cities consume over 75% of natural resources, accumulate 50% of the global waste and emit up to 80% of greenhouse gases (Ellen MacArthur Foundation, 2017). Cities generate 70% of the global gross domestic product and are significant drivers of economic growth (UN-Habitat III, 2016). At the same time, cities sit on the frontline of natural disasters such as floods, storms and droughts (De Sherbinin et al., 2007; Major et al., 2011; Rockström et al., 2021). One of the sustainability pathways to reduce the environmental consequences of the current extract-make-dispose model (or the "linear economy") is a circular economy (CE) model. A CE is defined as "an economic system that is based on business models which replace the 'end-of-life' concept with reducing, alternatively reusing, recycling and recovering materials in production/distribution and consumption processes" (Kirchherr et al., 2017, p. 224). By redesigning production processes and thereby extending the lifespan of goods and materials, researchers suggest that CE approaches reduce waste and increase employment and resource security while sustaining business competitiveness (Korhonen et al., 2018; Niskanen et al., 2020; Stahel, 2012; Winans et al., 2017). Organizations such as the Ellen MacArthur Foundation and Circle Economy help steer businesses toward CE strategies. The CE is also a political priority in countries and municipalities globally. For instance, the CE Action Plan, launched by the European Commission in 2015 and reconfirmed in 2020, is a central pillar of the European Green Deal (European Commission, 2015, 2020). Additionally, more governments are implementing national CE strategies in China (Ellen MacArthur Foundation, 2018), Colombia (Government of the Republic of Colombia, 2019), Finland (Sitra, 2016), Sweden (Government Offices of Sweden, 2020) and the US (Metabolic, 2018, 2019), to name a few. Meanwhile, more cities worldwide are adopting CE models to achieve more resource-efficient urban management systems, thereby advancing their environmental ambitions (Petit-Boix & Leipold, 2018; Turcu & Gillie, 2020; Vanhuyse, Haddaway, et al., 2021). Cities with CE ambitions include, Amsterdam, Barcelona, Paris, Toronto, Peterborough (England) and Umeå (Sweden) (OECD, 2020a). In Europe, over 60 cities signed the European Circular Cities Declaration (2020) to harmonize the transition towards a CE in the region. In this policy brief, we provide insights into common challenges local governments face in implementing their CE plans and suggest recommendations for overcoming these. It aims to answer the question: How can the CE agenda be governed in cities? It is based on the results of the Urban Circularity Assessment Framework (UCAF) project, building on findings from 25 interviews, focus group discussions and workshops held with different stakeholder groups in Umeå, as well as research on Stockholm's urban circularity potential, including findings from 11 expert interviews (Rezaie, 2021). Our findings were complemented by the Circular Economy Lab project (Rezaie et al., 2022) and experiences from working with municipal governments in Sweden, Belgium, France and the UK, on CE and environmental and social sustainability.