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1
KOSTIUK, Maryna. "Corpus-Based Analysis of the Concept France." Linguistic and Conceptual Views of the World, no. 75 (1) (2024): 60–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-6397.2024.1.04.
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The article focuses on a corpus-based analysis of the concept FRANCE. The analysis of concepts through the lens of corpus linguistics allows us to determine the general perception of a particular reality. Given the current political context and the development of diplomatic relationships, the concept FRANCE becomes significant and requires analysis. As the material for our study, we chose the corpus of Ukrainian language GRAK. General Regionally Annotated Corpus of Ukrainian (GRAC) is a large representative collection of texts in Ukrainian accompanied by a program that enables customization of subcorpora, searching words, grammatical forms and their combinations as well as post-processing of the query results. For this analysis, journalistic and literary texts dated from 1991 to 2022 were selected. The lexeme “France”, representing the concept FRANCE, appeared 189,178 times in GRAK between 1991 and 2022 with the majority of occurrences found in journalistic texts. Besides, other lexical representatives of the concept FRANCE were analyzed, such as “French”, “Paris”, “France”. The article pays particular attention to the contexts in which the concept FRANCE is realized. Ten main thematic groups related to the concept FRANCE were identified and analyzed: FRANCE – PRESTIGE; FRANCE – REFUGE; FRANCE – HISTORY; FRANCE – LAW; FRANCE – POLITICS; FRANCE – LANGUAGE; FRANCE – ECONOMY; FRANCE – SPORT; FRANCE – FOOD; FRANCE – STYLE. Key adjectives and verbs that verbalize the concept FRANCE in the corpus were found. These words often evoke images of well-known politicians and the names of European countries. Moreover, crucial collocates were determined. Thirty collocates representing the lexeme France were identified: Germany, Macron (Emmanuel), Francois (Hollande), President, Italy, Britain, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Spain, Merkel, Sarkozy, Championship, Leaders, Paris, Ambassador, Team, Elections, PSG, Finance, Embassy, Canada, Government, Lady, Great, Match, Ukraine, Protests, Authority, Visit. These collocates predominantly align with themes of politics, international relations and sports. The extensive usage of the concept FRANCE in Ukrainian corpus indicates a strengthening of political relations between Ukraine and France.
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Manent, Pierre. "Letter from Paris." Government and Opposition 25, no. 3 (July 1, 1990): 317–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1990.tb00586.x.
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In previous letters from Paris, which Government and Opposition has been kind enough to publish, I do not believe that I erred on the side of complacency about my country. This is why I have less hesitation in writing today that France is at present the victim of a gale of calumny, the intensity and extent of which leaves one bewildered, incredulous and unhappy.A particular and aggravating circumstance is that these aspersions are believed in, or at least spread, by the French media and the political elite itself. According to them the moral health of France is threatened. It is in danger of being submerged by a wave of racism, of anti-Semitism and even of neo-Nazism. The most implacable vigilance is necessary. This new official doctrine, it must be said, is quite simply absurd.
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Novanto, Diko Catur, Ika Riswanti Putranti, and Andi Akhmad Basith Dir. "Cybernorms: Analysis of International Norms in France's Paris Call for Trust and Security in Cyberspace." Journal of Islamic World and Politics 5, no. 2 (November 12, 2021): 326–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jiwp.v5i2.11656.
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Cybercrime is a crime involving computers and networks that began to develop after the Cold War. International politics also have developed through computer networks or cyberspace, especially in communication and diplomacy. Many actors who have different interests make the cybersphere unstable. Several state and non-state actors themselves have collaborated and conventions in the cyber realm. In 2018, France made a high-level declaration called the Paris Call for Trust and Security in Cyberspace to maintain stability in cyberspace. Through the Paris Call, France tries to establish an international norm in the cyber domain known as Cybernorms. This norm has been supported by several state and non-state actors. This study seeks to see the importance of the Paris Call that has been made by the French government which aims to remind the general norms of cyber that are not popular or see the formation of international norms in the cybersphere. This study uses a qualitative method with the process-tracing data analysis method used to explain change and cause-and-effect. This research argues that cyber norms are very important for state or non-state actors in maintaining the stability of the cyber world.
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HOLT, ANDREW. "‘No more Hoares to Paris’: British foreign policymaking and the Abyssinian Crisis, 1935." Review of International Studies 37, no. 3 (February 15, 2011): 1383–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210510001646.
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AbstractItaly's invasion of Abyssinia in October 1935 prompted a major European crisis. This article applies the main theories of foreign policy analysis to the British Government's handling of this crisis. It argues that bureaucratic politics existed, but had little impact on outcomes. Domestic politics had more influence, but did not provide detailed instructions on how to act. The perceptions of key actors, informed by reasoned judgement, determined this. Fears of the threat posed by rival states coalesced with concerns about Britain's own military weakness, leading decision-makers to emphasise the need to act in tandem with France. British policy was therefore motivated by the tension between the public's desire to see action against Italy and the Government's wish to minimise any breach with her allies. These findings highlight the weaknesses of the bureaucratic politics model and show how domestic politics can affect foreign policy outcomes. They also demonstrate the interaction between rational analysis defined in terms of reasoned judgement, and actors' perceptions. It is thus argued that benefits are to be gleaned from combining these theories.
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Balme, Richard, Jeanne Becquart-Leclercq, Terry N. Clark, Vincent Hoffmann-Martinot, and Jean-Yves Nevers. "New Mayors: France and the United States." Tocqueville Review 8 (December 1987): 263–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.8.263.
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In 1983 we organized a conference on “Questioning the Welfare State and the Rise of the City” at the University of Paris, Nanterre. About a hundred persons attended, including many French social scientists and political activists. Significant support came from the new French Socialist government. Yet with Socialism in power since 1981, it was clear that the old Socialist ideas were being questioned inside and outside the Party and government—especially in the important decentralization reforms. There was eager interest in better ways to deliver welfare state services at the local level.
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Swann, Julian. "Parlements and political crisis in France under Louis XV: the Besançon affair, 1757–1761." Historical Journal 37, no. 4 (December 1994): 803–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00015107.
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ABSTRACTThe causes and consequences of the quarrels between Louis XV and the parlements in the third quarter of the eighteenth century continue to provoke a lively debate amongst historians. In France, the traditional thesis of a reforming monarchy confronted by the selfish obstructionism of the judiciary has many adherents. However, few Anglo-American scholars favour such an interpretation and some have gone as far as to reject the existence of a crisis altogether. Research is also concentrated upon the consequences of these disputes, and their importance to the development not only of parlementaire constitutionalism, but even of a new political culture. In order to contest these conflicting interpretations, this article takes afresh look at the Besançon affair of 1757–1761. In one of the most heated political battles of the reign, thirty judges were exiled from the parlements of Besançon, provoking a lively response from the other parlements, headed by that of Paris. By examining the origins of the dispute in Franche-Comté, and the subsequent reaction of both the government and the Parisian magistrates, this article offers a new picture of the causes of crisis and of how judicial politics actually worked.
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Carbone, Maurizio. "From Paris to Dublin: Domestic Politics and the Treaty of Lisbon." Journal of Contemporary European Research 5, no. 1 (April 24, 2009): 43–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.30950/jcer.v5i1.173.
