Relevant bibliographies by topics / Paris (France) – Rue Oberkampf

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Academic literature on the topic 'Paris (France) – Rue Oberkampf'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 3 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Paris (France) – Rue Oberkampf"

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Fleury, Antoine. "De la rue-faubourg à la rue « branchée » : Oberkampf ou l'émergence d'une centralité des loisirs à Paris." Espace géographique 32, no. 3 (2003): 239. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/eg.323.0239.

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Durand, Jean-Claude. "Louvres-en-Parisis (Val-d’Oise). 21, rue de Paris – 7 bis, rue d’Orville – rue de la Vieille France." Archéologie médiévale, no. 38 (December 1, 2008): 183. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/archeomed.22660.

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Espagne, Michel, and Alexandre Fontaine. "Viajando com o conceito de transferências culturais: entrevista com Michel Espagne." Cadernos CIMEAC 8, no. 2 (October 29, 2018): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.18554/cimeac.v8i2.3263.

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Entrevista com Michel Espagne a respeito do campo de pesquisa das transferências culturais. A conversa foi realizada na École normale supérieure de la rue d'Ulm de Paris (França) e conduzida sob a coordenação de Alexandre Fontaine, pesquisador do Departamento de Educação da Universidade de Viena (Áustria). Tradução de Felipe Ziotti Narita.An interview with Michel Espagne on the problem of cultural transfers. The interview was held at École normale supérieure de la rue d'Ulm in Paris (France) and was coordinated by Alexandre Fontaine, researcher linked to the Department of Education of the University of Vienna (Austria). Translation: Felipe Ziotti Narita.
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Jabara Carley, Michael. "A Soviet Eye on France from the rue de Grenelle in Paris, 1924–1940." Diplomacy & Statecraft 17, no. 2 (July 2006): 295–346. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592290600695292.

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Bélaval, Philippe. "Retour à la Bibliothèque Nationale de France." Alexandria: The Journal of National and International Library and Information Issues 9, no. 1 (April 1997): 45–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095574909700900103.

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The decision in July 1988 to build a new library in Paris has been the starting point of a deep change in every field of activity for the French national library, which combines the old Bibliothèque nationale in the Rue de Richelieu with the Bibliothèque de France in Tolbiac in what is now known as the Bibliothèque nationale de France (BnF). The collections will be divided between two sites: the Rue de Richelieu building will retain the special collections, in improved storage conditions and with better access; while the printed and audiovisual collections are being transferred to the new building at Tolbiac between the end of 1996 and the end of 1998. 370,000 books will be acquired specially to fill gaps in previously neglected areas such as law, economics and science. A new OPAC, due for completion in 1998, will provide access to merged files of the BnF, including 4.5 million converted records from the old hand-written catalogue. Next to the research reading rooms, which are for registered users only, will be ten reading rooms open to the general public for a fee, which will have 380,000 books on open access. The OPAC will be accessible remotely, as will the seat and book reservation system. A new preservation centre has been built in Marne-la-Vallée, 20 km east of Paris; there is a special emphasis on deacidification. There are two digitization programmes, for 100,000 texts and 300,000 pictures; negotiation is taking place with copyright holders. Experimental access to several bibliographic databases and digitized collections is already proving successful. The new reference library in the new building opened in December 1996 and the research library will open in 1998.
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Melot, Michel. "Le projet de Bibliotheque nationale des arts a Paris." Art Libraries Journal 18, no. 4 (1993): 4–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030747220000849x.

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When the Bibliothèque Nationale moves into the new Bibliothèque de France, leaving behind only six specialised departments, the opportunity will arise to use the buildings of the Rue de Richelieu site to bring together a group of art history libraries and research centres. Priority will be given to the remaining Departments of the Bibliothèque Nationale, which need more space than they presently occupy; they will be joined by the inter-university library of art and archaeology from the Rue Michelet, the central library of the national museums, from the Louvre, and the older collections of the Ecole Nationale Supérieure des Beaux-Arts. The architectural holdings of the latter might be identified as the foundation for a major architectural collection to satisfy the demand for such a library in Paris. The collections thus brought together will not be merged, but will be exploited by means of shared services, including a union catalogue, and will be developed by means of a common acquisitions policy This concentration of resources on one site will not in itself constitute a ‘national art library’, but will provide a central node for a wider network. (An English version follows the original French text).
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Cahen, Michel. "Latitudes. Cahiers lusophones (Paris), 25, décembre 2005, 128 p., ISSN : 1285-0756 [75, rue de Bagnolet, 75020 – Paris, France, ]." Lusotopie 13, no. 2 (October 23, 2006): 231–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17683084-01302033.

