Academic literature on the topic 'Paris (France). Sainte-Chapelle (Church)'

Resumen El modelo de iglesia basilical ha estado presente en el cristianismo desdeépoca de Constantino. Entre sus diversas variantes e interpretaciones podría destacarse la que se desarrolló en la Francia de los siglos XVII y XVIII, caracterizada por entablamentos adintelados que soportan bóvedas de medio cañón y que, en última instancia, remite a una lectura errónea de la descripción vitruviana de la Basílica de Fano. Este importante episodio constituirá el germen renovador de la arquitectura neoclásica, aunque los edificios que vamos a tratar suelen quedar oscurecidos por la sombra de la paradigmática iglesia de Sainte-Geneviève de París que, sin embargo, abandona la tipología original. En este texto se propone una revisión de la arquitectura de esta época buscando un hilo conductor concatenando sus principales obras, que intentan explicarse desde planteamientos no sólo históricos o formales sino también constructivos.AbstractThe basilical church model has been present in Christianity since the time of Constantine. Among its various variants and interpretations could be highlighted that developed in the France of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, characterized by lintel entablatures that support half-barrel vaults and which, ultimately, refers to a misreading of the vitruviandescription of the Basilica of Fano. This important episode will be the renovating germ of neoclassical architecture, although the buildings we are about to treat are often obscured by the shadow of the paradigmatic church of Sainte-Geneviève in Paris which, however, abandons the original typology. In this text we propose a revision of the architecture of this timelooking for a common thread connecting its main works, which try to explain themselves from not only historical or formal approaches, but also constructive ones.

Since the pioneering works of Newton (1643–1727), mechanics has been constantly reinventing itself: reformulated in particular by Lagrange (1736–1813) then Hamilton (1805–1865), it now offers powerful conceptual and mathematical tools for the exploration of dynamical systems, essentially via the action-angle variables formulation and more generally through the theory of canonical transformations. We propose to the (graduate) reader an overview of these different formulations through the well-known example of Foucault’s pendulum, a device created by Foucault (1819–1868) and first installed in the Panthéon (Paris, France) in 1851 to display the Earth’s rotation. The apparent simplicity of Foucault’s pendulum is indeed an open door to the most contemporary ramifications of classical mechanics. We stress that adopting the formalism of action-angle variables is not necessary to understand the dynamics of Foucault’s pendulum. The latter is simply taken as well-known and simple dynamical system used to exemplify and illustrate modern concepts that are crucial in order to understand more complicated dynamical systems. The Foucault’s pendulum first installed in 2005 in the collegiate church of Sainte-Waudru (Mons, Belgium) will allow us to numerically estimate the different quantities introduced.

RÉSUMÉLe principal objectif de cet article est d’encourager une approche plus large, supraconfessionnelle, du mariage et de la famille à l’époque moderne. La conjugalité a été “désacralisée” par les réformateurs protestants du 16e siècle. Martin Luther, parmi d’autres, a refusé le statut de sacrement au mariage, tout en valorisant celui-ci comme une arme contre le péché. En réaction, le concile de Trente a réaffirmé avec force que le mariage est bien un des sept sacrements chrétiens. Mais, promouvant la supériorité du célibat, l’Église catholique n’a jamais beaucoup insisté sur les vertus de la vie et de la piété familiales avant le 19e siècle. En parallèle, les historiens décèlent des signes de “sacralisation” de la famille protestante à partir du 16e siècle. Leurs conclusions doivent être relativisées à la lumière de recherches plus récentes et plus critiques, centrées sur les rapports et les représentations de genre. Elles peuvent néanmoins inspirer une étude élargie et comparative, inexistante dans l’historiographie traditionnelle, des réalités et des perceptions de la famille chrétienne au-delà des frontières confessionnelles.MOTS-CLÉ: Époque Moderne, mariage, famille, protestantisme, Concile de TrenteABSTRACTThe main purpose of this paper is to