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This article discusses the domestic politics of treaty reform in the European Union, from the failed referendum on the Constitutional Treaty held in France in May 2005 to the failed referendum on the Treaty of Lisbon held in Ireland in June 2008. A meticulous examination of the national level, it is argued here, helps us to better understand the European level and why some Member States manage to influence outcomes more than it would be expected. In particular, this article looks at the role played by actors beyond national governments, the impact of the political system and the general context on preference formation and inter-state bargaining, and the use that national negotiators made of ratification hurdles to receive extra concessions. More generally, by looking at the preparatory, negotiation and ratification process of the Treaty of Lisbon, this article aims to make a contribution to an emerging literature, which argues that we can no longer explain the evolution of the European Union without understanding the increased politicisation of the European project.
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Peer, Shanny. "Marketing Mickey: Disney Goes to France." Tocqueville Review 13, no. 2 (January 1992): 127–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.13.2.127.
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Inaugurated in April 1992, Euro Disneyland – located just twenty-three miles east of Paris – has launched a new assault in what has often been perceived as the "invasion" of France by American popular culture. Even though initial plans to build a European Disneyland were gratefully approved in 1986, completion of the project has provoked a certain "cross-cultural ruckus." After giving a brief overview of the Euro Disney project and concessions obtained by Disney from the French government, this article will explore several questions about the cross-cultural adaptations and misunderstandings engendered by this venture. Specifically, how was Euro Disneyland conceived, adapted and marketed for a French and European audience?
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Magadeev, Iskander E. "Role of the Baltic Republics in Soviet-French relations during the Non-recognition Period, 1919-1924." RUDN Journal of Russian History 21, no. 2 (June 2, 2022): 161–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2022-21-2-161-176.
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This article aims to define the role played by the Baltic Republics in the Soviet-French relations during the non-recognition period. The author tries to determine the place, which the Baltic Republics occupied in the French and Soviet conceptions of the “sanitary cordon,” to analyse the correlation between the ambitions and the capabilities of Paris and Moscow in Eastern Europe, to demonstrate the Soviet response to the interaction between the Baltic Republics and France. The article is based on the materials taken from the different French archives, as well as from the published French and Soviet diplomatic documents. The author emphasizes the ambiguity of the role played by the “Baltic factor” in the Soviet-French relations. The Baltic Republics (especially, Latvia and Estonia) were perceived by the French leadership as a part of the “sanitary cordon” aimed to separate Germany and the Soviet Russia from each other and to preclude their eventual “collusion” in the Eastern Europe. On the contrary, Moscow aimed to weaken the “sanitary cordon.” Paris didn’t exclude that the cooperation with future Russia performing the role of the counterbalance to Germany would be more important for France than full independence of the Baltic Republics. The Kremlin and the People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs welcomed this point of view and tried to support those French political leaders that developed such an approach. The dynamics of the post-war international relations, as well as the priority given by the French government to the “German threat”, prompted Paris to recognize the USSR, which met the interests of Moscow. The considerations of the “big politics” were more important than the voices of the “small countries” which tried to influence the interaction between the more powerful actors.
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Gaido, Daniel. "The First Workers’ Government in History: Karl Marx’s Addenda to Lissagaray’s History of the Commune of 1871." Historical Materialism 29, no. 1 (March 19, 2021): 49–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341972.
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Abstract In Marxist circles it is common to refer to Karl Marx’s The Civil War in France for a theoretical analysis of the historical significance of the Paris Commune, and to Prosper-Olivier Lissagaray’s History of the Commune of 1871 for a description of the facts surrounding the insurrection of the Paris workers and its repression by the National Assembly led by Adolphe Thiers. What is less well-known is that Marx himself oversaw the German translation of Lissagaray’s book and made numerous additions to it. In this article we describe Marx’s addenda to Lissagaray’s work, showing how they contribute to concretising his analysis of the Paris Commune and how they relate to the split in the International Working Men’s Association between Marxists and anarchists that took place after the Commune’s defeat. We also show how Marx’s additions to the German version of Lissagaray’s book were linked to his involvement with the recently created Socialist Workers’ Party of Germany and to his criticism of the programme it had adopted at the congress celebrated in the city of Gotha.
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WHATMORE, RICHARD. "ETIENNE DUMONT, THE BRITISH CONSTITUTION, AND THE FRENCH REVOLUTION." Historical Journal 50, no. 1 (February 13, 2007): 23–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x06005905.
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Etienne Dumont became famous in the early nineteenth century for taking Jeremy Bentham's incoherent manuscripts and editing them into readable books which he translated into French. This article focuses on Dumont's earlier life, and specifically his Genevan background, to explain his work for Mirabeau in the first years of the French Revolution and his ultimate sense of the importance of Bentham's system of legislation. The article explains why Dumont's Genevan origins caused him to promote reforms in France intended to establish domestic stability and international peace. Dumont believed that states across Europe needed to combine free government with moral reform, in order to stifle the growth of democracy. The extent of the danger posed by popular government to modern societies was, in Dumont's view, the major lesson of the French Revolution. An alternative reform project to democracy was necessary, but one that did not entail a return to monarchical or aristocratic despotism. The characteristics of Dumont's planned reform became clear by adopting a comparative perspective on events in France. In developing a comparative perspective, Dumont argued that the history of Britain since 1688 needed to be in the foreground. He was perplexed by the French rejection of Britain's political and constitutional model, and explained many major developments at Paris in 1789 by reference to what he considered to be this peculiar fact. After the Terror, Dumont lost his faith in experiments in constitution building as a means of securing the independence of free states like Geneva. Bentham's great achievement was to have provided an alternative system of legislation that would transform national character gradually, making reform politics compatible with domestic and international peace. For Dumont, Bentham established a bulwark against the enthusiasm and democratic excess, and this was the key to utilitarianism as a moral reform project.
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Dauncey, Hugh. "Cycling Sociability and Sport in Belle Époque France: the Véloce-club bordelais (1878–92)." STADION 44, no. 2 (2020): 231–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0172-4029-2020-2-231.
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The short-lived Véloce-club bordelais (1878-92) was one of France’s leading Belle époque cycling clubs. Although provincial, it was influential in developing cycle-sport nationally, including creating Bordeaux-Paris (1891), one of the founding races of cycling as a developing sport. Study of the internal life of the club shows how its social and sporting identity negotiated centrifugual and centripital forces within the institutional framework of associationism. Searching for the best organisational model for cycling sport and associativity in a period of rapid change in French sport and society, the club was refounded on a number of occasions but, despite many achievements, ultimately collapsed. As an early pioneer club, the Véloce-club bordelais (VCB) was partly a victim of its own success: having struggled to create a new ecosystem of cycling as sport and sociability, changing interests of Bordeaux’s social elite in new, motorised pursuits, or to cycle-touring rather than racing, removed the raison d’être of the club. The club’s demise subsequently created space in the sports-scape for new cycling clubs and other sports associations. Detailed analysis of club activities, internal organisation and management, membership and finances is enabled by its symbiotic relationship with the Véloce-Sport newspaper, which published and discussed much of the club’s sporting, social and administrative life. Close interpretation of the VCB’s brief but intense history shows how sporting sociability intersected with local government, politics and society and how the internal functioning of sports associations in France’s Belle époque demonstrates the significance of sports clubs as part of civil society.