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Allison, Antony F. "The English Augustinian Convent of Our Lady of Syon at Paris: Its Foundation and Struggle for Survival during the First Eighty Years, 1634–1713." Recusant History 21, no. 4 (October 1993): 451–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200005653.

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The Augustinian Convent of Our Lady of Syon (ancestor of the present St. Augustine’s Priory Ealing) was founded at Paris in 1634. After some early difficulties it made its home in 1638–39 on a site in the rue des Fossés Saint-Victor (now rue du Cardinal Lemoine) on the eastern outskirts of the city where it was to remain, with its school, for more than two hundred years. Almost alone among English Catholic institutions founded in France and Flanders during the penal times it weathered the storm of the French Revolution and remained throughout much of the nineteenth century on the site it had formerly occupied. During the Revolution it was suppressed as a Religious house, its property was sequestrated, many treasures were stolen and some early records lost. The buildings in the rue des Fossés Saint-Victor were used for a time as a prison in which nuns from various convents, as well as laywomen, were confined. Conditions became easier after the fall of Robespierre in 1794 and some of the nuns’ property was provisionally restored to them, but it was again seized under the Directory and those nuns who had survived the earlier ordeal were evicted. Reluctantly, they made preparations to follow the example of many other English Catholic institutions in France and on French-held territory and seek refuge in England.
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Lefebvre, Marie Louise. "Moignard, B. (2008). L’école et la rue : fabriques de délinquance. Recherches comparatives en France et au Brésil. Paris, France : Presses universitaires de France." Revue des sciences de l'éducation 35, no. 1 (2009): 245. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/029942ar.

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Sykes, Ingrid J. "Sonorous Mechanics: The Culture of Sonority in Nineteenth-Century France." Nineteenth-Century Music Review 1, no. 1 (June 2004): 43–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479409800001877.

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On Wednesday 24 May 1871, during the uprising of the Paris Commune, the Sacristine of the convent of the Sœurs Auxiliatrices des Ames du Purgatoire was disturbed by the sound of rapidly approaching gunfire and explosions. From the secluded convent compound in the rue de la Barouillère in Paris, she wrote in the convent diary: ‘Everyone believes that the house is shaking! . . . The Mother Superior makes an act of faithfulness to the Holy Will of God! . . . it is an explosion in the Luxembourg gunpowder magazine and our tiled floor shatters! The Tuileries, the Louvre, the Ministry of War, the Palace of the Legion of honour are in flames.’ However, the Sacristine's attention was soon shifted from the noise of conflict towards the many other types of sounds outside and within the convent. Even the sound of the doorbell began to strike with a seemingly ominous edge. At ‘1 o′clock pm: The bell rings very loudly, the Mother Superior looks out of the window, it is her brother!’ Amidst the noises of war surrounding the compound, the nuns continued their musical routine of song and organ playing: ‘6 pm: Les Mères nevertheless sing pieces to the Holy Sacrament and the Most Holy Virgin.’
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Paris (France) – Rue Oberkampf"

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Defrance, Camille Adrien. "Réguler les sonorités de l’espace public nocturne : le cas d’un quartier parisien en gentrification, Oberkampf." Thesis, Paris 10, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA100022/document.

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Cette recherche traite des modes de régulation du bruit et des perceptions habitantes dans un quartier animé du centre ancien de Paris. Par bruit, il est question des sources sonores humaines et non mécaniques. L’analyse porte à la fois sur les négociations autour de l’espace public que de l’espace privé. Le point de départ de ce travail de thèse est la mise à l’agenda politique de la lutte contre les nuisances sonores nocturnes à Paris. Il intervient dans un débat sur l’aménagement des centres-villes, entre attractivité et résidentialité, qui est généralisable aux espaces festifs de la jeunesse dans les villes globalisées. Nous proposons d’étudier la politique de lutte contre le bruit à l’échelle de la ville mais plus particulièrement à l’échelle de quelques rues dites « festives » et à la façon dont les habitants se comportent vis-à-vis de leur environnement sonore. Compte tenu de la complexité du phénomène sonore et de la spécificité du terrain, notre démarche s’inscrit dans une approche pluridisciplinaire au carrefour de l’urbanisme, de la sociologie de l’action publique, de la sociologie de la gentrification, de l’histoire sociale, de l’anthropologie et de la psycho-acoustique. La méthodologie, elle-même plurielle, s’appuie notamment sur une campagne d’entretiens auprès des différents acteurs locaux (habitants, commerçants, élus etc.) sur la pratique des archives et sur des observations microsociologiques
This study deals with the different modes of noise control in a bustling neighbourhood of historical Paris city centre, busy by day and night, and with its resident’s perception of noise. Our definition of noise is restricted to human and non mechanical sound sources. Our analysis is concerned both with public and private space related arrangements. This thesis research started as a campaign against nighttime noise pollution was brought onto Paris political agenda. Our work comes up within a debate on city centre planning, between urban attractivity and residential comfort issues, which could be generalised to any lively nightlife areas attracting young crowds in globalised cities. We offer to examine the anti-noise pollution policy at the city level, and more specifically at the level of a few bustling streets, and to analyse the way the residents of these streets react to their sound environment. With regards to the complexity of the sound phenomenon and because of the specificity of the fieldwork, we have opted for a cross-circular approach at the intersection between urbanism, public action sociology, gentrification studies, social history, anthropology and psychoacoutics. Our methodology also relied on a number of tools such as a set of interviews with different local agents (residents, shopkeepers, elected representatives, etc.), archival research and micro-sociological observations
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Rouay-Lambert, Sophie. "Vivre à la rue et en sortir : pratiques urbaines sans abri et parcours d'insertion sociale par le logement." Paris 8, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001PA081956.

