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1
Claveau, Cylvie. "L'autre dans les Cahiers des droits de l'homme, 1920-1940 : une sélection universaliste de l'altérité à la Ligue des droits de l'homme et du Citoyen en France." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=37604.
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This doctoral dissertation examines the position of the Other with regard to the Ligue des Droits de l'Homme et du Citoyen (LDH) in France during the interwar period of the twentieth century. A key institution of French political and intellectual life, the Ligue des Droits de l'Homme et du Citoyen exemplified the confrontation and contradiction between theory, discourse, and reality. The dissertation is divided into two parts: the first part introduces Them, the members of the Ligue; while the second part describes (or identifies) the Other, the colonized migrants, the foreigners, the political and ethnic refugees of the interwar period. This research demonstrates that, although in theory these groups were considered equal in the name of universalism, in practice the discourse of the Ligue discriminated against them. The evidence shows that the members of the Ligue des Droits de l'Homme et du Citoyen despised all foreigners, and established the level of discrimination according to a hierarchy of contempt.
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MAGGIONI, ALESSANDRO. "The regulation of urban logistics platforms. The urban governance of food wholesale markets in France and Italy : the case of Paris (Semmaris) and Milan (Sogemi)." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano-Bicocca, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10281/222963.
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One of the elements that characterize the process of economic globalization is the development of freight logistics as a strategic sector to determine the competitive advantages of urban regions. This study analyses the link between market changes, state reorganisation and the development of urban logistics infrastructures. The entry point for this analysis is the study of the policies that have produced and governed over time two European wholesale food markets: the Marché d’Intérêt National of Rungis and the General Markets of Milan. The paired comparison of these two cases explains how market and state structural changes have influenced the constitutive elements of both infrastructural policies and why today two wholesale markets, which were initially very similar from an analytical point of view, have nowadays two very different policy outcomes. Using a theoretical and methodological approach based on the contributions of historical neo-institutionalism and urban political economy, the role of interest groups, political actors, policy rules and the market forces are linked to these divergent outcomes of present time. These factors are interrelated to explain the policy conversion observed for MIN Rungis and the policy drift in the case of Milan. Finally, the policy processes that led to policy changes that are explained in terms of causal mechanisms. The analysis highlights the central role of local policy rules and political context in determining the ability of local interest groups to influence decision-making processes, and the effect of their mobilization on the development of these urban infrastructures.
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Grummitt, David Iain. "Calais 1485-1547 : a study in early Tudor politics and government." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1996. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.362349.
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This thesis examines the role of Calais in the early Tudor state, 1485-1547. From 1453 until 1558 Calais was the last English possession in France. I will reexamine the town and marches within the context of the development of the early Tudor state and the transition from the medieval to the early modern period. It is clear that the importance of Calais to the early Tudors has been underestimated by historians. The central theme of the thesis is the growth of effective royal government under the early Tudors. This is set in the historiographical framework of the 'new monarchy' and the 'Tudor revolution in government'. Themes such as the relationship between the centre and the periphery; the organisation of royal finance; the role of the king, the court and his ministers in government; the defence of the realm and foreign policy are explored with reference to specific political and administrative changes in Calais. The thesis is divided into five chapters. The first examines the role of Calais within the late medieval English polity. It shows how, by proper management of the wool trade that was channelled through the town, Calais became a central pillar of late medieval finance and thus a place of prime political importance during the fifteenth century. The second chapter analyses the developing role of Calais in the early Tudor polity and the growth of royal authority in the town that helped maintain its continued importance. The third chapter explores the office-holding class in Calais and considers the roles of the king's affinity and his household in the government of the realm. The fourth chapter describes the defence of Calais under the early Tudors and the transition from the bastard feudal retinue to the professional army loyal only to the king. The final chapter reassesses the finances of Calais and the role that the town played in the organisation of the crown's resources as a whole.
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Lipkin, Jonathan. "From delegation to participation : citizen politics in Grenoble and Toulouse, 1958-1981." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2cededba-391b-41e7-a0a2-68e2b4f63660.
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Examining the period between 1958 (the inception of the Fifth Republic) and 1981 (election of François Mitterrand as President and Socialist parliamentary majority), my research sought to answer the question: why and how did grass-roots mobilisation in favour of citizen participation develop in two French cities, Grenoble and Toulouse? The thesis first develops a general conceptual framework within which to analyse each locality. It elaborates the notion that there existed two public action cycles in France. The first was a 'reform cycle' (1958-1968) which preceded, and was interrupted by, a more critical 'contention cycle' which developed post May 1968 (ending by about 1981); both were triggered by major political crises. The reform cycle was marked by a high level of extra-party organisation through clubs and educational associations, which attempted to change patterns of interaction between civil society and the political process. In contrast, the contention cycle that followed May 1968 was far more radical in its critique, range of themes, organisational structures and forms of action. In the case studies, I explore the contrasting experiences of Grenoble and Toulouse during the two cycles. We see how the development of powerful associative currents in Grenoble during the reform cycle facilitated the emergence in 1964 of a citizen action movement, the Groupe d'action municipale (GAM). The success of the GAM in coming to power in coalition with other parties of the non-Communist Left created a municipality determined to institute improved participationary practice. This commitment to new forms of democracy from within city hall meant that the contention cycle in Grenoble did not precipitate major pressure for fundamental change in local government structures. However, in Toulouse, the reform cycle had no comparable impact upon city politics or associative life in the 1960s. The local associative world was far more fragmented and unable to exert any substantial influence. The traditionalist Socialist administration and subsequently a centre-right, conservative municipality were then confronted with sustained grass-roots opposition in the aftermath of May 1968. What occurred in the city during the contention cycle was typical of patterns elsewhere in France. For close to a decade, a small core of associations, seeking a radical overhaul of municipal decision-making, consistently challenged city hall, using a mixture of diplomatic approaches and direct action techniques. I draw two central conclusions from my research, one empirical, the other conceptual. Firstly, evidence from both the national and local level indicates that associations played a key role in the public action cycles. This challenges the traditional view of France as having inherently weak associative structures. Secondly, my research questions the frequently made connection between a so-called 'new middle class' and innovative forms of political action, showing the term 'new middle class' to be misleading and inexact.
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Eling, Kim Tobias. "The politics of cultural policy in France : government professionals and networks, 1981-1993." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.263268.
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McNamara, Sara. "Posters, Politics and immigration during the May 1968 Protests in France." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2010. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/110.
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How were immigrants, immigrant issues and their histories represented through radical poster art created during the 1968 protests and strikes in France? The May 1968 protests remain one of the most significant moments in contemporary French history and it occurred during a time when immigrant populations were rapidly increasing. There is a multitude of research, analysis and reflections on the protests and strikes; yet there is very little mention of the place of immigrants during this event. Art collectives that were created during the protests designed and produced posters that later became a symbol of the strike. By using a variety of primary and secondary sources including small press publications, interviews, manifestos, historical and artistic secondary soured this work argues that it is during this social movement that immigrants and immigrant issues entered French social discourse and this can be seen by exploring the messages presented in the posters.
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Chauvel, Jeanne. "La question du Grand Paris (2001-2012)." Thesis, Paris 2, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA020079/document.
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Le Grand Paris est une utopie en 2001, utopie qui va jouer un rôle moteur dans le changement de l’ordre institutionnel francilien de l’aménagement du territoire dans la décennie (2001-2012). Cette idée se manifeste dans trois processus menés conjointement : 1. une politique de coopération entre élus locaux mise en place par la Ville de Paris dès 2001 ; 2. un projet d’aménagement du territoire dès 2004 avec la révision du schéma directeur d’Ile-de-France, et dès 2008 avec un projet gouvernemental d’aménagement ; 3. un projet de réforme institutionnelle de changement d’échelle avec la création d’un gouvernement métropolitain. L’idée Grand Paris se matérialise par la mise en oeuvre d’un gigantesque réseau de transports publics autour de Paris depuis2010 et par une institution métropolitaine en 2014. Ces réalisations trouvent leurs racines dans les luttes institutionnelles et politiques de la décennie 2000.Cette monographie sur le Grand Paris illustre la problématique du changement d’échelle en contexte de forte concurrence entre métropoles mondiales. A travers l’analyse du système d’acteurs publics (en particulier la Ville de Paris, les maires de l’agglomération, le Conseil régional d’Ile-de-France et l’Etat), il s’agit de comprendre quels sont les usages du Grand Paris par ces acteurs,comment se construisent leurs représentations, et quels sont les blocages institutionnels contre la montée en puissance de l’échelon politique métropolitain. On montrera que l’on peut combiner utilement les trois variables d’analyse du changement que sont les intérêts, les idées et les institutions pour comprendre ce que révèle le problème public « Grand Paris » de l’évolution des relations entre l’Etat, la ville de Paris et le Conseil régional d’Ile-de-FranceThe Greater Paris in in 2001 an utopia. However this planning vision for Paris has brought major changes to the Ile-de-France governance regarding urban development from 2001 to 2012. Three processes jointly carried out illustrate this idea: 1- Since 2001 the City of Paris has been encouraging cooperation between local elected representatives. 2- The Ile-de-France regional development plan has been reviewed since 2004 and as of 2008 a governmental urban development project has been formulated. 3- A new governance project which includes the creation of a metropolitan government has been discussed. The Greater Paris project has led to a new ambitious public transportation plan for its suburbs (2010) and the creation of a metropolitan government(2014). All of these achievements are the result of institutional and political conflicts from the last decade.This monography on the Greater Paris illustrates the issue of urban change of scale in thecontext of increased competition between cities. It aims at understanding the standpoints of public actors (the City of Paris, local mayors, the Ile-de-France region, the State): how they intend to use the Greater Paris idea, how they build up their representations of it and what are the institutional resistance against a metropolitan government. The analytical frame of this study combines three change variables - interests, ideas and institutions – to better understand how the Greater Paris project has changed the regional governance (2001-2012)
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Green, Dawn Amanda. "Women and the National Assembly in France : an analysis of institutional change and substantive representation, with special reference to the 1997-2002 legislature." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/21894.