encourage a broader supra-confessional approach to the history of marriage and the family in the Early Modern era. Wedlock was “desacralized” by the Protestant reformers of the 16th century. Martin Luther, among others, denied the sacramental status of marriage but valued it as a weapon against sin. In reaction, the Council of Trent reinforced marriage as one of the seven sacraments. But the Catholic Church, which promoted the superiority of celibacy, did little to defend the virtues of family life and piety before the 19th century. In parallel, historians have identified signs of a “sacralization” of the Protestant family since the 16th century. These findings must be relativized in the light of newer and more critical studies on gender relations and representations. But they can still inspire a broader comparative study, non-existent in traditional confessional historiography, of the realities and perceptions of the Christian family beyond denominational borders.KEY WORDS: Early Modern Christianity, marriage, family, Protestantism, Council of Trent BIBLIOGRAPHIEAdair, R., Courtship, Illegitimacy and Marriage in Early Modern England, Manchester, Manchester University Press, 1996.Beaulande-Barraud, V., “Sexualité, mariage et procréation. Discours et pratiques dans l’Église médiévale (XIIIe-XVe siècles)”, dans Vanderpelen-Diagre, C., & Sägesser, C., (coords.), La Sainte Famille. Sexualité, filiation et parentalité dans l’Église catholique, Problèmes d’Histoire des Religions, 24, Bruxelles, Éditions de l’Université de Bruxelles, 2017, pp. 19-29.Bels, P., Le mariage des protestants français jusqu’en 1685. Fondements doctrinaux et pratique juridique, Paris, Librairie générale de droit et de jurisprudence, 1968.Benedict, P., Christ’s Churches Purely Reformed. A Social History of Calvinism, New Haven/London, Yale University Press, 2002.Bernos, M., “Le concile de Trente et la sexualité. La doctrine et sa postérité”, dansBernos, M., (coord.), Sexualité et religions, Paris, Cerf, 1988, pp. 217-239.Bernos, M., Femmes et gens d’Église dans la France classique (XVIIe-XVIIIe siècle), Paris, Éditions du Cerf, Histoire religieuse de la France, 2003.Bernos, M., “L’Église et l’amour humain à l’époque moderne”, dans Bernos, M., Les sacrements dans la France des XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles. Pastorale et vécu des fidèles, Aix-en-Provence, Publications de l’Université de Provence, 2007, pp. 245-264.Bologne, J.-C., Histoire du mariage en Occident, Paris, Lattès/Hachette Littératures, 1995.Burghartz, S., Zeiten der Reinheit – Orte der Unzucht. Ehe und Sexualität in Basel während der Frühen Neuzeit, Paderborn, Schöningh, 1999.Calvin, J., Institution de la Religion chrétienne (1541), édition critique en deux vols., Millet, O., (ed.), Genève, Librairie Droz, 2008, vol. 2, pp. 1471-1479.Carillo, F., “Famille”, dans Gisel, P., (coord.), Encyclopédie du protestantisme, Paris, PUF/Quadrige, 2006, p. 489.Christin, O., & Krumenacker, Y., (coords.), Les protestants à l’époque moderne. Une approche anthropologique, Rennes, Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2017.Corbin, A., Courtine, J.-J., et Vigarello, G., (coords.), Histoire du corps, vol. 1: De la Renaissance aux Lumières, Paris, Éditions du Seuil, 2005.Corbin, A., Courtine, J.-J., et Vigarello, G., (coords.), Histoire des émotions, vol. 1: De l’Antiquité aux Lumières, Paris, Éditions du Seuil, 2016.Cristellon, C., “Mixed Marriages in Early Modern Europe“, in Seidel Menchi, S., (coord.), Marriage in Europe 1400-1800, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 2016, chapter 10.Demos, J., A Little Commonwealth: Family Life in Plymouth Colony, New York, 1970.Flandrin, J.-L., Familles. Parenté, maison, sexualité dans l’ancienne société, Paris, Seuil, 1976/1984.Forclaz, B., “Le foyer de la discorde? Les mariages mixtes à Utrecht au XVIIe siècle”, Annales. Histoire, Sciences sociales (2008/5), pp. 1101-1123.Forster, M. R., Kaplan, B. J., (coords.), Piety and Family in Early Modern Europe. Essays in Honour of Steven Ozment, St. Andrews Studies in Reformation History, Aldershot, Ashgate, 2005.Forster, M. R., “Domestic Devotions and Family Piety in German Catholicism”, inForster, M. R., Kaplan, B. J., (coords.), Piety and Family in Early Modern Europe. Essays in Honour of Steven Ozment, St. Andrews Studies in Reformation History, Aldershot, Ashgate, 2005, pp. 97-114.François W., & Soen, V. (coords.), The Council of Trent: Reform and Controversy in Europe and