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L'état des connaissances sur les processus d'exclusion ne permet pas de dégager d'emblée une problématique sur les personnes en fin de chaîne de ruptures et sur les modes de survie en milieu urbain. Pour cette raison, il nous faut d'abord établir la distinction entre les différentes populations dites "SDF", nous interroger sur les notions de "catégorie SDF" et d'"espace public", et développer les notions liées à la grande pauvreté urbaine. Ces réflexions induisent la question de savoir si l'expérience de vie à la rue est un frein définitif à la réinsertion durable. Une méthode d'acquisition des connaissances sur les modes de vie sans-abri est alors proposée. Dans un deuxième temps, et au travers de la monographie d'un groupe SDF dans un quartier parisien, nous étudions les modes d'adaptation sans-abri en milieu urbain. . .
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NOVOA, PADRON MARIA TERESA. "Art public, étude de cas : Caracas, Montréal et Paris de 1980 à 1993, suivie d'une proposition personnelle." Paris 8, 1995. http://www.theses.fr/1995PA081108.

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La these qui suit traite de l'art public compris comme oeuvres d'art bidimensionnelles et ou tridimensionnelles, situees dans les espaces publics de la ville, determinant ou etant determines par la morphologie urbaine, et qui, de par leur caractere public, sont constitutives d'oeuvres, patrimoine de la communaute et, en derniere instance, de l'etat qui la represente. L'un des objectifs de ce travail est de decouvrir le processus plastique de quelques experiences d'art public contemporain, realisees aussi bien dans notre pays d'origine, le venezuela, comme en dehors de celui-ci. Pour l'etude de cas, nous avons choisi les villes de caracas, montreal et paris avec les oeuvres suivantes: a caracas: - amenagement dans le metro de petare. - jardin de sculptures dans le parc de l'est; - ensemble de sculptures place venezuela. A montreal: - place berri - parc de sculptures rene levesque. - jardin de sculptures, centre culturel canadien. A paris: - embalage du pont-neuf. - coeur d'honneur du palais royale - axe majeur a cergy pontoise. En fin, nous exposerons nos propre propositions d'intervention dans l'espace public, qui vont dans le sens d'une recherche attentive des demandes emanant de la vie actuelle. Nos propositions personnelles quant a elles, naissent de la necessite de traiter l'espace urbain comme support du langage plastique
The following thesis is dealing with public art as a bidimensional or tridimensional piece of art situated in public locations determining or being determined by urban morphology. It's public status is creating the communauty patrimony and at least state patrimony. One of the purpose of this study is to discover the process of some contemporary public art experiences located as well in my own country or abroad. For the case study we choose the towns of caracas, montreal et paris with the following works. Caracas: - intervention in the petare metro - sculpture garden in the parque del est - sculpture composition plaza venezuela. Montreal: - place berri - sculpture park rene levesque - sculpture garden centre culturel canadien paris: - pont-neuf wrapped - patio d'honneur palais royal - major axis cergy- pontoise at least we'll espace our own intervention proposals on public locations. They are taking much care of the actual life needs. Our personnal proposals are dealing with the necessity to work public spaces as the support of art works
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Piétu, Delphine. ""Goss's de la ru', goss's du pavé" : enfants et les adolescents des milieux populaires dans l'espace public parisien (1882-début des années 1960)." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016USPCC202.