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MENDRAS, MARIE. "The French Connection: An Uncertain Factor in Soviet Relations with Western Europe." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 481, no. 1 (September 1985): 29–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716285481001003.
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France's long relationship with the Soviet Union has varied according to the political climate. The crucial factors in the French-Soviet relationship are the state of U.S.-Soviet affairs and Moscow's objectives in Western Europe. Mendras reviews the history of French-Soviet relations from the de Gaulle years. By the early 1970s, she argues, détente with the United States and the recognition of postwar borders in central Europe reduced the instrumentality and priority of France in Soviet policy. In the 1980s, as their relations with the United States deteriorated, the Soviets took a renewed interest in France. But the Socialist government in Paris, more critical of the USSR than were its predecessors, has developed a policy that the Soviets denigrate as “Europeanist” and “Atlantist” and no longer truly independent. Although recent events have made the French leadership more receptive to the Soviet Union, bilateral relations will remain essentially a diplomatic ritual.
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Hale, Terrel D. "The Cartesian Model and Dependency in Mitterrand's African Policy: the Case of Senegal." Itinerario 10, no. 2 (July 1986): 99–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300007579.
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Senegal's relationship with France from the very beginning was marked by dependency. Economic, political and cultural life in Senegal revolved around the metropole — the highly centralized administrative and political institutions of France located in Paris dominated the Senegalese periphery. But Senegal's dependency was not merely economic or political. French policies towards Senegal primarily aimed at intellectual and cultural goals and were in some cases economic and political liabilities to the metropole. In this respect, the Senegalese case did not correspond to traditional theories of dependency which stress the overall importance of economic interests. Furthermore, the nature of this dependency does not appear to have significantly altered, although the political orientation of the French government has changed greatly since the colonization of Senegal. The character and development of this phenomenon, along with its implications for current French policy, will be considered here in light of the French world view, with particular reference to the Cartesian ideal.
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Paye, Jean-Claude. "France: An Algorithmic Power." Monthly Review 67, no. 9 (February 1, 2016): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-067-09-2016-02_1.
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The Paris attacks of November 13, 2015, demonstrate, if such a demonstration is still necessary, that the aim of new French intelligence laws is not to anticipate or prevent terrorist attacks, but simply to eliminate the private lives of French citizens. President Hollande's statements that delays in implementing the law were behind the "failure" of the intelligence services are a denial of the fact that this legislation only confirms existing practices. The Law on Intelligence, just like the law on military planning, is mainly an attack on private freedoms. The state of emergency will likewise eliminate public freedoms.… Following the November 13 massacres, the government is already considering changes to the Law on Intelligence, with the aim of "eas[ing] the procedures the intelligence services must follow when they would like to use means of surveillance." Yet this law does not establish any controls over the activities of the secret services. It does set up a National Control Commission, but this body has no effective possibility of carrying out its mission, and can only offer recommendations. It is not a question, then, of eliminating a control that does not exist, but of signaling that the very idea of monitoring the executive branch should be abandoned—a clear signal that no limitation can or should be placed on its actions.<p class="mrlink"><p class="mrpurchaselink"><a href="http://monthlyreview.org/index/volume-67-number-9" title="Vol. 67, No. 9: February 2016" target="_self">Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the <em>Monthly Review</em> website.</a></p>
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Fomin, Alexander. "Northeastern Syria (Jazeera) in the Colonial Policy of France in 1936-1938." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 3 (2023): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080024249-0.
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The article deals with the French policy towards Syria, its mandated territory, in the second half of the 1930s. In the fall of 1936, the French Popular Front government concluded the Franco-Syrian treaty, which implied the imminent termination of the Mandate and independence of Syria. It was an obvious departure from France's traditional policy of supporting national and religious minorities against the Arab national movement. For two years (1937-1938) Syria became a practically autonomous state, the role of Mandate authorities was reduced to a minimum. The discontent soon arose in areas densely populated by minorities. It threatened the unity of Syrian state and gave the French opponents of the Treaty excellent "trump cards". The "colonial party" sought at least to revise, and at the most - to cancel it. The author focuses on the situation in Jazeera, the northeastern region of Syria with especially complicated ethno-confessional situation. In summer of 1937, the “separatist” movement against the Syrian authorities led to a political crisis and bloody clashes. The "colonial party" used it in a propaganda campaign against the Treaty "concluded by the Marxists", which culminated in the pompous visit of the Syro-Catholic prelate Cardinal Tappouni to Paris in November 1937. The Mandate authorities tried to exert a deterrent effect on the "separatists", ostensibly adhering to the letter and spirit of the Treaty. The new French government used the “separatist” factor to make the Syrians renegotiate the terms of the Treaty, easily sacrificing this “card” to make deals on other issues.
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Magadeev, I. E. "Business or Security? Goals and Decision-Making Inside the French Oil Policy of the 1920s." MGIMO Review of International Relations 15, no. 1 (March 2, 2022): 38–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2022-1-82-38-59.
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The article aims to explore the interplay between economic and strategic reasons, which influenced the oil policy of the French government and business in the 1920s. The author demonstrates the heterogeneity and complexity of this policy the diverse nature of motives and interests behind the different attempts to acquire access to the oil. The French case throws some new light on the role of the “oil factor” in international relations and Great Powers’ politics. The article comprehensively deals with the topics often divided between different fields strategic studies, international political economy, diplomatic history. The author uses French archives to place Paris’ oil policy into the broader context of the French strategy and diplomacy in the first decade after WWI. Additional documents from the British and Russian archives help understand essential aspects of the Anglo-French and FrancoSoviet interactions around the “oil question.” After underlying the new strategic importance of oil, which became evident during WWI, and describing the oil dependence of France from the Anglo-American trusts (“Standard Oil” and “Royal Dutch-Shell”), the author traces the three key aims of the French oil policy. First, to diversify the supplies; second, to acquire control or direct access to the oil sources; and, finally, to consolidate the French business interests with the mediation of the state authorities. French actions in these three directions were interlinked, and they mirrored a specific situation of power and weakness of France after WWI. The article concludes that the strategic and economic reasons were interwoven inside the French oil policy. Though the French authorities perceived the growing strategic importance of oil sharply, they were not prepared to follow the clear étatist economic policy and did not try to make a radical change of the established rules of oil policy both inside the Third Republic and in the relations with “Standard Oil” and “Royal Dutch-Shell.”
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Saul, Samir. "Les pouvoirs publics métropolitains face à la Dépression: La Conférence économique de la France métropolitaine et d’Outre-Mer (1934–1935)." French Colonial History 12 (May 1, 2011): 167–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/41938215.
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Abstract With the Depression eroding France’s foreign trade, government authorities felt compelled to convene an imperial conference in order to seek solutions based on the consolidation of economic ties with the Empire, Inspiration came partly from the conference held in Ottawa in 1932 by Great Britain and its Dominions. The aim of the Paris gathering was to promote increased exports to the colonies as a substitute to foreign markets lost during the downswing. Likewise, importers were encouraged to buy from the colonies, rather than from foreign countries, thereby raising the purchasing power of the colonial population and its ability to import French goods. Although the program to institute a coordinated imperial economy appeared logical in principle, its implementation was complicated by economic realities and the non-complementary character of the metropolitan and the colonial economies.