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This thesis explores institutional features of the Fifth Republic in France that affect women's representation, both in terms of their access to elected office and in terms of their ability to substantively represent women once elected. After identifying factors that were particularly favourable to women in the 1997 Parliament, it assesses the institutional reforms enacted from 1997-2002, which include not only the Constitutional Amendment and the Parity Law, but also limitations on the cumul des mandats, reform of the Senate, the creation of a statut de l'elu (defining elected officials' benefits and rights) and of the new parliamentary Women's Delegations. It attempts a holistic appraisal of the institutional reforms, and their effect on patterns of political recruitment. The second part analyses practices and power within the Palais-Bourbon to assess gender differences in access to parliamentary posts and tasks. It investigates the National Assembly as a 'gendered institution' and asks whether women are in a position to make a difference to the political process and legislative outcomes. It finds perceptible differences in women's and men's access to power, their committee work and use of parliamentary questions. The thesis concludes with a study of the Women's Delegation. After investigating the rationale and circumstances of its creation, the institutional status of the Delegation within the Assembly is analysed. Its contribution to legislation and its modus operandi in the 1997 Parliament, as well as its integration into the National Assembly are examined, in order to ascertain whether it has the potential to enhance women's substantive representation and to provide' safe space' for women Deputies.
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Ewing, Tabetha Leigh. "Rumor and foreign politics in Louis XV's Paris during the War of Austrian Succession /." Ann Arbor : ProQuest/UMI, 2006. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb402255166.
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Richard, Picchi Anne-Isabelle Gijsbregtje Claire Frederieke Sophie Valérie. "Colonialism and the European movement in France and the Netherlands, 1925-1936." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609320.
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Boisvert, Pierre Yves. "Regionalisation and decentralisation in France, with special reference to Corsica and its special status." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670331.
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Chabal, Emile. "Republicanism, liberalism and the search for political consensus in France, c.1980-c.2010." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610454.
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Müller-Funk, Lea. "Transnational politics beyond the Arab uprisings : Egyptian activism in Vienna and Paris." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016IEPP0005.
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Cette recherche de doctorat interdisciplinaire examine ce qu’Østergaard-Nielsen (2003) a appelé « homeland politics », c’est-à-dire les activités politiques des migrants et des réfugiés relatives à la politique intérieure ou extérieure de leur pays d’origine. Cette thèse se concentre sur deux études de cas, Vienne et Paris, et les personnes et les groupes qui ont tenté d'influencer la politique pendant et après les soulèvements en Egypte (2011-2013). Mon intérêt porte notamment sur l'identification de ces activistes, de leurs réseaux et des raisons de leur participation politique. Mon deuxième intérêt vise le rôle des médias sociaux comme outil de la contestation transnationale. La thèse est divisée en trois parties. La première adopte une approche macro et trace le contexte dans lequel les pratiques transnationales des migrants égyptiens et leurs enfants ont eu lieu, en mettant l'accent sur les politiques d'émigration, d'immigration et d’intégration. La deuxième partie contient l’analyse de mes données empiriques à un niveau micro et décrit les différents types d’activistes transnationaux, leurs argumentations politiques, leurs réseaux et stratégies. Elle donne également un aperçu de leur utilisation Facebook. La troisième partie est une contribution théorique au transnationalisme politique : elle soulève la question de savoir si nous assistons aujourd'hui à l'émergence d'une société civile transnationale égyptienne et développe ensuite un cadre analytique des déterminants qui influencent la « politique de la patrie »This interdisciplinary PhD project examines what Østergaard-Nielsen (2003) calls ‘homeland politics’, namely the political activities of migrants and refugees who aim to influence the domestic or foreign policy of their country of origin. It focuses on two case studies, Vienna and Paris, and examines the people and groups who tried to influence politics during and after the uprisings in Egypt (2011-2013). It focuses particularly on the identification of transnational activists, their networks and their motives of their political participation. It further analyzes the role of social media as a tool for transnational politics. The thesis is divided into three parts. The first adopts a macro-level approach and traces the context in which transnational practices of Egyptian migrants and their children take place, by focusing on emigration, immigration and immigrant policies. The second is an empirical analysis on the micro-level and describes different types of transnational activists, their argumentations, networks, and strategies. This includes a comprehensive analysis of their use of Facebook. The third part is a theoretical contribution to political transnationalism by discussing the limits of Egyptian transnational civil society today and by developing an analytical framework for factors which influence homeland politics
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Inglis-Jones, James John. "The Grand Condé in exile : power politics in France, Spain and the Spanish Netherlands 1652-1659." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:3ab667bf-f5af-45b7-985f-1d936f8299a4.
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This thesis looks at the career of the Grand Condé - Louis II de Bourbon, Prince de Condé - between 1652 and 1660. During this period the prince was in exile in the Spanish Netherlands. As a consequence of his power and status in France the prince's exile had a decisive impact not just upon the politics of the captaingeneral's court in Brussels, but more widely, upon the foreign policy of Cromwell's Protectorate, Philip IV's government in Madrid, the regime of Cardinal Mazarin in Paris and the Franco-Spanish war. International relations between France and Spain during the 1650's have been largely ignored by historians, so too has French political history in this period. Yet, the 1650's were a vital decade for France and Spain both historically and historiographically. The period saw the final stage of the costly and attritional conflict between the two 'great' crowns, whilst in France the regime of Cardinal Mazarin was the last ten years of government by a cardinal-minister before Louis XIV's declaration of personal rule in 1661. This has assumed enormous significance for historians many of whom see it as an important period of transition. Ten major European archives have been consulted to build a detailed picture of the impact of Condé's exile upon politics within France and the war being fought in the Flanders theatre. The cardinal's regime existed throughout the 1650's in an environment of acute uncertainty and instability whilst it was by no means clear that the war with Spain was a demonstration of an 'ascendant' France dealing the death blows to a 'declining' Spain. By raising questions about France's 'rise' to European supremacy and the internal stability of Mazarin's regime the thesis rejects the straightforward terms in which this period has been treated. In particular, using the example of Condé and placing his exile and Mazarin's regime in the context of aristocratic politics, it demonstrates that there were no indications that grandee power was in decline. Indeed, the thesis argues that the power of the grands as a crucial element in the power structure of Ancien Regime France, was set to continue into the next century.
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Watson, Jonathan. "The internal dynamics of Gaullism, 1958-1969." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:18f0271f-c5da-4486-80e9-8c98a1149511.
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This thesis assesses the contributions of Gaullists to the political practice of Gaullism during the 1960s. Many of those who have written about Gaullism - historians, political scientists, journalists and politicians alike - have tended to focus too narrowly on the personality, beliefs and actions of Charles de Gaulle. Much analysis has been devoted to the General's approach to government, both its substance and its style. However, neglect of the activities of his political associates and supporters has led to an incomplete understanding of the broader political phenomenon that he inspired. This thesis aims to redress this imbalance by highlighting the ways in which individual Gaullists sought to contribute to the policies of successive Gaullist governments during the 1960s and assesses the importance of these contributions in creating an identity for the Gaullist party which, while not always wholly distinct from de Gaulle and though it certainly never developed to the point of outright opposition to him, did lay the foundations for a political movement which could survive the President's eventual departure from office. The research reveals 1960s Gaullism as a much more volatile and heterogeneous phenomenon than has perhaps previously been admitted by some commentators. The thesis considers the political activities of Gaullists at all levels of the movement. First of all, it examines the way in which government was conducted by Gaullist ministers, and argues that their contributions to the identity of the Gaullist movement have been underestimated. In addition, it reveals how there were leading figures within the Gaullist party who attempted to define ways in which Gaullists could contribute to Gaullism in government. Although they never questioned the loyalty of the Gaullist movement to its leader, their awareness of the need for Gaullists to create their own political identity led them to place less emphasis on the importance of the historical figure of de Gaulle to the modern political force which Gaullism would become. The thesis then highlights the neglected fact that Gaullist deputies frequently sought to contribute in their own individual manner to Gaullist government policies in their speeches in the National Assembly. It concludes with an examination of the varied and conflicting comments made on the subject of Gaullism and Gaullist policies by local party members in their local bulletins.
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Huggins, Christopher. "Local government transnational networking in Europe : a study of 14 local authorities in England and France." Thesis, University of Portsmouth, 2015. https://researchportal.port.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/local-government-transnational-networking-in-europe(e90b229f-9a21-4dbb-986b-8240f8ffbcaa).html.
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Local authorities play a key role in European Union (EU) governance. They are no longer simply ‘passive receivers’ of EU policy, but proactively engage at the European level. This active engagement includes participation in local government transnational networking (LGTN), an activity which sees local authorities form links with their counterparts in other countries. The contemporary prevalence of LGTN presents an interesting empirical puzzle. Local authorities lack the formal competence to engage beyond their territories. Furthermore, since the financial crisis councils’ budgets have been restricted. Why, then, are local authorities participating in LGTN when they lack both the formal competence and the financial resources? This thesis tackles this puzzle. In particular it explores three broad questions relating to LGTN: - What is the extent of LGTN? - Why do local authorities participate? - What determines effective participation? By focusing on the local authorities within transnational networks, this thesis makes an empirical contribution to knowledge and informs a body of literature which has until now overlooked the perceptions of local actors in EU governance. It further informs conceptual debates surrounding multi-level governance and local level Europeanization. This focus is achieved through a cross-national analysis of 14 local authorities in south-east England and northern France, and adopting a qualitative empirical approach which draws data from semi-structured interviews, document analysis and participant observation. The findings show that LGTN continues to be a prevalent phenomenon and is therefore an important feature of the EU’s multi-level system of governance. However, engagement is not uniform. While all local authorities are involved, variation is present in the number of links councils engage in, the type of networks they target and their motivations for participation. In all cases, however, engagement in LGTN is driven by a rationalist logic, as councils seek to achieve individual pre-determined strategic aims and improve their relative positions. A number of local and external factors are shown to impact how effectively councils engage in LGTN and, ultimately, explains why the process of local level Europeanization is marked by differentiation rather than convergence.
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Kleinman, Julie O'Brien. "Dangerous Encounters: Riots, Railways, and the Politics of Difference in French Public Space (1860-2012)." Thesis, Harvard University, 2013. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10919.