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L’expérience juvénile est retracée à partir des actes du quotidien et des évènements plus exceptionnels. Jusqu’à la Grande Guerre, et encore durant l’entre-deux-guerres, les enfants des milieux populaires entretiennent une relation riche avec les espaces publics auxquels sont attribués de nombreux rôles. Des cultures enfantines et adolescentes se construisent. Cependant, après 1945, la vie urbaine s’appauvrit au profit d’une logique utilitaire. À chaque espace tend à être attribué un rôle : dans les rues, la circulation autour de deux pôles, le trottoir et la chaussée, dans les espaces verts, la détente et les loisirs, les espaces interstitiels représentés par les terrains vagues ou les anciennes fortifications sont bâtis et disparaissent de l’accessibilité publique. Les contraintes sont de plus en plus fortes, les enfants sont progressivement refoulés des espaces publics qu’ils occupaient jusqu’alors. À la fin de la période étudiée, la rue n’est plus guère le lieu des pratiques récréatives qui se trouvent circonscrites dans des espaces strictement définis à cet usage. En opposition à l’utilisation libre des espaces extérieurs, l’encadrement autour des enfants et des adolescents s’accroît. En conséquence, ils perdent progressivement leur légitimité à agir seuls, par eux-mêmes en tant qu’enfants ou adolescents. Dès lors, l’espace public contribue à matérialiser et à fortifier les catégories d’âge en accentuant les différences entre les enfants, les adolescents et les adultes, à la fois par des lieux et des activités
The experience of the young experience is traced according to the acts of the everydaylife as well as the the more exceptional events. Until the Great War, and still during the interwar period, working class children maintain a rich relation with the public space, which have numerous roles. Child and adolescent cultures develop. However, after the SecondWorldWar, urban life becomes impoverished for the benefit of a utilitarian logic. Every space tends to have an attributed role : in the streets, the movement is divided between two poles, the pavement and the road ; in the green spaces, the relaxation and the leisure activities. Interstitial spaces are built-up and no more available. The constraints get stronger and stronger. Children are gradually rejected of the public spaces places which they occupied and are more and more supervised. At the end of studied period, the street isn’t quite the place of the entertaining practices which are confined in spaces used exclusively for this purpose. Children and young people lose gradually their legitimacy to act alone or by themselves. The use of public space contributes to strengthen the categories of age by stressing the differences between children, teenagers and adults in terms of places and activities
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Aragonès, Riu Núria. "Iconographie des Petits Théâtres en France au XVIIIe siècle." Paris 3, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008PA030028.

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À l’opposé de l’histoire des arts picturaux qui part de l’existence matérielle de son objet d’étude, l’histoire des arts du spectacle – dont l’objet est une œuvre d’art éphémère par définition – s’élabore par le rassemblement de sources documentaires (textes et images) à partir desquelles l’historien étudie l’objet absent. L’iconographie théâtrale s’inscrit dans un domaine d’études nécessairement interdisciplinaire où la méthodologie de l’histoire du théâtre s’associe à celle de l’histoire des arts picturaux. Notre hypothèse de départ soutient que l’analyse formelle et stylistique de l’image peut fournir bien des interprétations plausibles pour l’histoire du théâtre. Par ailleurs, le rapprochement de l’image de théâtre et le contexte socioculturel de l’époque (les questions de production, fonction et destination de l’image) permettra de revisiter l’interprétation d’images connues et de proposer une interprétation pour les images inédites que cette étude met à la lumière. L’échantillon d’analyse est constitué d’images ayant pour sujet les « petits » spectacles français – et notamment parisiens – du XVIIIe siècle, à savoir les théâtres des foires, du boulevard du Temple, du Palais-Royal et les spectacles de rue (marionnettes, charlatans, vendeurs de chansons, montreurs de curiosités) qui composent la scène non officielle du XVIIIe siècle. Par le biais de l’analyse iconographique, nous découvrirons une image pluri-forme et pluri-fonctionnelle, dynamique et transformable, qui appelle à l’actualité théâtrale en utilisant bien souvent des modèles figuratifs traditionnels. Les champs d’étude qu’ouvre l’iconographie théâtrale sont multiples et variés et ne font que confirmer la nécessité des études transdisciplinaires pour mieux cerner l’histoire du théâtre
Differing from the history of painting which is based on the physical existence of the studied object, theatre art history – where the object of study is by definition an ephemeral piece of art – is elaborated by the assembly of documental sources (images and texts) that the theatre historian uses to analyse the missing object. Theatre iconography has to be studied through an interdisciplinary approach in which the methodology of theatre historians is combined with that of painting historians. Our departing hypothesis is that the analysis of form and style of the image can provide many plausible interpretations for theatre history. In addition, the consideration of the social and cultural context of the epoch (issues on the production, function and destination of the image) will allow the reinterpretation of known images as well as an interpretation for previously unknown images. The analysed sample is made of images having as subject “petits spectacles” in eighteenth-century France (mainly in Paris), that is to say fair theatres, theatres of the boulevard du Temple, Palais-Royal spectacles and other kind of street theatre (puppets, charlatans, singers, etc. ) that composed the non-official theatre life of the eighteenth-century. Through the iconographic analysis we will find a dynamic and transformable image, with multiple forms and functions, that covers current theatre events by using in some occasions traditional pictorial records. The interdisciplinary approach of theatre iconography opens new multiple fields of study that will advance our knowledge on the theatre of the past
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Valleteau, de Moulliac Clémence. "Comment ils sont devenus invisibles : les enfants des rues de Bucarest dans la transition post-communiste." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018USPCC140.