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Bellisari, Andrew. "The Art of Decolonization: The Battle for Algeria’s French Art, 1962–70." Journal of Contemporary History 52, no. 3 (October 17, 2016): 625–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009416652715.
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In May 1962 French museum administrators removed over 300 works of art from the Musée des Beaux-Arts in Algiers and transported them, under military escort, to the Louvre in Paris. The artwork, however, no longer belonged to France. Under the terms of the Evian Accords it had become the official property of the Algerian state-to-be and the incoming nationalist government wanted it back. This article will examine not only the French decision to act in contravention of the Evian Accords and the ensuing negotiations that took place between France and Algeria, but also the cultural complexities of post-colonial restitution. What does it mean for artwork produced by some of France’s most iconic artists – Monet, Delacroix, Courbet – to become the cultural property of a former colony? Moreover, what is at stake when a former colony demands the repatriation of artwork emblematic of the former colonizer, deeming it a valuable part of the nation’s cultural heritage? The negotiations undertaken to repatriate French art to Algeria expose the kinds of awkward cultural refashioning precipitated by the process of decolonization and epitomizes the lingering connections of colonial disentanglement that do not fit neatly into the common narrative of the ‘end of empire'.
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Dück, Elena, and Robin Lucke. "Same Old (Macro-) Securitization? A Comparison of Political Reactions to Major Terrorist Attacks in the United States and France." Croatian International Relations Review 25, no. 84 (April 1, 2019): 6–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/cirr-2019-0001.
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Abstract After the November 2015 terror attacks in Paris, the French government reacted swiftly by declaring a state of emergency. This state of emergency remained in place for over two years before it was ended in November 2017, only after being replaced by the new anti-terror legislation. The attacks as well as the government’s reactions evoked parallels to 9/11 and its aftermath. This is a puzzling observation when taking into consideration that the Bush administration’s reactions have been criticized harshly and that the US ‘War on Terror’ (WoT) was initially considered a serious failure in France. We can assume that this adaption of the discourse and practices stems from a successful establishment of the WoT macro-securitization. By using Securitization Theory, we outline the development of this macro-securitization by comparing its current manifestation in France against the backdrop of its origins in the US after 9/11. We analysed securitizing moves in the discourses, as well as domestic and international emergency measure policies. We find extensive similarities with view of both; yet there are differing degrees of securitizing terrorism and the institutionalisation of the WoT in the two states. This suggests that the WoT narrative is still dominant internationally to frame the risk of terrorism as an existential threat, thus enabling repressive actions and the obstruction of a meaningful debate about the underlying problems causing terrorism in the first place.
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Chikhachev, Aleksei Yu. "France’s strategy in the Baltic region: military and political aspects." Baltic Region 15, no. 1 (2023): 4–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.5922/2079-8555-2023-1-1.
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This article examines the current military-political strategy of France in the Baltic region. This area has not traditionally been among the main priorities of French diplomacy. However, under President Emmanuel Macron, France pays closer attention to the Baltic Sea due to the growing tension between Russia and the West. According to France’s key strategic documents, the government assesses the present-day situation mainly in a negative way, considering Russian actions as the main reason for the militarization of the region and expressing its readiness to show solidarity with NATO allies. On this basis, Paris is gradually increasing its military presence in the Baltic region, which now exceeds its contingents in the Middle East and the Sahel. For example, French forces still participate in the NATO air policing programme as well as in naval exercises, keeping the troops in Estonia within the Lynx mission. France’s further activity in the region includes enhanced cooperation with Sweden and Finland after they accede to NATO, an already planned increase in military contingent in the Baltic States in 2023, and the development of the European Political Community project. The author concludes that even if France’s presence in the Baltic does not yet pose a critical threat to Russian security, Paris’s policy is becoming more pro-Atlantic to the detriment of previous statements about ‘European sovereignty’ and dialogue with Russia.
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Jeong, Dong-Jun. "Historical Research on the Parisian Café Procope." Korea Association of World History and Culture 64 (September 30, 2022): 179–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.32961/jwhc.2022.09.64.179.
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The visit of Soliman Aga(1669) is the starting-point of the development of coffee culture in Paris. As the ambassador of Ottoman Empire, he was granted an audience with Louis XIV in Versailles. His task was to read the king’s thoughts : If my empire attacks Vienna, Louis will intervene in the war? But Soliman Aga did not accomplish his mission. He went and stayed in Paris for 10 months with more than two dozen attendants. During that time, in a Turkish room he served Turkish coffees very carefully to the ladies of Paris high society. Soliman Aga could infer information about Louis’s mind from their ongoing conversation in the room. Not long after that he left the city, Parisians fell deep into coffee drinking. One of the attendants of Soliman Aga, a person named Pascal, remained in Paris. With a large amount of coffee beans that his superior left, he started up coffee peddling in the Saint-Germain market and at the Quai de l’École. Pascal is a historical figure because of the relationship between Soliman Aga and the owner of Café Procope (Procopio), but innumerable and unidentified coffee peddlers of Levantine origins worked in the streets of European cities like London, Oxford, Paris etc. Pascal did not succeed in coffee business. He thought he could benefit from conducting his business in a market as people gathered there. But the temporary function of Saint-Germain market, like every market throughout France, was Pascal’s Achilles heel. His other business at Quai de l’École finally ended up getting no attention from Parisians. Nonetheless, Francesco Procopio dei Coltelli, an ex-employee of Pascal, returned to the Saint-Germain Market in order to sell coffee. He made money in that place and also obtained several licenses from the French government relevant to sale of coffee, tea, lemonade and alcoholic beverages. And he was planning new-concept coffeehouse that would far surpass Pascal’s peddling. Wide spaces, tapestried walls, chandeliers hanging from the ceiling, marble tables... he tried to make his Café Procope a center of brilliant social life. This coffeehouse was well located on the rue des Fossés-Saint-Germain, very close to the Théâtre-Français. The effect of people flocking to the theater was wonderful. Wealthy theater-goers, many famous actors, play writers became regular frequenters of that coffeehouse. It was critical factor directly connected to the success of Café Procope. If I may add one more thing, there is an extensive menu including tea, hot chocolate, wine, l’eau de cédrat, ices, sorbets, barvaroise etc. So, Café Procope was to be the first modern coffeehouse in Paris and would serve as a model to the Parisian coffeehouses that would follow in the years to come.(Daejin University)
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Aleksandrova, Aleksandra. "WAYS OF EXPRESSING DISAGREEMENT IN MEDIA TEXTS ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS." Knowledge International Journal 32, no. 1 (July 26, 2019): 197–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij3201197a.