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This dissertation builds a socio-cultural biography of Paris's Gare du Nord, Europe's largest railway station, from its transnational aims to connect Europe in the nineteenth century, to early twentieth century strikes, to twenty-first century immigration and riots. It shows how the formation of subjects, boundaries, and the "dangerous classes" in France were linked to infrastructural development. Through this examination, I argue that official French rhetoric and policies around the so-called "dangerous classes" created ideologies of contact that played out in concrete public space and came to be challenged by subjects and groups represented as dangerously different. Through encounter, overlapping boundaries--beyond the foreigner/citizen divide--became significant in the Gare du Nord, as marginalized subjects created new ways of relating spaces and bodies in this heterogeneous arena. My dissertation examines the connection between four processes that govern the station’s socio-political trajectory: 1) the government’s elaboration of the "dangerous classes" paradigm that led to expanding technologies of policing and surveillance; 2) the development of transportation infrastructure that brought migrants and goods to the capital; 3) the emergence of a railroad labor economy that created a new class of workers; and 4) the arrival and settling of immigrant groups from former colonies. I show how "dangerous" social archetypes, from the nineteenth century provincial migrant, to the early twentieth century railway worker on strike, to the African-Muslim immigrant, were summoned and reconfigured in events at the Gare du Nord and shaped the future configuration of political subjects and their struggles. I focus ethnographically on the trajectories of African immigrants at the station, the contemporary "dangerous classes." I argue that through their trans-regional networks and practices, the Gare du Nord has become a unique site of political contestation as it transforms into a node that connects the station to immigration pathways through sub-Saharan and North Africa. By offering an ethnographic approach to multidisciplinary conversations on transnational cities and postcolonial history, my dissertation builds a framework and methodology to analyze proliferating "theaters of encounter:" sites suffused with conflicting idioms, grounded in structures of human and capital circulation, and traversed by histories of struggle.
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Massengale, Laura, and Laura Massengale. "Where We Come From and Where We Are Going: Negotiating Identity Politics in Haalpulaar Mauritanian Communities in Paris, France." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/12511.
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This thesis examines first generation and migrant Mauritanians' negotiations of their identities and heritage in Paris, France. It is based on 3 months of ethnographic research, funded by the Center for the Study of Women in Society, the Center on Diversity and Community, and the Slape Fellowship. The theory on "third way" transnational identity argues that migrants' and first generations' identifications with their heritage can protect them from discrimination. I explore situational identity, gender, life stages, and the
third way in suburban Paris. I find that, due to discrimination, the first generation may choose to identify with their culture, ethnicity, or nationality of origin. Contrary to French politicians who claim that culture prevents assimilation, I found that ethnocultural identity and community may serve as a professional resource for first generation women. On the other hand, first generation men and women may also reject their ethnocultural identification and traditions.
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Fieschi, Catherine. "The French Fifth Republic and populism : a neo-institutional analysis of the Front national." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36767.
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The aim of the thesis is to offer an explanation for the emergence and success of the French political party the Front national. The project uses theories of political opportunity structures, neo-institutionalist approaches and a theory of ideological morphology to argue that institutions and ideologies have particular links to one another. This, in turn, leads to the argument that the FN's success can be attributed to the relationships between the institutions of the Fifth Republic on the one hand and fascist ideology in France on the other. It is argued that the gradual presidentialisation of French politics from 1958 onward reconciles two contradictory drives in French politics (the party drive and the rally drive), this reconciliation of the two drives and the institutionalisation of the rally drive grants renewed legitimacy to populist ideas in France. It is also argued that, given the component concepts of fascism as an ideology (its ideological morphology) and the links between ideologies and the contexts (institutional, social, political) in which they emerge, institutional pressures such as those generated by the Fifth Republic and its subsequent presidentialisation accounts for a mutation of French proto-fascism into a type of populist ideology. The FN's modification of its fascist ideology and conversion to an overt form of populism is depicted and analysed as a case study of a party's adaptation to, and exploitation of, the new structures of political opportunity created by the Fifth Republic; one in which populist ideas were more likely than fascist ones to lead to a measure of political success given the institutionalisation of a form of hitherto marginalised rally politics.
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Zaza, Ornella. "Horizons urbains en expérimentation : discours et pratiques d’une collectivité territoriale face au numérique." Thesis, Paris 10, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA100003.
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Le numérique est-il en train de remanier la façon des collectivités territoriales de projeter la ville ? En recomposant une archéologie de ladite « révolution numérique » par ses acteurs, ses utopies et ses idéologies, un consensus semble se dégager aujourd’hui autour du projet de « smart city » : par le concept de « co-construction », la participation des citadins et la coopération avec les acteurs privés se chevauchent. La conjonction entre l’emploi de nouvelles technologies (en constante évolution et majoritairement conçues par les acteurs privés) et la prise en compte des citadins (provenant d’une idéologie du public sur laquelle s’est bâtie l’histoire de l’action publique française) fait émerger le « paradigme de l’expérimentation » auquel l’acteur public fait de plus en plus appel. Ce paradigme se déploie par une série de dispositifs qui sont analysés au travers de trois topos de l’anthropologie : l'expérimentation de nouvelles solutions numériques, qui ritualise les interactions entre les acteurs autour de la conception de « sur-objets » numériques ; l'expérimentation des politiques publiques, qui par l’émergence de « agoras en ligne » engendre une réadaptation permanente de l’action publique, entre « archaïsme » et « modernité » ; l'expérimentation urbaine, qui par des « démonstrateurs » tente d’ordonnancer les récits matériels et immatériels de la transformation urbaine. A partir d’une ethnographie au sein de la Mairie de Paris, la thèse montre qu’à travers l'expérimentation l’acteur public cherche à « publiciser » des logiques et des outils provenant du domaine privé, en atterrissant cependant au même objectif opérationnel : produire des horizons urbains dont les discours et les pratiques franchissent continuellement la frontière entre public et privéAre digital technologies reshaping the way local governments plan the city? By recomposing an archaeology of the so-called “digital revolution” through its actors, utopias and ideologies, a consensus seems to emerge today around the project of “smart city”: by the concept of “co-construction”, citizen participation and public-private cooperation overlap. The conjunction of the use of new technologies (constantly evolving and mostly designed by private actors) and the consideration of citizens (coming from the public ideology on which French public action has been built in history) brings out the “paradigm of experimentation”, to which the public actor is increasingly appealing. This paradigm unfolds through a series of devices that are analysed by three topos in anthropology: the experimentation of new digital solutions, which ritualizes the interactions between actors around the design of digital “sur-objects”; the experimentation of public policies, which generates a permanent rehabilitation of public action", between "archaism" and “modernity”, because of the emergence of “online agora”; urban experimentation, which attempts to organize the material and immaterial narratives of urban transformation by setting up digital “demonstrators”. Based on an ethnography within Paris City Hall, the thesis shows that through experimentation public actors seeks to “publicize” logics and tools coming from the private domain, landing however to the same operational objective: to produce urban horizons, whose discourses and practices continually cross the border between public and private domains
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Rogachevsky, Neil Simon. "The French army and the plebiscite of 1870." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708409.
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Flutter, Chlöe. "A regional perspective on the French 35 hour week policy : tracing policy-making and implementation from nord-Pas-de-Calais to Paris." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2003. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1f981bd7-5f74-487c-be60-e8c481dcae4b.
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In 1998, the French Socialist Government reduced the statutory workweek to 35 hours. This work time reduction policy was implemented in response to the country's chronic unemployment problem, which had seen unemployment average over 10% during the previous decade. The 35 hour week sought to reduce unemployment by spreading the existing stock of jobs more widely and by stimulating job creation. This policy choice was received with considerable scepticism from commentators outside of France. Critics argued that the 35 hour week diverged too greatly from the international orthodoxy of a flexible and deregulated labour market and, given the convergence pressures caused by contemporary globalisation, would reduce French competitiveness. The implication was that governments no longer had the freedom to implement employment policy that diverged from the international norm. In this thesis, I reconsider this argument. I undertake a political economy analysis of the use of work time reduction policy in France from the perspective of the regional labour market of Nord-Pas-de-Calais. In doing so, I focus on the implementation of the 35 hour week policy in this high unemployment region. In addition, I focus on the regional work time reduction policy implemented in Nord-Pas-de-Calais, which predated the national 35 hour week policy and was the source of several of its key features. Thus, I provide a regional perspective on the French 35 hour week policy, an alternative to the 'top down' perspective taken by its critics. Throughout this research, I concentrate on three key issues: (1) the logic of work time reduction policy within the local labour market in France, using Nord-Pas-de-Calais as my case study; (2) the method of policy-making and the importance of geographic scale; and (3) the viability of France's work time reduction policy in the face of globalisation. My aim is to understand the policy process that led to this policy choice, to appreciate how traditions of economic governance influenced its formation and implementation in the local labour market, and to study how these traditions influenced the ability of work time reduction policy to reduce unemployment. I show, first, that French traditions of labour market governance, on which work time reduction policy is based, continue to have meaning in the local labour market, with the public continuing to demand policy consistent with its ideals. Second, I show that scale contributes to policy outcomes and policy innovation, suggesting the importance of geographic factors in the policy, process, such as the spatial match between the policy and policy problem, the transfer of policy between scales, and issues such as proximity and homogeneity. Third, I show that the success of work time reduction policy is largely dependent upon socially determined factors including effective negotiation, preferences between work and leisure, and empathy for the unemployed. Fourth, I show that the 35 hour week policy was not incompatible with international demands for labour market flexibility because it provided significant scope for productivity gains via its design and increased flexibility in the use of work time, albeit within constraints. Therefore, by examining the making and implementation of work time reduction policy in France from a regional perspective, I show that while globalisation places genuine exogenous constraints on the policy choices of government, there nonetheless remains considerable scope within these constraints, especially when implementing policy that is compatible with traditions of governance that continue to resonate in the local labour market.
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Robbie, Steven. "The emergence of regional polities in Burgundy and Alemannia, c.888-940 : a comparative assessment." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3033.