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Le phénomène des enfants des rues de Bucarest, qui devient visible après la chute du régime de Niculae Ceausescu, ne disparait pas malgré les bouleversements des années de transition. En dépit de l’abolition de la politique nataliste, l’effondrement de la natalité, la reprise économique, la réforme des dispositifs de protection de l’enfance et l’intégration européenne, des centaines de mineurs grandissent sur le pavé. L’analyse historique et longitudinale du phénomène met en évidence la persistance, dans la partie la plus vulnérable de la population, des facteurs à l’origine de son apparition : le cercle vicieux de la paupérisation et de la marginalisation continue à fragiliser les familles les plus nombreuses. Les enfants des rues de Bucarest sont un héritage du régime communiste, dont ils manifestent l’empreinte durable sur la société. Corrélé aux réalités sociales de l’abandon et du placement des enfants, qui l’ont éclipsé, ce phénomène ne s’est pas constitué comme un enjeu politique dans la Roumanie postcommuniste. Notre recherche met en évidence les modalités selon lesquelles ils sont devenus invisibles, en mettant en perspective la construction de la (non-) représentation politique des enfants des rues avec les parcours d’un certain nombre d’entre eux, de 1990 à 2015. L’incapacité à limiter l’installation des mineurs dans la rue n’est ni une spécificité roumaine, ni une caractéristique de pays pauvres ou en transition. L’exemple de l’enlisement des mineurs roumains à Paris, comme le sort d’un certain nombre de mineurs migrants isolés en Europe, soulignent le défi politique que posent, dans une région riche rompue au droit de l’enfant, les mineurs sans toits ni droits
Despite major changes during transition years since 1989 in Bucharest, the street children phenomenon which became visible after the fall of Niculae Ceausescu’s communist regime has not disappeared. In spite of the abolition of the communist regime natalist policy, the demographic fertility collapse, economic growth, child welfare reforms and EU integration process, hundreds of minors keep sleeping roughless.The historical and longitudinal analysis of the phenomenon highlights lasting causal factors in the most vulnerable part of the population: the vicious circle of pauperization and marginalization undermines the most numerous families. The Bucharest street children phenomena is an inheritance of the communist regime, a sign of its enduring imprint on Romanian society. It is correlated to – and overshadowed by – social realities such as children abandonment and institutionalization, which have prevented it from gaining political ground. Our work brings out how they have become invisible: on the one hand, we analyze the construction of the political (non)-representation of street children in postcommunist years, and, on the other hand, the street experience and trajectories of some of them, from 1990 to 2015. Being unable to prevent minors from settling in the streets is neither a Romanian feature nor a characteristic specific to poor or transition countries. The case of Romanian migrants in Paris, as well as the living conditions of a number of isolated migrant minors in Europe, illustrate how, when faced with homeless and right deprived children, a wealthy region acquainted with child rights’ issues such as the EU experiences the same political challenge and dilemma as that of postcommunist Romania
Fenomenul copiilor străzii din București apare după Revoluția din decembrie 1989 și, în pofida numeroaselor bulversări din perioada de tranziție, nu pare să-și piardă nicidecum din amplitudine. În ciuda abolirii legislației pro-nataliste, a scăderii brutale a natalității, a creșterii economice și a reformelor din sistemul de protecție a copilului în contextul integrării europene, sute de minori continuă să considere strada drept acasă. Analiza istorică a fenomenului pune in evidență continuitatea cauzelor care stau la baza apariției fenomenului, în cazul categoriei celei mai vulnerabile a populației. Cercul vicios al pauperizării și al marginalizării continuă să fragilizeze familiile numeroase. Copiii străzii din București sunt o moștenire a regimului comunist, o amprentă durabilă asupra societății romanești. Acest fenomen, corelat cu realitățile abandonului și instituționalizării copiilor, care le-a eclipsat, nu a luat o dimensiune politică în România postcomunistă. Cercetarea noastră pune în evidență felul în care copiii străzii au devenit invizibili și urmărește în paralel construirea (ne)reprezentării politice a acestor copii, precum și parcursurile lor de viață în stradă, din 1990 până în 2015. Incapacitatea autorităților de a frâna instalarea copiilor în stradă nu este o specificitate românească, și nici o singularitate a statelor sărace sau aflate in situație de tranziție. Exemplul minorilor români aflați în situație de stradă la Paris, precum și soarta unui număr important de minori emigranți izolați în Europa, pun în evidență provocările politice pe care, într-o regiune bogată si cu experienta in domeniul drepturilor copilului, o ridică fenomenul copiilor nimănui
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Scott, Victoria Holly Francis. "La beauté est dans la rue : art & visual culture in Paris, 1968." Thesis, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/10958.