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In media text on international relations, disagreement between countries is presented metaphorically as a disagreement between people.The relation between metaphor and discourse is studied by Zinken and Musollf (2009). Mussolf studies metaphors related to the EU organized in “scenarios”. In his view, the thematic target (for instance, EU politics) is accessed through a source input for the metaphor complex (family/marriage/concepts) (Mussolf 2006) and this is “characterized by the dominance of a few traditional, gender-coded stereotypes of family roles” (Mussolf 2009: 1).The present paper traces the ways disagreement in the sphere of international relations is presented in the media.In this study, the observed patterns used to represent disagreement between countries are argument, disagreement, conflict, and fight. The level of disagreement varies depending on the metaphoric scenario used to represent it. It was observed that the strongest way of expressing disagreement is based on the “split up”, and “break up” scenario, followed by the “fight”, “conflict” and the “argument” scenario.In expressing disagreement in media text on international affairs, Lakoff’s STATE IS A PERSON metaphor (Lakoff 1990, 1995) is used. In Chilton and Lakoff’s view, metaphors are not mere words or fanciful notions, but one of our primary means of conceptualizing the world. As they have stated, a metaphor is “a means of understanding one domain of one’s experience in terms of another” (Chilton, Lakoff 1989). Member states are presented as people who quarrel and disagree over issues related to international relations or policies. Along with that metaphor, a place for the institution metonymy is used. As Barcelona has stated, proper names are often metonymic in origin, i. e. they refer to a circumstance or distinctive aspect linked to their referent (Barcelona 2004, 2005).The place for the institution metonymy is found in two variants: the country for the institution and the capital for the institution. For instance, a disagreement between the governments of two countries is presented as disagreement between their capitals, as in “Paris and Berlin fundamentally “disagree” on who should succeed Jean-Claude Juncker” (https://www.express.co.uk)”. The same situation is presented as a disagreement between countries: „Germany and France ‘DISAGREE’ over Juncker replacement” (ibid). In the abovementioned examples, an item from one of the two metonymic chains is juxtaposed to a corresponding item in the other chain:Paris (place name - capital) — Berlin (place name - capital)Germany (place name- country) — France (place name- country)It seems that names from one metonymic chain belonging to a certain class of names (country name, names of cities, capitals, regions, continents, etc.) are juxtaposed to names from another metonymic chain, belonging to the same class of names. However, there are texts in which this is not necessarily the case. A name of city (capital) is often juxtaposed to a name of a country, as in “Paris put its foot down, and won’t let Germany get its way” (www.politico.eu). Expressions may vary depending on the stregth of disagreement, ranging from “disagree”, “argue”, “conflict” to “fight’, “split up” and “break up”.
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Abdul Aziz, Sohaimi. "Political Exiles and Women in Pulang by Leila S. Chudori: The Impact of the Post-Suharto Era." Malay Literature 29, no. 1 (June 1, 2016): 100–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.37052/ml.29(1)no5.
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The political setting that occurred during the political reformation era after 1998 in Indonesia has influenced the literary writings in Indonesia. Forbidden issues are outwardly spoken and afresh. This new situation is assimilated by Leila S. Chudori the author of the novel Pulang . This article discusses his tribulations of the political exile group that lives in exiles in Paris due to Suharto’s politic that hound the people that were connected with communism and feminism tendencies as seen in this novel. These two problems may look different, yet in reality are interlinked based on the post-Suharto’s era socio-politic setting. This article tries to find the answer to those problems through historical and feminism approach. Leila S. Chudori is an Indonesian female writer that deeply perceives the tribulations of the political exile group. They became the victim of Suharto’s government policy that hounds those suspected as the supporters of socialism or leftists group not only in the country but outside of Indonesia such as France. As an exile group the question of identity and relationship becomes significant. After 1998, during the post-Suharto era, with the more open socio-political policy, the Indonesians were given freedom to discuss the problems of the exiles and the opportunity is taken by Leila S. Chudori. The result is the novel Pulang , which talk about the tribulations of the exiles, heightened creatively and more daring compared to during the Suharto’s era, which did not give any consideration to even talk about it. Keywords: Indonesian history; political exiles; supporters of feminism Abstrak Latar politik yang berlaku pada zaman reformasi politik selepas 1998 di Indonesia telah mempengaruhi penulisan karya sastera di Indonesia. Hal-hal yang dilarang telah diperkatakan dengan lebih berani dan segar. Keadaan ini dicernakan oleh Leila S. Chudori yang menulis novelnya Pulang . Makalah ini membincangkan persoalan golongan politik terbuang (political exile) yang hidup dalam buangan di Paris akibat politik Suharto yang memburu golongan yang dikaitkan dengan komunisme dan kecenderungan feminisme yang kelihatan dalam novel ini. Dua persoalan ini kelihatan berbeza, namun sebenarnya berhubungan berdasarkan latar sosiopolitik zaman pasca Suharto. Melalui pendekatan sejarah dan feminisme, makalah ini cuba menjawab persoalan tersebut. Leila S. Chudori pengarang wanita Indonesia sangat menjiwai permasalahan golongan politik terbuang. Mereka menjadi mangsa dasar pemerintahan Suharto yang memburu mereka yang disyaki sebagai golongan yang bersimpati dengan sosialisme atau berfahaman kiri yang berada bukan sahaja di dalam dan di luar Indonesia seperti di Paris. Sebagai golongan terbuang sudah pasti persoalan identiti dan perhubungan menjadi perhatian. Selepas 1998, iaitu zaman pasca-Suharto, dengan dasar sosiopolitik yang lebih terbuka, maka rakyat Indonesia diberikan kebebasan untuk membincangkan permasalahan golongan politik terbuang dan kesempatan ini diambil oleh Leila S. Chudori. Hasilnya novel Pulang , yang membincangkan permasalahan golongan politik terbuang, diangkat secara kreatif dan berani berbanding zaman Suharto, yang tidak memberikan ruang untuk memperkatakannya. Kata kunci: sejarah Indonesia, manusia politik terbuang, kecenderungan feminisme
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Gzoyan, Edita G. "From War Crimes to Crimes against Humanity and Genocide: Turkish Responsibility after World War I." Genocide Studies International 15, no. 2 (November 1, 2023): 79–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/gsi-2022-0020.
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On 24 May 1915, the Triple Entente powers of Britain, France, and Russia issued a joint declaration that qualified the massacres, imprisonments and violence inflicted on the peaceful Armenian population as “crimes against humanity and civilization.” The concept of crimes against humanity was further developed and explained by the Commission on the Responsibility of the Authors of the War and on Enforcement of Penalties (hereinafter: Commission), which was formed during the Paris Peace Conference to investigate violations of the laws and customs of war and prosecute war criminals. This article traces the evolution of discussions held within the Commission regarding the atrocities committed by the Ottoman Turkish government against its Armenian population, which technically fell outside the jurisdiction of the crimes specified in these talks, as the atrocities were committed not against the population of a belligerent state but, rather, against their own nationals. These discussions played a major part in the development of international criminal law; particularly of the concept of crimes against humanity. The Armenian Memorandum and the list of perpetrators of the Armenian atrocities were also presented to the Commission, which (together with other data and information collected) identified the crimes committed against the Armenian population by the Ottoman authorities, thus defining the concept of crimes against humanity and the acts that fell within its scope. Although post-World War I efforts for justice are generally assessed as a failed effort, crimes against humanity first materialized as a term in international law during this period and its development was based on the Armenian atrocities, which provided a critical basis for the International Military Tribunal's later convictions and contributed to the concept's evolution into its present-day significance.
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Gordon, Bertram M. "The Government and Politics of France." History: Reviews of New Books 22, no. 4 (June 1994): 181–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1994.9949099.
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Filippov, Vasily R. "African politics in Paris during the pandemic." LOCUS people society cultures meaning 11, no. 3 (2020): 151–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31862/2500-2988-2020-11-3-151-168.