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This study uses the ‘duchies' of Burgundy and Alemannia as case studies for an examination of the nature and causes of political change in the five decades after the death in 888 of the Emperor Charles the Fat ended the Carolingian monopoly on kingship in the Frankish realms. Existing narratives of this period posit discontinuity between the pre- and post-888 political worlds and define the status of dukes in opposition to royal power as the manifestation of either regional communal identity or self-centred aristocratic greed. Close examination of Burgundy and Alemannia indicates that such approaches are invalid, and that the fundaments of the Carolingian system persisted in the ideology and practice of politics after 888: a desire for the control over land and religious establishments, juxtaposed with a deep-seated belief in the centrality of the kingship to the political order. Dukedoms emerged in both regions not as a result of deep-rooted social forces but as short-term responses by magnates to crises at the centre. The perception that the dukedom was an essential form of political organization failed to take root in either territory prior to 940. Although the status of the dukedoms ultimately developed in different ways in the two kingdoms, it is suggested that the root causes of this are best sought in high politics itself.
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Schmitz-Thursam, Trevor Charles. "The Tumult of Amboise and the Importance of Historical Memory in Sixteenth-Century France." PDXScholar, 1994. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4789.
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Humanist legal scholarship was the catalyst to historical revolution that took place in sixteenth-century France. French philologists succeeded in demonstrating the cultural distinctiveness of France from a heretofore assumed classical heritage shared with ancient Rome. As a result, scholars sought to retrace the historical origins of France in the non-Roman Gauls and Franks. Their intensive study of the laws, customs and institutions that developed in France, as distinct from ancient Rome, transformed the understanding of the national past. Following the introduction of the principles of historical anachronism and cultural relativism, the sixteenth century witnessed a transformation of traditional perceptions of historical time. It was during this period when the historical myths, legends and traditions that comprised the cultural fabric of French society were called into question, were transformed, and emerged as new myths that spoke more directly to the crises of the French Religious Wars. The purpose of this study is to attach greater significance to the Tumult of Amboise of 1560 than has previously been afforded in the scholarship of this period. The Tumult of Amboise provide not only the impetus for the civil wars that were waged in France for nearly half a century, but also served as the catalyst for an first expression of Protestant resistance theory that was to change the face of political discourse in this period. The debate centered around the Tumult of Amboise set the stage for constitutional theories regarding the laws of succession and the role of the Estates-General that were dominate political discourse in the latter half of the sixteenth century. As political polemicists increasingly sought to reconstruct an image of the mythical French past, in order to demonstrate the ancientness of the French constitution, the historical fiction that developed around these efforts became a functioning political ideology that should be viewed as one of the first concerted expressions of French nationalism. In this regard, the recreation of the national past took on a patriotic dimension heretofore absent from traditional, chroniclesty led medieval histories and, in time, developed into a uniquely Gallican mythology that stood defiantly as a rival to the cultural heterodoxy of Rome. Further, the purpose of this study is to demonstrate the developmental nature of political discourse in this period. As the civil wars progressed, doctrines of constitutionalism and limited monarchy began to be laced with more abstract theories regarding the nature of political obligation and the responsibility of the ruler to his subjects. Employing a comparative analysis of discourse from the 1560's to the succession of Henri IV, it will be shown that the transformation of political propaganda was direct! y dependent on the historical memory of the participants, who engaged in an effort to frame the political and religious crises within the context of their perceptions of the past.
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Yarbrough, Alexander. "Reform and Its Limits : the Bélisaire Affair and the Politics of Religious Toleration in Enlightenment France." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 4, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA040114.
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En 1767 Jean-François Marmontel publia Bélisaire, conte philosophique recelant une plaidoirie pour la tolérance civile en matière de religion et un christianisme miséricordieux aux accents déistes. Livre à succès, Bélisaire n’eut pas que des admirateurs : son soutien pour la tolérance et sa nouvelle vision du salut lui valurent une opposition vive de l’Église, surtout de la faculté de théologie de Paris qui projeta d’en faire une Censure. Or celle-ci déplut au gouvernement, qui très vite s’en mêla. L’historiographie n’ignore pas l’affaire : ses spécialistes, John Renwick et Robert Granderoute ont publié respectivement deux articles et une préface à son sujet. Mais, malgré la qualité de ces travaux, de larges pans de l’affaire restent inconnus. Grâce à des sources neuves, il ressort : (1) que l’avocat général du Parlement de Paris, Jean-Omer Joly de Fleury, profita de l’affaire pour écrire lui-même une nouvelle théologie de la tolérance compatible avec le Catholicisme et (2) que le gouvernement censura la Censure, réécrivant son 4e article qui louait trop vivement l’intolérance civile, qui était certes la politique du roi, mais qu’il se réservait le droit de modifier. Cette étude lève ainsi le voile sur le travail de magistrats et ministres qui cherchaient à défendre l’Église, soutien de la monarchie, tout en la modernisant. Elle montre aussi les paradoxes des réformes manquées : la théologie de la tolérance, pourtant riche, ne servit jamais à modifier la loi. Cette affaire mobilisa de grands commis de l’État, dynamiques et dévoués, mais la monarchie peina à appliquer leurs idées. Ainsi n’opéra-t-elle pas de nouvelle synthèse religieuse, comme elle avait pu le faire par le passé, suivant l’analyse de Dale Van KleyIn 1767 Jean-François Marmontel published Bélisaire, philosophical tale that included a plea for civil tolerance in religion and a merciful Christianity with Deistic elements. A successful book, Bélisaire did not only have admirers: its support for tolerance and its new vision of salvation earned it a lively opposition from the Church, especially the Faculty of Theology of Paris, which planned a Censure. Yet the Censure displeased the government which immediately became involved. Known to historians, the affair’s specialists, John Renwick and Robert Granderoute have published two articles and a preface, respectively. Yet despite their quality, central elements of the affair remain unknown. New sources show: (1) that the avocat general od the Parlement of Paris, Jean-Omer Joly de Fleury, took advantage of the affair to compose a new theology of tolerance, reconciled with Catholicism and (2) that the government censored the Censure, re-writing its 4th article which praised too enthusiastically civil intolerance, certainly the king’s policy, but which he wanted to retain the right to modify. This study therefore shows the inner workings of magistrates and ministers who sought to defend the Church, a base for the monarchy, while also modernizing it. It also shows the paradoxes of failed reforms: the theology of tolerance, quite rich, never served to modify the law. This affair mobilized high-ranking ministers, dynamic and devoted, yet the monarchy struggled to enact their ideas. It never instituted a new religious synthesis, like it had done in the past, following the analysis of Dale Van Kley
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Cole, Alistair. "Factionalism in the French Parti Socialiste, 1971-1981." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:45540f01-8b00-4837-9920-b970c04e5ab6.
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This thesis concentrates on the cause, structure, location and context (rather than the function) of factions within the French Parti Socialiste, from the Congress of Epinay, in June 1971, until Mitterrand's election as Socialist President of the Republic, on May 10th, 1981. It argues that factionalism results from a complex, interrelated cleavage structure: groups are differentiated according to a number of salient variables, of which the most important are personality (accentuated by the presidentialised Fifth Republic); ideology/policy; strategy/tactics; organisational interests and different historical origins. Factional relations are a product both of the intra-party consequences of the party's external objectives, and the internal dynamic created by factional competition itself. The party is thus an evolutive, rather than a static entity. [continued in text ...]
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Blatt, David. "The resurgence of the extreme-right in France : political protest and the party system in the 1980's." Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61980.
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Chuang, Ya-Han. "Migrants chinois à Paris : au-delà de l’ « intégration » : la formation politique d’une minorité." Thesis, Paris 4, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA040135.
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Comment concevoir l'« intégration » à l’ère de la mondialisation ? Dans quelle mesure le mot « intégration » demeure-t-il encore pertinent pour les migrants eux-mêmes à notre époque dite « mondialisée » et « transnationale » ? En soulignant les caractéristiques normatives, désormais performatives et interactives, du concept d’« intégration », cette thèse se propose de fournir une réponse partielle à partir d'expériences de politisation des nouveaux migrants chinois dans la région parisienne. Grâce à une ethnographie multi-située dans plusieurs communes chinoises et plusieurs quartiers parisiens, nous reconstituons le processus dynamique d’intégration via des actions politiques collectives. Arrivés avant tout avec des motivations économiques, les migrants en viennent à s'impliquer dans divers quartiers, ce qui les conduit à se mobiliser et se confronter aux règles tacites du système sociopolitique français. À travers leur apprentissage politique à plusieurs niveaux, ils créent une conscience de minorité désirant une reconnaissance politique en tant que membre de la société française. Un tel désir n’affaiblit pas pour autant leur sentiment d’appartenance à la communauté chinoise. Plus leur statut social est élevé, plus les migrants semblent capables de s'approprier leur origine chinoise comme une ressource en vivant des expériences à la fois « transnationales » et « translocales ». L’accès à la citoyenneté est donc inégal au sein d’une même communauté et ne peut être mesurée qu'en croisant les origines migratoires et le statut socialHow to grasp the notion of “integration” in an era of globalization? To what extent does the word “integration” remain relevant for migrants themselves in “globalized” and “transnational” times? By emphasizing the normative, thereby performative and interactive, characteristic of the concept of “integration”, my dissertation proposes a partial answer to these questions based on the experiences of political mobilization of Chinese migrants in Paris. Drawing on a multi-sited ethnography in several towns in China and neighborhoods in Paris, I reconstitute Chinese migrants’ dynamic processes of integration through collective actions. Arriving in Paris with primarily economic motivations, their involvement in different neighborhoods pushes them to engage in a political process of mobilization while confronting the tacit rules of the French political system. Through their political learning process, they create a minority consciousness with a desire for their political recognition as members of the French political community. However, such a desire does not weaken their feelings of belonging to the Chinese community. The higher their social status is, the more the migrants prove capable of capitalizing on their ethnic origin and use it as a resource to live a “transnational” as well as “translocal” experience. The access to political rights and citizenship is thus unequal within the Chinese community and cannot be measured without crossing ethnic origins and social class positions
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Doyle, Charles James. "The judicial reaction in south-eastern France, 1794-1800." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:59cc347e-6a12-4540-8d81-65018e2170da.