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Removed from its artistic origins in the French avant-garde during the interwar period, the European based group known as the situationist international is often represented as being solely occupied with politics to the exclusion of all else, particularly art and aesthetics. In what follows I argue that throughout the sixties the anti-aesthetic position was actually the governing model in France obliging the avant-garde to adjust their strategies accordingly. Artists and artists' collectives that placed politics before aesthetics were the norm, enjoying widespread popularity and recognition from both the public and the French State. These overtly partisan groups and individuals sapped art of the power it had enjoyed in the fifties as a venue removed, or at least distanced from, formal politics. In response, the situationists officially rejected the art world, turning to the popular and vernacular culture of the streets in an attempt to get beyond both classical aesthetic principals and the overt propagandistic objectives of groups such as le Salon de la jeunePeinture. Turning to the climactic moment of 1968 I track the ways in which these debates informed the posters and graffiti which marked the unfinished revolution, sorting out the various aesthetic positions and political persuasions that dominated the events. My thesis contends that the situationists were not anti-aesthetic, that they simply advocated a different kind of aesthetics: one that rejected traditional notions of beauty for the more active and open concept of poiesis or poetry. Beyond words on a page, this notion implied art as a way of life, emphasizing production, creation, formation and action and can be traced back to the groups prewar origins in the Dada and surrealist movements. Moreover, this concept of poetry was not adverse to issues of form being highly dependent on the materiality and physicality of the urban centre, specifically the streets. Finally my conclusion expands upon the similarities between this notion of poetry and the 17th century understanding of beauty, the latter concept being associated with a subtle criticality and strategic wit. It was this interpretation of beauty that defined and produced the art of 1968.
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Books on the topic "Paris (France) – Rue Oberkampf"

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Montagnon, Pierre. 42, rue de la Santé: Une prison politique, 1867-1968. Paris: Pygmalion/G. Watelet, 1996.

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Art in Embassies Program (U.S.). The American ambassador's residence in Paris: 41, rue de Faubourg Saint-Honoré, Paris VIIIe. Paris: United States Embassy, 1997.

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Un cabaret rue Mouffetard. Paris: Harmattan, 2007.

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Black, Cara. Murder in the rue de Paradis. New York: Soho Crime, 2008.

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Black, Cara. Murder in the rue de Paradis. New York: Soho Crime, 2008.

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Black, Cara. Murder in the rue de Paradis. Waterville, Me: Wheeler Pub., 2008.

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27 rue Saint-Guillaume: Petite chronique d'une grande demeure et de ses habitants, d'après des documents inédits. Paris: P. Régibier, 1997.

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A l'enseigne du Grand Salon: Au 53 de la rue de Sèvres était le Bal Ragache ... (1765-1885). Evreux: C. Herissey, 2002.

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1887-1965, Le Corbusier, and Jeanneret Pierre 1896-1965, eds. Immeuble 24 N.C. et appartement Le Corbusier =: Apartment Block 24 N.C. and Le Corbusier's home. Boston: Birkhäuser Verlag, 1996.

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Immeuble 24 N.C. et appartement Le Corbusier =: Apartment block 24 N.C. and Le Corbusier's home. Basel: Birkhauser Verlag, 1996.

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Book chapters on the topic "Paris (France) – Rue Oberkampf"

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Gänzl, Kurt. "DORUS-GRAS [née VAN STEENKISTE], Julie (Aimée Josèphe) (b Valenciennes, France, 8 September 1805; d 7 rue de Londres, Paris, 8 February 1896)." In Victorian Vocalists, 204–12. First edition. | Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2017.: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315102962-27.

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Scholar, Richard. "Introduction." In Divided Cities. Oxford University Press, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192807083.003.0004.