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The article discusses the possible transformation of the geopolitical situation in the Francophone countries of Tropical Africa in the context of the coronavirus pandemic, based on the information published in the French media. And also, the analytical report, sent by experts of the Paris Center for Analysis, Forecasting and Strategy (CAPS), to the President and the French Foreign Ministry was used. The article contains a list of the main epidemiological, social, humanitarian, and political threats that will destabilize the situation on the Black Continent, as well asmade a prediction attempt of the dynamics of international relations in the post-coronavirus period. The aim of this study is to find out how the balance of forces of traditional and relatively new actors in international relations has been changed in the countries of Tropical Africa in the period of present observation. Particular attention is paid to the initiatives of the Champs Elysees, designed to preserve the traditional political, economic, and military dominance of the Fifth Republic in African countries, the territories of which were part of the French colonial empire. Emanuel Macron’s proposals regarding forgiveness of external debts and economic assistance to African countries are analyzed. It is concluded that the initiatives of the President of France cannot be implemented in political practice and are aimed only at countering the growth of anti-French mood in the Sahel. A political analysis of the situation comes to the conclusion that, as a result of the economic and political upheaval caused by the coronavirus pandemic, it is very likely that the interests of France will be supplanted from Tropical Africa by China and, in part, by Russia.
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Andrews, Naomi J., Simon Jackson, Jessica Wardhaugh, Shannon Fogg, Jessica Lynne Pearson, Elizabeth Campbell, Laura Levine Frader, Joshua Cole, Elizabeth A. Foster, and Owen White. "Book Reviews." French Politics, Culture & Society 37, no. 3 (December 1, 2019): 123–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2019.370307.
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Silyane Larcher, L’Autre Citoyen: L’idéal républicain et les Antilles après l’esclavage (Paris: Armand Colin, 2014).Elizabeth Heath, Wine, Sugar, and the Making of Modern France: Global Economic Crisis and the Racialization of French Citizenship, 1870–1910 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014).Rebecca Scales, Radio and the Politics of Sound in Interwar France, 1921–1939 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2016).Claire Zalc, Dénaturalisés: Les retraits de nationalité sous Vichy (Paris: Éditions du Seuil, 2016).Bertram M. Gordon, War Tourism: Second World War France from Defeat and Occupation to the Creation of Heritage (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2018).Shannon L. Fogg, Stealing Home: Looting, Restitution, and Reconstructing Jewish Lives in France, 1942–1947 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017).Sarah Fishman, From Vichy to the Sexual Revolution: Gender and Family Life in Postwar France (New York: Oxford University Press, 2017).Frederick Cooper, Citizenship between Empire and Nation: Remaking France and French Africa, 1945–1960 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2014).Jessica Lynne Pearson, The Colonial Politics of Global Health: France and the United Nations in Postwar Africa (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2018). Darcie Fontaine, Decolonizing Christianity: Religion and the End of Empire in France and Algeria (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2016).
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CAMPBELL, CAROLINE. "Gender and Politics in Interwar and Vichy France." Contemporary European History 27, no. 3 (May 9, 2017): 482–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777317000108.
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One of the defining paradoxes of interwar France was the coexistence of a deep-rooted belief in national decadence with the development of a wide range of innovative organisations, cumulatively mobilising millions of people, as a means of fighting this supposed decline. While women played a key role in perpetuating the belief that the Republic was deteriorating, created numerous politically-oriented groups and entered into the government as ministers for the first time, these facts have barely entered into scholarly analysis of the state of France's political culture. Beginning in the 1960s a narrative of stagnation tended to dominate scholars’ interpretations of the interwar years. Reflective of the times, gender was absent from such analyses, as scholars defined ‘politics’ in certain ways and assumed that political actors were men. The influential political scientist Stanley Hoffman, for example, insisted that this was a period of stalemate, essentially the consequence of a failure to modernise during the Third Republic (1870–1940). Hoffman argued that peasants, small business and the bourgeoisie coalesced to advocate for protectionist measures and resist social and economic reforms. This conservative agenda was facilitated by governments that sought to limit economic change, which contributed to ministerial instability: during the interwar period, the French government changed forty-seven times, compared to thirty in Poland and Romania, nine in Great Britain and an average of one per year in Weimar Germany, Belgium and Sweden. For Anglophone and Francophone proponents of the idea of a systemic crisis, the Third Republic appears fundamentally flawed, crippled by an intrinsic defect rather than a democratic government that opened spaces for dynamic groups and movements to effect real change.
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HANLEY, D. L. "Review. Review. The Government and Politics of France. Stevens, Anne." French Studies 47, no. 4 (October 1, 1993): 449. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/47.4.449-a.
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CAMPBELL, PETER R. "NEW LIGHT ON OLD REGIME POLITICS." Historical Journal 40, no. 3 (September 1997): 835–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x97007462.
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Louis XV and the parlement of Paris, 1737–1755. By J. M. Rogister. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995. Pp. xxv+288. ISBN 0-521-40395-2. £37.50, hbk.Politics and the parlement of Paris under Louis XV, 1754–1774. By Julian Swann. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995. Pp. x+390. ISBN 0-521-48362-X. £45, hbk, £19.95, pbk.Revolt in prerevolutionary France. The Prince de Conti's conspiracy against Louis XV, 1755–1757. By John D. Woodbridge. Baltimore and London: the John's Hopkins University Press, 1995. Pp. xvii+242. ISBN 0-801-84945-4. £33, hbk.French politics, 1774–1789. By John Hardman. London and New York: Longman, 1995. Pp. x+283. ISBN 0-582-23649-5. £15.99, pbk.Preserving the monarchy. The comte de Vergennes, 1774–1787. By M. Price. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995. Pp. xi+256. ISBN 0-521-46566-4. £35, hbk.
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Vasil'ev, V. "Germany and the European Union After the Epoch of Chancellor Angela Merkel." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 9 (2021): 43–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-9-43-55.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the political legacy of German Chancellor Angela Merkel and in what way the new German government might possibly use it dealing with the transformation of the country and modernization of the European Union. The new political coalition with possible participation of the Green Party will preserve the continuity of the German foreign policy course for strengthening the European Union, deepening the transatlantic partnership, for active cooperation between Berlin and Paris, as well as for inclusion of Belarus, Moldova and Ukraine into the Euro-Atlantic area. The European sovereignty is the main focal point in Berlin. The Conference on the Future of Europe examines it, as well as other evolution issues. The updated legal framework of the EU, feasible strengthening of the European Parliament positions could help transform the European Union into a weighty actor in the polycentric world. Only powerful, relatively sovereign EU is able to secure the “European way of life”. Judgments about the disintegration of the European Union are far from reality. The EU margin of safety and resistance are quite impressive, primarily due to the economic potential of Germany. However, it is really difficult to predict how the European Union will get out of the crisis caused by Covid 19. American concessions to the Germans on the Nord Stream 2 project mean Biden’s serious attitude towards Merkel and Germany – the leader in the EU and one of the important NATO allies. The conditions for Russia’s return to the “European club”, for example, through the revival of M. Gorbachev’s new political thinking in Moscow, indicate rather an illusory desire. There is another, more pragmatic approach. The single European cultural and historical matrix of Greater Europe, communication between the leaders of the Russian Federation, Germany, France and the USA, the economic foundation of contacts, as well as mutual sympathies between Russians, Germans, Europeans give reason to hope for a turn for the better. The chances of a unification agenda remain. Perhaps, it will be used by future generations of politicians, experts of the Russian Federation and the Federal Republic of Germany without preconditions, on the basis of reasonable compromises. Acknowledgements. The article was prepared within the project “Post-Crisis World Order: Challenges and Technologies, Competition and Cooperation” supported by the grant from Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Russian Federation program for research projects in priority areas of scientific and technological development (Agreement 075-15-2020-783).