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The thesis investigates and analyses the hitherto neglected phenomenon of political reaction within the judiciary of south-eastern France during the period between the Thermidorian Reaction and the advent of the Consulate. The character, objectives and effects of the 'reaction judiciaire1 are studied through a series of different perspectives. The first task is to highlight the discrepancy between the concepts of the social and political effects of a revamped judicial system formulated during the Year III and the corrupt abuse of judicial power by reactionary provincial judges. Indeed, the study constantly seeks to explore the conceptual as well as the practical damage inflicted on the Directorial regime by the supposed trustees of the post-Terrorist republican settlement. Emphasis is placed upon the collaboration between the southern judges and the counter-revolutionary elements within the local community, especially in the discussion of the origins of the judicial reaction. The changes of technique and of objective which the judiciary experienced are explored in full. It is described from its beginnings as a weapon of retribution for the aggrieved local community against the former agents of the Terror to its role in the subversion of regional jacobinism to its support for the period of unchecked counter-revolution during the Year V and finally to its function as a 'rearguard' defender of arrested counter- revolutionaries during the period of the Second Directory. In addition, due consideration is given to the motivation of individual judges who operated the reaction. It is hoped that the thesis has provided a model for the study of the causes, techniques and aims of political reaction from within an independent state power. Furthermore, it is hoped that the work is seminal in its suggestion that judicial reaction and its many ramifications had both a direct and indirect bearing upon the fall of the Directory.
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Exley, Alexandria. "An Investigation into the Socio-Political Dissonance between the French Government and the Islamic French Minority." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2017. https://dc.etsu.edu/honors/369.
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The Islamic minority in France today is experiencing adversity as the government of France passed legislation stating that all facial coverings will be henceforth illegal, restricting or prohibiting religious symbols in various public spaces. Some Islamic women feel as though this is a pointed attack on women of the Muslim faith for their choice to wear traditional clothing which covers the face and body. There have been outcries that this is a human rights violation and restriction of religious rights. This project is an examination of the effects of France’s “burqa ban” and restrictions on religious symbols on both Islamic men and women who live in France. The goal of this project is to speak directly to those affected by this legislation and to understand the perspective and opinions of French Muslims. Records such as documented personal testimonies, legal archives, and transcriptions of in-person interviews are utilized to study the perspective of this minority in response to the controversial legislation. Neglecting to pursue an understanding of another culture and belief system will only yield disharmony among groups, and this research aims to avoid this phenomenon. In collecting the data, I set a goal to have and later discuss a better understanding of this issue and the people affected by it.
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Leasia, Charlotte M. "The Grand Paris Express: An Analysis of Social and Political Trends towards Mass Transit Planning in the Île-de-France Region." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/213.
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This thesis examines the Grand Paris Express project currently underway in the Île-de-France. The basis of this project is a series of new and renovated railway lines to connect and span across the entirety of the region. They are being planned with the hopes to improve urbanization for the outlying suburbs. The Île-de-France is the wealthiest region in France, but it has high economic inequality between its departments. One hard hit area is Seine-St-Denis. This is the area I will be focusing primarily on. Department number 93, its urban landscape holds histories of rioting, unemployment, and large immigrant populations. In its underdeveloped growth, residents are calling for socio-spatial justice. Professor of Urban and Regional planning Edward Soja (1980) coins this as a “social-spatial dialectic” (208), where any given space is inherently political. Currently, residents in Department 93 are engaged in this “dialectic”, taking action by means of redefining the places where they live. In addition to demands for spatial equality is a more complex and hidden protest: the demand from marginalized citizens for an adjusted French ideology with respect to national identity. In their spatial marginalization, groups are contesting the egalitarian claims of the state based on where they live. I explore the historical significance of the Seine-St-Denis department in the Île-de-France’s urbanizing efforts. This thesis argues that planning for the Grand Paris Express represents the effects of a new French identity in formation. But while Paris is being recreated to accommodate those living in the outer communes, an anti-immigrant state narrative is also resulting in reformed urban planning in an existing discriminatory French ideology. However, as I plan to prove later in my research, the Grand Paris Express will provide more social access for France’s marginalized citizens.
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Stone, Aaron H. ""Never forget" and "Never unite" : commemorating the Battle of the Somme in Northern Ireland, 1985-1997." Virtual Press, 2005. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1318905.
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This thesis examines Protestant unionist commemorations of the Battle of the Somme in Northern Ireland during a phase in which they exhibited marked popularity and politicization. Filling a gap in the scholarship and building upon it, this thesis pays closer attention to the historical context and development of these commemorations and takes into account a broader swath of forms and locations of commemoration. It argues that, in the face of the perceived threat of Irish unification posed by the Anglo-Irish Agreement in 1985, unionists employed the memory of the Somme as a political tool on two different but overlapping fronts. On one front, they used it against their collective opponents, who supported or supposedly supported Irish unification. On a second front, conflicting groups within the unionist community, namely unionist politicians, Orangemen, Protestant youths, and loyalist paramilitaries, interpreted the Somme differently to satisfy their partisan agendas. Analyzing Somme commemoration at the Belfast cenotaph, in parades, and in murals, this thesis provides explanations for why the Somme was remembered differently in various mediums and locales of commemoration, with particular attention to the differing degrees and manners in which Protestant commemorators recognized the Catholic contribution in the Somme campaign.Department of History
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Davies, Kerrith. "Winning the West : the creation of lower Normandy, c.889-c.1087." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:6024c204-0ba1-4f3a-b582-4c63835103b2.
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This thesis re-evaluates the chronology of Lower Normandyâs integration into the duchy growing around Rouen from the tenth century onwards. The introduction argues that modern accounts of Normandyâs development remain dependent on the works of Dudo of Saint-Quentin and Flodoard of Rheims. Difficulties with these authors and alternative approaches to Normandyâs early history are identified. It is argued that regional distinctions throughout the later duchy hindered efforts to bring about political cohesion. Chapters One and Two identify the ninth-century Breton occupation and early tenth-century Scandinavian settlement of Lower Normandy as the twin sources of ongoing regional divisions. The early dukesâ interest in and influence over the west are also called into question. Chapters Three and Four instead posit that ducal interest in Lower Normandy was a product of the late tenth century, with direct intervention following in the favourable circumstances of the early eleventh century. Ducal success in this period depended upon the co-operation of regional aristocrats and ecclesiastical institutions and continuing constraints on Rouenâs influence and authority are emphasised. Chapter Five argues that Robert the Magnificent was a more assertive ruler, who actively strengthened ducal authority in Lower Normandy in spite of renewed opposition. Chapter Six considers how rebellion against William the Conqueror in 1047 reveals growing local interest in the conduct of ducal government. Victory allowed William to consolidate ducal authority in Lower Normandy, encouraging further expansion beyond its borders. Local landholders, however, resultantly received little direct ducal patronage, including scant reward in the post-Conquest settlement of England. In conclusion, while Lower Normandy had been brought firmly under ducal control by 1087, it is argued that it was only under Williamâs son, Henry I, that the regionâs aristocrats acquired any major influence over ducal policy and secured an equal position within the wider Anglo-Norman nobility.
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Bastet, Delphine. "Les Mays de Notre-Dame de Paris (1630-1707) : Peinture, Eglise et monarchie au XVIIe siècle." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014AIXM3116.
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Les mays de Notre-Dame, tableaux offerts de 1630 à 1707 par la confrérie Sainte-Anne-Saint-Marcel des orfèvres parisiens à la cathédrale Notre-Dame de Paris en signe de dévotion à la Vierge, forment un des ensembles de peinture religieuse les plus importants du XVIIe siècle. La thèse de doctorat propose une étude de cette série en deux volets, une approche analytique à travers un essai et une approche synthétique à l'aide d'un catalogue. L'essai aborde dans une première partie le contexte confraternel et explique le choix de grands formats présentés dans la nef de la cathédrale. La deuxième partie s'intéresse à la fonction religieuse et politique de ces tableaux. La troisième partie s'attache aux conditions de la commande et aux questions de style et évalue la réception des œuvres au XVIIIe, XIXe et XXe siècles. Le catalogue reprend pour chaque tableau l'ensemble des données documentaires et visuelles. Les textes accompagnant les toiles (contrats, explications, inventaires de Notre-Dame) constituent les annexes. L'importance des mays dans la peinture religieuse du XVIIe siècle tient à leurs résonances avec les préoccupations pastorales et théologales de l'Église de Paris, ainsi qu'à leur statut de modèle pour la peinture religieuse. Exposés au cœur de la cathédrale de Paris, ils constituent un décor sacré au service du roi et de la politique religieuse du royaumeThe mays of Notre-Dame, paintings offered from 1630 till 1707 by the brotherhood Sainte-Anne-Saint-Marcel of the Parisian silversmiths to the cathedral Notre-Dame de Paris in sign of worship in the Virgin, are one of main group of paintings of the XVIIth century. The doctoral thesis proposes a study of this series in two steps, an analytical approach through a essay and a synthetic approach by means of a catalog. The essay approaches on a first part the fraternal context and explains the choice of large formats presented in the nave of the cathedral. The second part is interested in the religious function and the politics of these paintings. The third part becomes attached in the conditions of the command and to the questions of style and estimates the reception of the works at the XVIIIth, XIXth and XXth centuries. The catalog resumes for every picture all the documentary and visual data. Texts accompanying paintings (contracts, explanations, inventories of Notre-Dame) establish appendices. The importance of mays in the religious painting of the XVIIth century holds their echos with the pastoral concerns and théologales of the Church of Paris, as well as in their status of model for the religious painting. Exposed at the heart of the cathedral of Paris, they constitute a decoration crowned in the service of king and of religious politics of the kingdom
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Ahouansou, Kpedetin. "Devenir-Français.e n/noir.e : anthropologie réflexive et transversale des cosmpolitiques parisiennes au XXIe siècle." Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020EHES0116.