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On a quiet corner of the rue des Écoles, a street close to the Sorbonne in the heart of Paris’s Latin Quarter, there stands today a statue of the sixteenth-century humanist, Michel de Montaigne, whose essays were read by Shakespeare and remain a landmark of European literature and thought. The statue is clearly intended to celebrate not only one of France’s great intellectuals, but also Paris itself, for beneath the seated figure of Montaigne are lines which read like a love-letter to the city: I do not want to forget this, that I never rebel so much against France as not to regard Paris with a friendly eye; she has had my heart since my childhood [. . .] I am a Frenchman only by this great city: great in population, great in the felicity of her situation, but above all great and incomparable in the variety and diversity of the good things of life; the glory of France, and one of the noblest ornaments of the world. These lines, taken from Montaigne’s third book of Essays (first published in 1588), acquire a sense of visceral urgency when one reads them in their context. In the 1580s, the long-running conflict between Catholic and Protestant extremists was tearing France apart, and Paris, a focal point of the conflict, was a divided city. This Montaigne makes clear in the sentence which, while it does not appear among the lines inscribed on his statue in the rue des Écoles, directly follows them in the text: ‘May God’, he says, invoking the God worshipped by Catholics and Protestants alike, ‘drive our divisions far from her!’ The passage inscribed on Montaigne’s statue, when it is completed by the sentence just quoted, provides a fitting epigraph to this book. Divided cities are the stage upon which fundamental political concepts—such as those of citizenship, democracy, and human rights—both find their origins and encounter their limits. Cities are some of the noblest ornaments of the human world because they are made and remade by many people of different kinds gathering in one place to organize a collective existence free from arbitrary violence.
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ROCHEFORT-GUILLOUET, Sophie. "«VOUS NE SEREZ JAMAIS BIEN LOIN DE LA MER.» SOUVENIRS ROUMAINS DES ÉDITIONS DE L’HERNE, À PARIS, À LA CHARNIÈRE DES ANNÉES 80 ET 90." In Scriitori români de expresie străină. Écrivains roumains d’expression étrangère. Romanian Authors Writing in Foreign Tongues, 113–19. Pro Universitaria, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52744/9786062613242.09.

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This text recalls memories from the years I spent working in Paris for a publishing house, les Éditions de l’Herne, in a position which gave me the opportunity and the privilege to meet Cioran. He had chosen to publish there the translation of the works he wrote in his native tongue, in his early years, before he left to come and settle in France. At that time, the bookshop located on Rue de Verneuil was a beehive, the place where artists and writers from the Romanian diaspora would come and share. Topics were discussed in a Franco-Romanian idiom with an enthusiasm fuelled by the very events taking place at that same time in Bucharest when communism collapsed and Ceausescu was removed.
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"Barnstorming Frenchmen: the impact of Paris Université Club’s US tours and the individual in sports diplomacy." In Sport and diplomacy, edited by Lindsay Sarah Krasnoff, 130–46. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526131058.003.0008.

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Meet Martin Feinberg, the sole American basketball player on the storied Paris Université Club (PUC) roster in 1956. That December, Feinberg organized a team tour through the American Midwest, the first such journey undertaken by a French basketball club. PUC’s travels (including a 1962 visit) were not subsidized by the U.S. Government, thus not “official” exchanges. The trips were nevertheless strong examples of sport’s ability to carry social and political messages with deep consequences. Basketball was first played in Europe in 1893 in a small sports hall located at 14, rue de Trévise, in Paris, France. Basketball, however, remained a niche endeavor in a country that favored British sports, notably football and rugby. The young PUC players who traveled to the United States were thus not the “typical” representatives of their generation. Yet, many of them, even the more anti-American Socialists, came away with favorable impressions of France’s sister republic in most matters, save that of race relations. “Barnstorming Frenchmen” examines how the earliest French-American basketball exchanges created lasting impressions on young players in ways traditional diplomacy and diplomats rarely could. Set against the larger context of post-war French anxieties and reconstruction, French-American Cold War diplomacy, and race relations in both countries, these trips are noteworthy.
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"ing if one remembers that the Industrial Revolution started in France a few decades after England. But several authors [Levy-Leboyer, 1968; Asselain, 1984; and Keyder & O'Brien, 1978] ex­ plain that the French economy always kept up with technological progress in Great-Britain. A massive deceleration in the economy occurred between 1790 and 1810; the French industrial produc­ tion, which was probably equivalent in volume to the English one in 1790, was reduced to a much lower level in 1810. However, a new start occurred after 1810 and the two countries had parallel industrial growths all through the 19th century. Cost accounting systems may have appeared around the turn of and after the 15 th century in Europe [Gamer, 1954]. They actually spread to most firms during the industrial revolution in the 19th century; first in England, then in France, then in the USA, and in Germany. The aim of the present article is to describe the creation and development of such an industrial accounting system at Cie Saint-Gobain. This paper discusses the development of accounting by this very old company (created in 1665) between 1820, when it abandoned single entry bookkeeping, and 1880, when it achieved a full cost system. When examining the archives, this researcher saw no evidence that the textbooks mentioned above were read by anyone at Saint-Gobain. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF SAINT-GOBAIN: THE ROYAL MANUFACTURE AND THE PRIVILEGE Instead of continuing to buy glass from Venice, which was too much for the finances of the French kingdom, Colbert encouraged the foundation of a Manufacture Royale des Glaces, established in Rue Reuilly in Paris. The creation and development of the Com­ pany resulted from privileges granted by the monarch to business­ men successively in 1665, 1683, 1688, 1695, 1702, 1757 and 1785. Those privileges made the firm a hybrid one, depending both on public and private laws; on the one hand it had a privilege and on the other hand the legal statutes of a limited Company [Pris, 1973, p. 26]. Having a privilege meant industrial, commercial, fiscal, ad­ ministrative, juridical and financial advantages such as exemption of taxes, free circulation for goods bought and sold, and a prohibi­ tion for anyone to sell the same kind of product. Saint-Gobain was therefore protected from possible rivals and all those years of 194." In Accounting in France (RLE Accounting), 250. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315871042-18.