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Camara, Evelyne, and Jean Villon. "Centre des Archives d'outre-mer à Aix-en-Provence (CAOM): Historique des archives de madagascar." African Research & Documentation 101 (2006): 27–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00017945.
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The National Archives of France opened its first building at Aix in 1966; at that time the Archives d’Outre-Mer (AOM) located there co-existed alongside the Section Outre-Mer of the National Archives (SOM) housed at the Rue Oudinot address in Paris. Following the abolition of the ‘Ministry of France Overseas’, it was decided in 1962 to bring together all the archives of the former French colonies, except for those of French West Africa which were all retained in Dakar. The archives transferred to Paris were only those of French government; those of administration, i.e. public works, health, education, local government, all stayed in their respective countries.Initially at Aix 900 tonnes of archives arrived in the first ten months. In 1986 the SOM in Paris was closed and 17 linear km of documents, far from completely processed, were transferred to Aix.
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McGray, Robert. "Karl Marx and the Paris Commune of 1871." International Journal of Adult Vocational Education and Technology 5, no. 2 (April 2014): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijavet.2014040101.
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In 1871, citizens of the war torn arrondissements of Paris, in the face of traumatic political and military turmoil, established a new local form of government. The Paris Commune, as this government became known as in the English world, attracted attention for its alternative political-economic organization. One notable commentator was Karl Marx who, while living in England at the time, commentated on the Commune as a test of the bourgeoning field of critical theory. This paper traces Marx's work on the Commune, specifically in The Civil War in France, to examine how his work on this historical event underpins crucial concepts for critical pedagogy in contemporary adult education. While the trajectory between Marx's writings on the Commune and critical adult education is underrepresented and often unacknowledged, I argue that there is an important connection: The Civil War in France revises Marx's theory of dialectics in such a way that it allows us to understand informal learning as a process for possible critique.
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Black, Jeremy. "Eighteenth-Century English Politics: Recent Work." Albion 35, no. 1 (2003): 25–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0095139000069155.
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As with earlier review articles, there is the problem of deciding what to focus on, with the accompanying issue of choice and subjectivity. The last arises from the continuing breadth of the subject, particularly the wide definition of political culture and process. As before, it is helpful to begin with Continental scholarship, which is apt to be neglected. There has been a welcome increase in interest in British history in both France and Germany. The former can be approached through Histoires d’Outre-Manche: Tendances recentes de l’Historiographie Britannique (Paris, 2001).
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Maslova, Elena Aleksandrovna, and Ekaterina Olegovna Shebalina. "Italy in the Rome – Paris – Berlin Triangle." Contemporary Europe, no. 2 (April 15, 2023): 5–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0201708323020018.
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In November 2021 Italy and France signed the Quirinal Treaty for a Strengthened Bilateral Cooperation. The document suggested the emergence of the Rome - Paris - Berlin triangle following the Aachen Treaty concluded in 2019 between France and Germany. The Quirinal Treaty has a high significance for Italy. Firstly, it secures its place among the leaders of the EU. Secondly, the Treaty strengthens Rome's credibility, portraying Italy as a trustworthy country. Thirdly, the agreement lays the basis for regular bilateral interaction. In the absence of hard commitments fulfillment of the Treaty depends on domestic affairs and international agenda of the political leaders. The volatility of Italian politics may affect the integrity of the alliance. There has been a dramatic change of attitude to the Quirinal Treaty under the premiership of G. Meloni, which has a direct impact on its implementation. At the same time the Quirinal Treaty fails to resolve some serious differences between the two countries, including the Libyan case and the migration issue. Moreover, this bilateral agreement threatens to place Rome in a subordinate position. In the current political configuration France is at an advantage in light of concluded treaties with both Italy and Germany.
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HANLEY, D. L. "Review. The Government and Politics of France. Third Edition. Wright, Vincent." French Studies 45, no. 2 (April 1, 1991): 243. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/45.2.243.
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Ramet, Sabrina P. "Kant on ethics and politics." Eastern Review 8 (December 30, 2019): 183–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1427-9657.08.08.
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Best known for his ethical works, Immanuel Kant was part of the liberal Enlightenment and addressed most of the principal political issues of his day. Several of his major works were written in the wake of the storming of the Bastille in Paris, while Europe was engaged in the French Revolutionary Wars. His rejection of revolution but endorsement of the principles for which the French revolutionaries were fighting, as well as his plea for a federation of European states that would settle disputes peacefully, reflected his engagement with the controversies raised by the Revolution. But, although he could not countenance revolution, he declared that, once a revolutionary government has succeeded in establishing itself, citizens should obey the new government, rather than try to restore the ousted authorities.
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Mabin, Alan. "Sprawl Politics: Comparing the City Regions of Paris (France) and Gauteng (South Africa)." disP - The Planning Review 57, no. 3 (July 3, 2021): 119–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02513625.2021.2026680.
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KOVAČEVIĆ, DUŠKO M. "POLITICS OF RUSSIA IN EUROPE 1870-1875 (END OF NEUTRALIZATION OF THE BLACK SEA. LEAGUE OF THE THREE EMPERORS)." ИСТРАЖИВАЊА, no. 29 (December 26, 2018): 110–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/i.2018.29.110-124.
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The Treaty of Paris signed on 30 March 1856 was humiliating for Russia. Especially grave were the articles of the Treaty that concerned the Black Sea. The provision on the neutralization of the Black Sea forbade Russia to have a fleet in its waters, as well as to build forts and infrastructure. In the Treaty of 15 April 1856 Great Britain, France and Austria pledged to supervise if Russia would honour the conditions of the Treaty of Paris, which created the “Crimea Coalition.” After the defeat in the Crimea War Russia did not “lose the status of a great country,” but it was forced to give up on its earlier role in Europe, which weakened its international position. After taking over the Ministry of Foreign Affairs Alexander Gorchakov defined the aim of the Russian external politics: “I am looking for a man who will annul the provisions of the Treaty of Paris which refer to the issue of the Black Sea… I am looking for him and I will find him.” Thus, after the Paris Congress Russian politics had a unique purpose – it intensely sought the revision of the Treaty of Paris excluding everything else. Since France was not prepared to support Russia, St. Petersburg turned to Prussia, which showed good will to change the provisions on the Black Sea. This mutual rapprochement conditioned the subsequent formation of the League of the Three Emperors between Russia, Germany and Austria.
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Bourcier, Marie-Hélène. "‘F***’ the Politics of Disempowerment in the Second Butler." Paragraph 35, no. 2 (July 2012): 233–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/para.2012.0055.
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This article takes issue vigorously with what it argues are the disempowering effects of Judith Butler's more recent work, for transgendered people in particular and accordingly for the queer movement in general. In so doing it contests the way in which the reception of Butler's work in France has been mediated by a transphobic psychoanalytic establishment and attacks Butler for playing along with their self-interested political agenda by retelling, in Paris, for their ears, an anecdote of a savoury encounter with a transgendered interlocutor in a subcultural queer space in San Francisco.