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Cette thèse de doctorat est consacrée aux processus de subjectivation, collectif et individuel, des Français.es n/Noir.es dans la région de Paris. Il s’agit de cartographier une géographie politique et esthétique diasporique, dans laquelle ils/elles se meuvent pour produire des modes de subjectivités et, de décrire les multiples ressources sur lesquelles ils/elles s’appuient pour se constituer en tant que simples Français.es et/ou acteur.es politiques. Parce que les subjectivités se produisent à partir de rencontres et résistances diverses qui sont constamment sujettes aux mouvements, l’étude décrit la vie quotidienne de Français.es n/Noir.es selon une interprétation rhizomatique du territoire. C’est-à-dire, en (re) constituant – un territoire cosmopolitique parisien qui se compose, sur un même plan, de plusieurs lieux physiques (France, Europe, États-Unis) pour prendre la forme d’une scène sociale et historique, académique et médiatique, mais également sociale et fictive. Le renouveau de la problématique nous mène à explorer une scène tentaculaire, où s’invite la tentative d’institutionnalisation d’un corps collectif à travers le monde associatif pour se déplacer vers la vie quotidienne des participant.es à la recherche. Avec la dissémination du terme « Noir » dans l’espace public, la convention républicaine de neutralité entre citoyen.nes est mise à l’épreuve ; les discours qui portent sur les différences phénotypiques concourent à nourrir, autant, des processus de subjectivation que d’autres désirs de représentation qui s’imbriquent dans le local et l’international (associations/organisations nationales et internationales, politiques publiques, circulation de théories scientifiques). Tandis que l’enquête met en évidence les transformations sociétales et historiques qui participent à l’émergence d’un sujet Français.e n/Noir.e et les tensions afférentes qu’elles produisent (juridique, politique, académique, civique) depuis les deux dernières décennies ; elle permet aussi de montrer les effets de redondances qui caractérisent la singularité française noire. Ce sont les effets et les affects qui, dans la tension et la répétition, se (re) négocient individuellement et collectivement – au sein du vaste « champ-ressource » hétérogène qu’est la diaspora, pour tenter de (re) créer/représenter, à la fois, des différences et des similitudes qui s’agencent bon gré mal gré à d’autres différences : genre, histoire locale, juridique et nationale, voire internationale avec l’Europe et les États-Unis. Enfin, il s’agit de souligner que les processus de subjectivation des Français.es n/Noir.es relèvent d’abord du possible, c’est-à-dire que seul prime l’insaisissable et la créativité dans la capacité à devenir-n/Noir.e par opposition à une identité fixeThis doctoral thesis is devoted to the collective and individual processes of subjectification of the French b/Black people in the Paris region. It is about mapping a diasporic political and aesthetic geography, in which they move to produce modes of subjectivities and, to describe the multiple resources on which they rely to constitute themselves as French citizens and/or political actors. Because subjectivities arise from various encounters and resistances that are constantly subject to movement, the study describes the daily life of French b/Black people according to a rhizomatic interpretation of the territory. That is to say, by (re) constituting - a Parisian cosmopolitan territory which is made up, on the same level, of several physical places (France, Europe, United States) to take the form of a social and historical scene, academic and media scene, but also social and fictional scene. The renewal of the issue leads us to explore a sprawling scene, where the attempt to institutionalize a collective body through the associative world is invited to move towards the daily life of the research participants. With the dissemination of the term "Black" in public space, the Republican convention of citizen neutrality is put to the test; the discourses that focus on phenotypic differences contribute to nourishing both subjectification processes and other desires of representation that overlap locally and internationally (national and international associations/organizations, public policies, circulation of scientific theories). While the study highlights the societal and historical transformations that participate in the emergence of a French b/Black subject since the two last decades and the related tensions that they produce (legal, political, academic, civic); it also makes it possible to show the effects of redundancies which characterize the French black singularity. It is the effects and affects which, in tension and repetition, are (re) negotiated individually and collectively –, within the vast and heterogeneous “resource-field” that is the diaspora, in an attempt to (re) create / represent, at the same time some differences and similarities that come together willy-nilly with other differences: gender, local, legal and national history, even international with Europe and the United States. Finally, it is about underlining that fact that the processes of subjectification of the French b/Black people have first to do with the possible. That is to say, that only the elusive and the creativity in the capacity of becoming-b/Black as opposed to a fixed identity
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Yarbrough, Alexander. "Reform and Its Limits : the Bélisaire Affair and the Politics of Religious Toleration in Enlightenment France." Thesis, Paris 4, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA040114.
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En 1767 Jean-François Marmontel publia Bélisaire, conte philosophique recelant une plaidoirie pour la tolérance civile en matière de religion et un christianisme miséricordieux aux accents déistes. Livre à succès, Bélisaire n’eut pas que des admirateurs : son soutien pour la tolérance et sa nouvelle vision du salut lui valurent une opposition vive de l’Église, surtout de la faculté de théologie de Paris qui projeta d’en faire une Censure. Or celle-ci déplut au gouvernement, qui très vite s’en mêla. L’historiographie n’ignore pas l’affaire : ses spécialistes, John Renwick et Robert Granderoute ont publié respectivement deux articles et une préface à son sujet. Mais, malgré la qualité de ces travaux, de larges pans de l’affaire restent inconnus. Grâce à des sources neuves, il ressort : (1) que l’avocat général du Parlement de Paris, Jean-Omer Joly de Fleury, profita de l’affaire pour écrire lui-même une nouvelle théologie de la tolérance compatible avec le Catholicisme et (2) que le gouvernement censura la Censure, réécrivant son 4e article qui louait trop vivement l’intolérance civile, qui était certes la politique du roi, mais qu’il se réservait le droit de modifier. Cette étude lève ainsi le voile sur le travail de magistrats et ministres qui cherchaient à défendre l’Église, soutien de la monarchie, tout en la modernisant. Elle montre aussi les paradoxes des réformes manquées : la théologie de la tolérance, pourtant riche, ne servit jamais à modifier la loi. Cette affaire mobilisa de grands commis de l’État, dynamiques et dévoués, mais la monarchie peina à appliquer leurs idées. Ainsi n’opéra-t-elle pas de nouvelle synthèse religieuse, comme elle avait pu le faire par le passé, suivant l’analyse de Dale Van KleyIn 1767 Jean-François Marmontel published Bélisaire, philosophical tale that included a plea for civil tolerance in religion and a merciful Christianity with Deistic elements. A successful book, Bélisaire did not only have admirers: its support for tolerance and its new vision of salvation earned it a lively opposition from the Church, especially the Faculty of Theology of Paris, which planned a Censure. Yet the Censure displeased the government which immediately became involved. Known to historians, the affair’s specialists, John Renwick and Robert Granderoute have published two articles and a preface, respectively. Yet despite their quality, central elements of the affair remain unknown. New sources show: (1) that the avocat general od the Parlement of Paris, Jean-Omer Joly de Fleury, took advantage of the affair to compose a new theology of tolerance, reconciled with Catholicism and (2) that the government censored the Censure, re-writing its 4th article which praised too enthusiastically civil intolerance, certainly the king’s policy, but which he wanted to retain the right to modify. This study therefore shows the inner workings of magistrates and ministers who sought to defend the Church, a base for the monarchy, while also modernizing it. It also shows the paradoxes of failed reforms: the theology of tolerance, quite rich, never served to modify the law. This affair mobilized high-ranking ministers, dynamic and devoted, yet the monarchy struggled to enact their ideas. It never instituted a new religious synthesis, like it had done in the past, following the analysis of Dale Van Kley
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Farzaneh, Farzin. "The French Popular Front, the first Blum government and events in Switzerland as seen by the Vaudois Press, 1934-1937 /." Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=64075.
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Baronnet, Solenne. "Les politiques de développement durable, le défi urbain : Etude comparative des villes de New York, Chicago, Los Angeles et Paris." Thesis, Paris 4, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA040080.
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Quels sont les défis urbains auxquels New York, Chicago, Los Angeles et Paris sont confrontés en matière de développement durable ? L’objectif de cette thèse consiste à dresser un état des lieux des politiques de développement durable mises en place dans des villes aux typologies différentes, qui sont confrontées aux mêmes problématiques. L’analyse des tenants et des aboutissants des actions en faveur du développement durable urbain s’envisage sous trois aspects de la gouvernance impliquant différents acteurs dans ce défi : administrations municipales, sociétés privées et habitants. Nous analyserons les processus lancés par chacun de ces groupes, exposerons les atouts qui font la force des différentes aires urbaines à l’étude, de même que leurs faiblesses et les axes d’amélioration possibles. Cette étude conclut que les quatre villes ont des divergences de priorités sur le développement durable, le diagramme représentatif du concept n’est jamais équilibré : l’un des trois piliers prend en général le dessusWhat are the urban challenges New York, Chicago, Los Angeles and Paris are facing regarding sustainable development? This thesis consists in examining the sustainable development policies that have been put in place in four cities with different typologies, but that are confronting the same issues. Analyzing the actions taken in support of sustainable development must be considered through three aspects representing three different groups implied in this challenge: municipal authorities, private companies and the people. We will analyze the different processes launched by each of these groups; we will discuss the assets of the four cities, as well as their weaknesses and possible improvements. The four cities have diverging priorities regarding sustainable development and the concept is never perfectly balanced between ecology, sociology and economy. One of these themes generally takes over
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Freysselinard, Éric. "Louis Marin (1871-1960), itinéraire, place et rôle d'un dirigeant des droites françaises du premier vingtième siècle." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Sorbonne université, 2024. https://accesdistant.sorbonne-universite.fr/login?url=https://theses-intra.sorbonne-universite.fr/2024SORUL040.pdf.