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"La SARL Téfal est créée le 2 mai Le slogan publicitaire est immortel : « La pile Wonder ne s’use que si l’on s’en 1956, à Sarcelles, dans un ancien sert! » Et cela dure depuis 1914, date à laquelle M. et Mme Courtecuisse créent pavillon de chasse de l’impératrice leur petite affaire dans un minuscule atelier, au 6 de la rue Marcadet, dans le Eugénie Effectif : trois 18 arrondissement de Paris. Ils fabriquent là des piles électriques pour les personnes. Dans une grange voisine lampes de poche, spéculant sur le fait que cet article serait de vente facile, tant du pavillon, le premier atelier est auprès des civils que des militaires, en cette période de troubles graves. installé. On y fabrique la première Premier client d’importance : l’armée britannique, stationnant alors en France, poêle antiadhésive. C’est la mise en et qui passe une commande fabuleuse à la petite entreprise, commande application des recherches de M. baptisée, dans un éclair de génie commercial, « Wonderful ». Wonderful Hartmann pour les besoins d’un devient Wonder et, à dater de cette époque, les ventes battent leur plein. En appareil électronique spécial qu’il a 1926, le chiffre d’affaires atteint trente fois idée d’appliquer sur une poêle... Le celui de 1918 ! Wonder se met ensuite à succès est immédiat, malgré la fabriquer, outre des lampes de poche, des concurrence de Du Pont de lampes industrielles, des batteries pour les." In Francotheque: A resource for French studies, 158–61. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/978020378416-28.

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Conference papers on the topic "Paris (France) – Rue Oberkampf"

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Ponce Gregorio, Pedro. "La forme du temps à Moscou." In LC2015 - Le Corbusier, 50 years later. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/lc2015.2015.582.

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Resumen: Sería el 2 de septiembre de 1931, mediante carta privada remitida por un tal B. Breslow en calidad de Representante Comercial de la URSS en Francia, cuando Le Corbusier recibe la invitación a participar en el concurso del que sería para muchos el edificio esencial del país, el Palacio de los Soviets de Moscú. Un edificio que en consecuencia, además de encarnar la voluntad de las masas trabajadoras rusas, debía convertirse de manera análoga, allí donde ya se hallaba construida la catedral de El Salvador, en el monumento artístico-arquitectónico de la todavía maltrecha capital soviética. Este y no otro es el punto en el que la presente «forma del tiempo» se inscribe: en el continuo devenir que el proyecto desarrolla dentro del número 35 de la rue de Sèvres de París, a fin de desempolvar parte de aquel rastro creativo velado por la historia, esto es, desandar la línea de los Soviets. Abstract: It was around september the second, 1931, on a private letter dispatched by some B. Breslow acting as Comercial Representative of the URSS in France, when Le Corbusier received the invitation to participate in the contest of the one that would be for many the essential building of the country, the Palace of the Soviets in Moscow. A building that for that matter would not only enbodies russian´s working class will, but also should become in the same way, there where the El Salvador cathedral was built, the artistic-architectural monument of the still struggling soviet capital. This and not else is the point in which the actual "shape of the time" it is enrolled: on the developed by the project inside the number 35 of the rue de Sèvres in Paris, in order to dust off part of that creative trace veiled by history, this is, to walk back along the line of the Soviets. Palabras clave: Tiempo; composición; simbología; circulación; técnica; Palacio de los Soviets. Keywords: Time; composition; symbology; circulation; technique; Palace of the Soviets. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/LC2015.2015.582
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