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Major, J. Russell, and Roger G. Little. "The Parlement of Poitiers: War, Government, and Politics in France, 1418-1436." American Historical Review 90, no. 4 (October 1985): 940. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1858902.
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Davidson, Michael W. "Pioneers in Optics: Dominique-François-Jean Arago and Augustin-Jean Fresnel." Microscopy Today 18, no. 1 (January 2010): 46–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1551929510991207.
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Dominique-François-Jean Arago, better known simply as François Arago, was born on February 26, 1786, in Eastagel, France. A member of a political family, Arago was provided with a classical education, studying first at Perpignan and then at the École Polytechnique in Paris. In 1809, at the age of 23, Arago became a professor of analytical geometry at the prestigious Paris school and was subsequently made director of the Paris Observatory. Interested in a variety of scientific fields, Arago's greatest contributions were in optics, astronomy, and electromagnetism. A staunch republican, Arago was also active in politics and was a distinguished statesman later in life.
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Grierson, Jacob, and Mireille Taok. "Dallah : Conflicting Judgments from the U.K. Supreme Court and the Paris Cour dAppel." Journal of International Arbitration 28, Issue 4 (August 1, 2011): 407–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/joia2011033.
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In Dallah v. Pakistan, the English and French courts reached contradictory views on the enforceability of an award rendered against the Government of Pakistan: the English courts held that an ICC tribunal sitting in Paris had been wrong to assume jurisdiction over the Government of Pakistan, a non-signatory of the relevant arbitration agreement; the Cour d'appel de Paris, by contrast, upheld the arbitral tribunal's finding that it had jurisdiction. This is despite the fact that the English and French courts all sought to apply French law to this question. This article examines the reasons for these contradictory views, including the fundamentally different legal cultures of England and France.
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Bauer, Nicole. "Keeping you in the dark: the Bastille archives and police secrecy in eighteenth-century France." Continuity and Change 38, no. 1 (April 28, 2023): 53–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416023000097.
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AbstractDuring the French Revolution, the Bastille prison had become synonymous with abuses of power and government secrecy. The Paris police had long exercised secrecy in its operations, but in the eighteenth century, they became a target of the revolutionaries as the most visible arm of a government that was seen as opaque but intrusive. Both the growing power of the modernising state and the rise of public opinion in this period contributed to changing attitudes towards government secrecy and to the valorisation of transparency in the political culture of the Revolution.
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Gendron, Robin S. "At Odds Over INCO: The International Nickel Company of Canada and New Caledonian Politics in the 1960s." Canada, Empire, and Decolonization 20, no. 2 (September 15, 2010): 112–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/044401ar.
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In the 1960s, the International Nickel Company of Canada (INCO) sought to preserve its dominance of the global nickel industry by securing access to New Caledonia’s abundant reserves of nickel ore. In attempting to do so, however, INCO became embroiled in an acrimonious political dispute between New Caledonian autonomists, who wanted to diversify the territory’s economic activities and secure greater self-government from French rule, and the government of France, which considered INCO a threat to French sovereignty over New Caledonia and France’s interests in the Pacific. In obstructing INCO’s ability to operate in New Caledonia throughout the 1960s, however, the French government inadvertently galvanized the territory’s nationalists and increased their demands for autonomy from France.
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Pereira, Victor. "«Paris não gosta da primavera portuguesa»? A França e a Revolução dos Cravos." Relações Internacionais, no. 81 (March 2023): 39–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.23906/ri2024.81a04.
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France was one of the countries that followed with the greatest attention and concern the events that took place in Portugal between 25 April 1974 and the end of 1976.. In 1974, there were 800,000 Portuguese living in France and French investment in Portugal had increased significantly in the early 1970s. While the French government initially looked favourably on 25 April and the decolonisation process, after 11 March 1975 and especially during the hot summer, the French attitude changed significantly.. Valéry Giscard d’Estaing then advocated for the suspension of the financial aid that European institutions intended to grant to Portugal.
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Walsh, James. "Politics and Exchange Rates: Britain, France, Italy, and the Negotiation of the European Monetary System." Journal of Public Policy 14, no. 3 (July 1994): 345–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00007315.
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ABSTRACTWhen the European Monetary System was negotiated in 1978, governments in France, Britain, and Italy took very different approaches to this new international institution for coordinating exchange rate policies. The French government actively supported the creation of the European Monetary System, the Italian government entered the system but on weaker terms than the French, and the British government refused to enter the system, preferring to allow the pound to float. To explain these different policy choices, I analyze the impact of domestic politics and institutions on exchange rate policy, paying particular attention to how the organization of bank-industry relations and government instability shape policymakers' policy preferences and their abilities to implement these preferences.
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Golub, Philip, Frédéric Lebaron, Ivica Mladenovic, Franck Poupeau, Gisèle Sapiro, and Zona Zaric. "Pierre Bourdieu and politics." Filozofija i drustvo 32, no. 4 (2021): 567–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid2104567g.
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This paper is the product of a roundtable discussion held at the international conference Horizons of Engagement: Eternalizing Bourdieu, organized by the Institute for Philosophy and Social Theory of Belgrade, Serbia, the Centre for Advanced Studies of The University of Rijeka, Croatia, the ?cole Normale Sup?rieure of Paris, France, and the French Institute in Serbia. The event was planned on the occasion of the ninetieth anniversary of the birth of one of the world?s leading sociologists - Pierre Bourdieu (1930-2002). The greatest indicator of the scope of Bourdieu?s influence is the fact that he has become the world?s most cited sociologist, ahead of ?mile Durkheim, and the world?s second most cited author in social sciences and the humanities, after Michel Foucault and ahead of Jacques Derrida. As part of this discussion, we address the subject of ?Bourdieu and Politics?, politics - broadly constructed. We evoke Pierre Bourdieu?s involvement in public affairs during the 1990s, while taking into account the concept of the collective intellectual that Bourdieu introduced into social sciences by giving it a specific meaning.
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Zholudeva, Natal’ya R., and Sergey A. Vasyutin. "Employment Problems of Muslim Migrants in France (Exemplified by Paris). Part 1." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no. 6 (December 20, 2021): 5–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v137.
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The first part of the article briefly covers the history of immigration to France, social conflicts associated with migrants, and the results of French research on discrimination of immigrants in employment. In spite of the high unemployment rate, compared with other European Union countries, France remains one of the centres of migration and receives a significant number of migrants and refugees every year. The origins of immigration to France go back to the mid-19th century. Initially, it was mainly for political reasons, in order to find a job or receive an education. Between the First and the Second World Wars, France accepted both political (e.g. from Russia, Germany and Spain) and labour migrants (from Africa and Indo-China). After World War II, the French government actively invited labour migrants from the French colonies, primarily, from North Africa (Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco). When the Algerian War ended, the Harkis – Algerians who served in the French Army – found refuge in France. By the late 1960s, the Moroccan and Tunisian communities were formed. Up to the 1980s, labour migration was predominant. However, with time, the share of refugees and those who wanted to move to France with their families started to increase. This caused a growing social and political tension in French society resulting in conflicts (e.g. the 2005 riots in Paris). Moreover, the numerous terrorist attacks and the migration crisis of 2014–2016 had a particularly negative impact on the attitude towards migrants. All these issues have to a certain extent affected the employment of the Muslim population in France.