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Louis Marin, passionnément lorrain, ethnologue, défenseur des minorités nationales, déploya une importante carrière universitaire jusqu'à son élection à l'Académie des sciences morales et politiques en 1944. Député de Nancy pendant 46 ans, président du conseil général de Meurthe-et-Moselle pendant 22 ans, huit fois ministre, il fut président, à partir de 1925, de la Fédération républicaine, à droite de l'échiquier politique. Hostile à l'Allemagne, adversaire des gauches et des loges maçonniques, catholique, libéral et réformateur, proche de François de Wendel, il réussit à transformer son parti en machine de guerre pour faire tomber le Cartel des gauches. Son intransigeance vis-à-vis de l'Allemagne l'isola cependant peu à peu de la classe politique, amenant de nombreux soutiens à l'abandonner comme Georges Pernot, Henri de Kerillis ou Jean Ybarnégaray. En 1940, pendant que ses cadres comme Xavier Vallat ou Philippe Henriot rejoignaient l'État français, il se retrouva presque seul, parmi les parlementaires de droite, à résister à l'occupant allemand. Sa constance idéologique et le rejet des personnalités montantes (Poincaré, Tardieu, de Gaulle) l'amenèrent, quelques années après la guerre, à se replier sur sa vie privée avec sa femme Fernande qui consacra ses vingt dernières années à sauvegarder sa mémoire. Cette thèse dépeint d'abord un homme pétri de contradictions et de fêlures, qui, fils d'un père enfant naturel, avait perdu sa mère à cause des Allemands, et se maria sur le tard avec la femme de sa vie sans avoir d'enfants. Elle analyse aussi la difficulté de la droite à construire son unité aussi bien pour des raisons idéologiques que pour des questions d'ego. Marin sauva peut-être l'honneur de la droite en 1940, mais échoua à en devenir un vrai leaderLouis Marin, proud of his Lorraine origins, was an ethnologist and an advocate for minority groups. He had a successful academic career before his election at the Moral and Political Sciences Academy in 1944. He was a member of Parliament representing Nancy for 46 years, President of the department of Meurthe-et-Moselle for 22 years, appointed Minister eight times, and he became President of the Republican Federation right-wing party in 1925. Marin was an enemy of Germany, opponent of the left-wing parties and masonic leagues, Catholic, a conservative in favour of reforms, and friend of François de Wendel. He managed to transform his party into an effective weapon against the “Cartel of the Left”. His intransigence against Germany led him to be isolated and lose support from other politicians, including Georges Pernot, Henri de Kerillis and Jean Ybarnégaray. In 1940, as his comrades such as Xavier Vallat and Philippe Henriot joined the Vichy government, he was one of the only right-wing members of Parliament to resist the German occupation. His ideological steadfastness and opposition to new political figures (Poincaré, Tardieu, de Gaulle), led him to withdraw from public life several years after the war and focus on his private life with his wife Fernande, who would dedicate her last twenty years to honoring his memory. This thesis depicts a man steeped in contradictions and flaws; having a bastard father, losing his mother because of the Germans and marrying his wife late in life without ever having children. It also analyses the difficulties of the right-wing parties to create unity, as a result of ideological issues as well as those of ego. Marin indeed saved the honour of the French right-wing in 1940, but failed to become a true leader
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Filipovich, Jean 1947. "The Office du Niger under colonial rule : its origin, evolution, and character, 1920-1960." Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=67462.
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The Office du Niger irrigation scheme, located on the Niger River in the Republic of Mali, originated in a grandiose but seriously flawed proposal devised in 1920 by a French colonial Public Works engineer named Emile Bélime. Originaly conceived as a means of transforming the Niger Valley into a cotton belt, and later promoted as the heart of a French West African granary, the scheme never attained more than a tiny fraction of its presumed agricultural potential. Its construction and exploitation required the forced uprooting of tens of thousands of Africans. It absorbed a large portion of scarce colonial revenues until after the Second World War and generated no profits. During the inter-war period, the Office du Niger gradually acquired the de facto status of a state within the State, with Emile Bélime at its head. When the scheme was finally recognized as an economic and humanitarian failure in 1945, colonial authorities endeavoured to eliminate its worst shortcomings and give it a new identity as a prototype of economic and technical assistance to an underdeveloped area. After 1961, Malian leaders felt that the scheme could be used as a pilot project for agricultural development in the new republlc, and the scheme's existence has dictated the course of Malian agricultural policy ever since.Le projet d'irrigation de l'Office du Niger, situé dans le delta intérieur du Niger au Mali, est né d'une proposition très insuffisante mais grandiose conçue en 1920 par un ingénieur des Travaux Publics Coloniaux, Émile Bélime. Conçu à l'origine comme un moyen de transformer la Vallée du Niger en une vaste plantation de coton, et envisagé par la suite comme le grenier central de l'Afrique Occidentale, ce projet n'a jamais atteint qu'une petite partie de son potentiel agricole espéré. Sa réalisation et sa mise en exploitation on nécessité le déracinement par contrainte de dizaines de milliers d'Africains. Même après la deuxième guerre mondiale, le projet a absorbé encore une grande partie des revenus coloniaux, déjà limités, mais il n'a généré aucun revenu. Pendant l'entre-deux-guerres, l'Office du Niger a acqui petit à petit le statut de facto d'un état dans l'État, dirigé par Émile Bélime. En 1945, quand le projet a été finalement reconnu comme une échec sur le plan économique et humanitaire, les autorités coloniales ont essayé de corriger les erreurs les plus graves et lui ont accordé le nouveau statu de prototype pour d'autres projets d'assistance économique et technique aux régions sous-développées. En 1961, le Gouvernement du Mali, qui avait récemment accédé à l'indépendance, pensait en faire un projet pilote pour le développement agricole du pays. Sa réalisation détermine encore aujourd'hui la politique agricole du Mali. fr
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Glozier, Matthew Robert. "A nursery for men of honour : Scottish military service in France and The Netherlands, 1660-92." Thesis, View thesis View thesis, 2001. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/67.
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The thesis examines individual Scottish soldiers and Scottish regiments abroad in the second half of the seventeenth century, with particular focus on Scottish military service in France and the Netherlands, c.1660-92. The study contends that privately contracted units, of the sort common in the period of the Thirty Years' War (1618-48), evolved into regular standing regiments by the end of the seventeenth century. This process is visible in the altered conditions experienced by professional Scottish officers and ordinary soldiers who served abroad in this period. This study proposes that Britain's foreign policy was primarily affected by that of her two most potent neighbours: France and the Netherlands profoundly affected the attitude of the Stuart monarchs towards their subjects fighting abroad.
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Jones, Thomas Chewning. "French republican exiles in Britain, 1848-1870." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609095.
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Knels, Eva Maria. "Le Salon et la scène artistique à Paris sous Napoléon I. Politique artistique – Stratégies d’artistes – Échos internationaux." Thesis, Paris 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA040065.
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Cette thèse de doctorat se propose d’étudier les Salons sous l’ère napoléonienne, connus surtout pour le rôle important qu’ils jouèrent dans le cadre de l’instrumentalisation politique de l’art contemporain. Ainsi, après 1799, le Salon devint rapidement un important outil de la vaste politique culturelle du Consulat et de l’Empire, qui servit à représenter de manière symbolique le système politique. Face à ce changement radical du Salon et de sa politique artistique, les artistes, eux aussi, ont dû se positionner et s’adapter aux nouvelles structures politiques et administratives, tout en réagissant aux nouvelles tendances artistiques et à l’évolution du milieu artistique, afin de s’imposer au Salon. Le succès rencontré par les Salons en ces années-là ne se manifeste pas seulement par le chiffre croissant des exposants et des visiteurs : les diverses formes de la réception du Salon – journaux, brochures, récits de voyage, lettres et œuvres graphiques - témoignent également de l’écho rencontré par l’exposition, et ceci bien au-delà des frontières nationales. Jouxtant les salles du fameux Musée Napoléon qui regroupe les chefs-d’œuvre artistiques les plus importants, saisis par les armées françaises dans des collections de l’Europe, le Salon profite de la forte fréquentation du Louvre entre 1800 et 1815, de la part de visiteurs aussi bien français qu’étrangers. L’objectif de cette thèse est d’analyser l’organisation de l’exposition, le paysage des artistes exposants ainsi que l’écho rencontré par cet évènement sur la scène internationale en tenant compte de cette mutation complexe de la vie artistique parisienne au début du XIXème siècle. Dans cette perspective, le présent travail s’interroge sur les rapports entre la politique artistique, les pratiques artistiques et culturelles ainsi que leur réceptionThis doctoral thesis examines the Salons of living artists under the reign of Napoleon I, which are primarily known for the prominent role they played in the context of cultural politics of that time. After 1799, the Salon rapidly became an important instrument of art and cultural politics used by the ruling government to symbolically legitimise and support the political system. Given the major changes to the exhibition in these years, artists had also had to adapt to the new political and administrative structures whilst, at the same time, reacting to new artistic trends in order to stand up to the strong competition at the Salon. The exhibition's success in these years is not only reflected by the rising numbers of exhibiting artists and visitors. Also its wide-ranging coverage in the media, such as newspaper articles, letters, travelogues and graphic anthologies, is further proof of the exhibition's relevance and reach, sometimes even beyond national frontiers. Indeed, the exhibition's close locality to the famous Musée Napoléon, with its large collection of master pieces confiscated from European collections by the French armies, added further attention paid by European travellers to the Salon and the French contemporary art on display there. The aim of this doctoral thesis is to analyse the organisation of the exhibition, the range of participating artists as well as the international response it created whilst taking into consideration the complex transformation of art and the French art scene at the beginning of 19th century. By doing so, the dissertation focuses on the reciprocal relationship between art politics, artistic production and their reception
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Kim, Minchul. "Democracy and representation in the French Directory, 1795-1799." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/15874.
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Democracy was no more than a marginal force during the eighteenth century, unanimously denounced as a chimerical form of government unfit for passionate human beings living in commercial societies. Placed in this context this thesis studies the concept of ‘representative democracy' during the French Revolution, particularly under the Directory (1795–1799). At the time the term was an oxymoron. It was a neologism strategically coined by the democrats at a time when ‘representative government' and ‘democracy' were understood to be diametrically opposed to each other. In this thesis the democrats' political thought is simultaneously placed in several contexts. One is the rapidly changing political, economic and international circumstances of the French First Republic at war. Another is the anxiety about democratic decline emanating from the long-established intellectual traditions that regarded the history of Greece and Rome as proof that democracy and popular government inevitably led to anarchy, despotism and military government. Due to this anxiety the ruling republicans' answer during the Directory to the predicament—how to avoid the return of the Terror, win the war, and stabilize the Republic without inviting military government—was crystalized in the notion of ‘representative government', which defined a modern republic based on a firm rejection of ‘democratic' politics. Condorcet is important at this juncture because he directly challenged the given notions of his own period (such as that democracy inevitably fosters military government). Building on this context of debate, the arguments for democracy put forth by Antonelle, Chaussard, Français de Nantes and others are analysed. These democrats devised plans to steer France and Europe to what they regarded as the correct way of genuinely ending the Revolution: the democratic republic. The findings of this thesis elucidate the elements of continuity and those of rupture between the Enlightenment and the French Revolution.
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Pépin, Guilhem. "The relationship between the kings of England and their role as dukes of Aquitaine and their Gascon subjects : forms, processes and substance of a dialogue (1275-1453)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670166.
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Reignier, Dorothée. "La discipline de vote dans les assemblées parlementaires sous la cinquième République." Thesis, Lille 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011LIL20010.
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Depuis 1958, les parlementaires, quels que soient leur assemblée ou leur groupe, manifestent une unité de vote exemplaire. Celle-ci est la manifestation de la discipline de vote, phénomène complexe que certains, notamment, les parlementaires et ceux qui ont vocation à les assister, définissent comme une autodiscipline. Elle apparaît, cependant, comme le résultat d’un conditionnement mâtiné de contraintes exercées par des structures, groupes parlementaires, partis politiques et Gouvernement, qui ont intérêt au maintien de l’unité. Tous agissent en direction des élus qui, s’ils adhèrent par principe à la consigne de vote élaborée dans le cadre du groupe, sous le contrôle du parti et/ou du pouvoir exécutif, peuvent parfois exprimer quelques réticences. Ces actions, cumulées, prennent la forme de pressions et confortent l’existence de la discipline de vote.Au-delà de la pratique parlementaire, et parce qu’elle assure la collaboration des pouvoirs propre au régime parlementaire, la discipline de vote est devenue, comme le démontre sa constance, une caractéristique de la Cinquième République. Une pratique institutionnelle qui semblait pourtant contraire aux principes du régime représentatif, forgés à la Révolution. Si la discipline de vote est aujourd’hui considérée comme, sinon conforme, du moins compatible avec eux, c’est qu’elle révèle une lecture rénovée du régime parlementaire, fondée non plus sur la division, mais sur la fusion des pouvoirsSince 1958 MPs’, whatever their assembly or their group, show an exemplary unity of vote. The latter is the result of party discipline, a compound subject, which some, in particular, MPs’ and those who have authority to assist them, define as self-discipline. Party discipline appears, however, as the outcome of a conditioning mixed with constraints exercised by organizations, parliamentary groups, political parties and Government. Their common interest is to maintain unity. They all act towards the elected members. The latter, on principle, subscribe to the voting instructions, worked out within the scope of the group, under the party and/or the executive power control. Nevertheless, the elected members may sometimes be reluctant.All these actions become pressure, confirming that unity is not only the result of cohesion but really of party discipline. Beyond the parliamentary practice, and because it guarantees powers’ collaboration, which is peculiar to the parliamentary system, party discipline has become, as its constancy shows, a major characteristic of the French Fifth Republic. An institutional practice that appeared, however, to go against the French representative system’s principles, established during the Revolution. If party discipline is now considered as, if not in accordance with, but at least compatible with them, it is that it reveals a new way to define the parliamentary system, based not on powers’ divisions anymore, but on their fusion
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Lantschner, Patrick. "The logic of political conflict in the late Middle Ages : a comparative study of urban political conflicts in Italy and the southern Low Countries, c. 1370-1440." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:88345337-bad5-4eb6-b626-ec6ae003cfef.
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This thesis examines urban political conflict in the late Middle Ages (c. 1370-1440) in Europe’s most heavily urbanised regions, Italy and the Southern Low Countries. Conflicts have frequently been viewed in the context of an emerging state-controlled political order, and have been interpreted either as forms of disruptive disorder, or as affirmations of political processes shaped by states. This thesis suggests that urban conflict should be studied not in the context of a state-controlled political order, but within the political framework provided by the numerous semi-autonomous jurisdictional institutions inside and outside cities (such as guilds, parishes or contending outside powers). This pluralistic order of politics gave rise to a form of political order sui generis which expressed itself in two ways. According to a general logic of conflict (Part One), particular rationales for justifying conflict (Chapter One) and specific political practices ranging from concealed protest to urban warfare (Chapter Two) were embedded in this multi-faceted and shifting political framework. Action groups could be negotiated and renegotiated around the resources provided by the city’s multiple legitimating institutions (Chapter Three). At the same time, such political institutions were configured differently in different cities, and this also generated a particular logic which lay at the basis of different systems of conflict (Part Two). Levels of conflict could, in fact, vary greatly between Bologna and Liège (Chapter Four), Florence and Tournai (Chapter Five), and Lille and Verona (Chapter Six), where, on the basis of different underlying political institutions, diverse practices of conflict and forms of association prevailed. The pluralistic order of politics itself was, therefore, a form of political organisation which crystallised around conflict. It gave rise to a logic which put conflict at the centre of the political order of late medieval cities.
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Vercauteren, Pierre. "Des politiques européennes à l'égard de l'URSS: la France, la RFA et la Grande-Bretagne de 1969 à 1989." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211974.
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Olofsson, Louise. "Les changements de la politique de santé en Suède : Comparés avec la politique de santé en France, avec l'exemple de l'indemnité journalière." Thesis, Växjö University, School of Humanities, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-5341.
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After the elections in 2006 there was a change of government in Sweden, when the Moderate Party with the right block took over the power from the Social democrats. The politics of the new government is more liberal than the politics of the Social democrats, which implied several changes of the Swedish social security system, in particular some important changes of the sickness benefit.
The objective of this essay has been to examinate the changes of the system, as well as the reasons for the changes, and also to compare the system in Sweden to the one in France, who has another structure.
The methods used are archive and corpus crossings in terms of collecting information from literature and websites of the social insurance offices in Sweden and in France. Further a qualitative method has been carried out in shape of an interview with the administrative official responsible of the sickness benefit at the social insurance office in Växjö.
The result has shown that there are several reasons for the changes in the Swedish system. It seems as if the most important reason is the big number of individuals on the sick-list which causes economical problems, since the employment rate is too low compared to the retired quotient of the population. The economical crises might have an influence on the changes of the systems, but not the present recession. Despite the rather big changes from a social system towards a more liberal one, the Swedish scheme has still kept its basic characteristics.
En 2006, la Suède a eu un changement de gouvernement. Les sociaux-démocrates ont été remplacés par l'alliance entre les partis à droite. Le nouveau gouvernement mène une politique plus libérale que les sociaux-démocrates, et ils ont introduit plusieurs changements dans le système de santé et particulièrement dans le règlement de l'indemnité journalière.
Ce mémoire a pour but d'examiner les changements dans le système, ainsi que les raisons de ces changements.
Les méthodes appliquées sont l'archive et le corpus, puisque j'ai étudié les ouvrages relatifs à la santé ainsi que les sites Internet des institutions responsables de l'indemnité journalière en Suède et en France. J'ai aussi eu un entretien avec un employé de la Caisse de Sécurité sociale à Växjö qui s'occupe particulièrement de l'indemnité journalière.
Les résultats de cette étude montrent qu'il y a plusieurs raisons à l'origine des changements dans le système suédois. Il semble que la raison la plus importante soit le nombre croissant de personnes en arrêt maladie ce qui génère des difficultés économiques, de même la proportion de la population active par rapport aux retraités est au cœur de la problématique. Enfin, les crises économiques peuvent influencer le système, mais la crise actuelle ne semble pas avoir eu une influence importante sur les changements.
Malgré les changements assez bouleversants vers un système plus libéral en Suède, qui tend à se rapprocher légèrement du système français, le système suédois reste plus social que le système français.
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Silva, Glaydson Jose da. "Antiguidade, arqueologia e a França de Vichy : usos do passado." [s.n.], 2005. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279943.
Full textAbstract:
Orientador: Pedro Paulo Abreu FunariTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: Este trabalho tem por objetivo analisar os usos do mundo antigo, pela História e pela Arqueologia, como forma de estabelecer compreensões do mundo contemporâneo. Propõe uma reflexão acerca do papel do passado nos jogos de estratégia e afirmações identitárias, à medida que percebe os estudos sobre a Antigüidade muito próximos das representações coletivas na contemporaneidade. Parte da premissa de que o saber sobre o passado, sua e escrita e suas leituras, são poderes e geram poderes. Do ponto de vista temático, trata da apropriação do passado gaulês, romano e galo-romano na França durante o Regime de Vichy (1940-1944). Mas trata, também, da inserção do objeto num contexto mais amplo, europeu, na medida em que analisa as instrumentalizações da Antigüidade pelo Nazismo e pelo Fascismo. Aproxima-se do objeto com uma análise das figurações da Gália e dos gauleses na historiografia francesa, principalmente a partir do século XIX. Trata do estatuto dos historiadores ao se relacionarem com os poderes do Estado, especificamente, no caso, de Jérôme Carcopino, notável romanista que foi ministro da educação sob Vichy. Por perceber na sociedade francesa atual uma presença muito marcante da Antigüidade, como forma de legitimação de direitos, advindos da origem, analisa-se, também, as formas de apropriação do mundo antigo pelas extremas direitas, representadas no trabalho pelo Front National e pelo grupo Terre et Peuple
Abstract: The purpose of this research work is to analyze the uses of the ancient world by the fields of History and Archaeology as a way to establish understandings of the present world. As ancient studies are very close to present time collective representations, this study proposes a reflection on the role of past in strategy and identity affirmation games. It has as a premise the notion that knowledge of the past, its writing and its interpretations, are powers and create powers. In terms of subject, this study focuses on the appropriation of the Gaul, Roman and Gaul-Roman past during the Vichy Regime (1940-1944). It also analyzes the subject within a greater European frame, for it focuses on the 'instrumentalizations¿ of Antiquity by the Nazi and Fascist regimes. It analyzes, especially from the 19th century on, the characterizations of Gaul and Gaul people in French historiography. It focuses on historians¿ status while they related to State powers, as in the case of Jérôme Carcopino, remarkable scholar in Roman studies, who was Minister of Education under the Vichy regime. As Antiquity is present everywhere in modern French society, this research work also analyzes the different forms of appropriation of the ancient world by extreme Right parties, represented in the text by the Front National party and the Terre et Peuple grou
Doutorado
Historia Cultural
Doutor em História