Beyond, 1545-1700, Göttingen, Vandenhoek & Ruprecht, 2018.Gautier, S., “Mariages de pasteurs dans le Saint-Empire luthérien: de la question de l’union des corps à la formation d’un corps pastoral ‘exemplaire et plaisant à Dieu’”, dans Christin, O., & Krumenacker, Y., (coords.), Les protestants à l’époque moderne. Une approche anthropologique, Rennes, Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2017, pp. 505-517.Gautier, S., “Identité, éloge et image de soi dans les sermons funéraires des foyers pastoraux luthériens aux XVIe et XVIIe siècles”, Europa moderna. Revue d’histoire et d’iconologie, n. 3 (2012), pp. 54-71.Goody, J., The Development of the Family and Marriage in Europe, Cambridge, 1983; L’évolution de la famille et du mariage en Europe, Paris, Armand Colin, 1985/2012.Hacker, P., Faith in Luther. Martin Luther and the Origin of Anthropocentric Religion, Emmaus Academic, 2017.Harrington, J. F., Reordering Marriage and Society in Reformation Germany, Cambridge, 1995.Hendrix, S. H., & Karant-Nunn, S. C., (coords.), Masculinity in the Reformation Era, Kirksville, Truman State University Press, 2008.Hendrix, S. H., “Christianizing Domestic Relations: Women and Marriage in Johann Freder’s Dialogus dem Ehestand zu ehren”, Sixteenth Century Journal, 23 (1992), pp. 251-266.Ingram, M., Church Courts. Sex and Marriage in England 1570-1640, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1987.Jacobsen, G., “Women, Marriage and magisterial Reformation: the case of Malmø”, in Sessions, K. C., & Bebb, P. N., (coords.), Pietas et Societas: New Trends in Reformation Social History, Kirksville, Sixteenth Century Journal Press, 1985, pp. 57-78.Jedin, H., Crise et dénouement du concile de Trente, Paris, Desclée, 1965.Jelsma, A., “‘What Men and Women are meant for’: on marriage and family at the time of the Reformation”, in Jelsma, A., Frontiers of the Reformation. Dissidence and Orthodoxy in Sixteenth Century Europe, Ashgate, 1998, Routledge, 2016, EPUB, chapter 8.Karant-Nunn, S. C., “Une oeuvre de chair: l’acte sexuel en tant que liberté chrétienne dans la vie et la pensée de Martin Luther”, dans Christin, O., &Krumenacker, Y., (coords.), Les protestants à l’époque moderne. Une approche anthropologique, Rennes, Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2017, pp. 467-485.Karant-Nunn, S. C., The Reformation of Feeling: Shaping the Religious Emotions in Early Modern Germany, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2010.Karant-Nunn, S. C., “The emergence of the pastoral family in the German Reformation: the parsonage as a site of socio-religious change”, in Dixon, C. S., & Schorn-Schütte, L., (coords.), The Protestant Clergy of Early Modern Europe, Basingstoke, Palgrave/Macmillan, 2003, pp. 79-99.Karant-Nunn, S. C., “Reformation Society, Women and the Family”, in Pettegree, A., (coord.), The Reformation World, London/New York, Routledge, 2000, pp. 433-460.Karant-Nunn, S. C., “Marriage, Defenses of”, in Hillerbrand, H. J., (coord.), The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Reformation, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1996, vol. 2, p. 24.Kingdon, R., Adultery and Divorce in Calvin’s Geneva, Harvard University Press, 1995.Krumenacker, Y., “Protestantisme: le mariage n’est plus un sacrement”, dans Mariages, catalogue d’exposition, Archives municipales de Lyon, Lyon, Olivétan, 2017.Le concile de Trente, 2e partie (1551-1563), vol. XI de l’Histoire des conciles oecuméniques, Paris, (Éditions de l’Orante, 1981), Fayard, 2005, pp. 441-455.Les Decrets et Canons touchant le mariage, publiez en la huictiesme session du Concile de Trente, souz nostre sainct pere le Pape Pie quatriesme de ce nom, l’unziesme iour de novembre, 1563, Paris, 1564.Luther, M., “Sermon sur l’état conjugal”, dans OEuvres, I, Paris, Gallimard/La Pléiade, 1999, pp. 231-240.Luther, M., “Du mariage”, dans Prélude sur la captivité babylonienne de l’Église (1520), dans OEuvres, vol. I, édition publiée sous la direction de M. Lienhard et M. Arnold, Paris, Gallimard/La Pléiade, 1999, pp. 791-805.Luther, M., De la vie conjugale, dans OEuvres, I, Paris, Gallimard/La Pléiade, 1999, pp. 1147-1179.Mentzer, R., “La place et le rôle des femmes dans les Églises réformées”, Archives de sciences sociales des religions, 113 (2001), pp. 119-132.Morgan, E. S., The Puritan Family. Religion and Domestic Relations in Seventeenth-Century New England, (1944), New York, Harper, 1966.O’Reggio, T., “Martin Luther on Marriage and Family”, 2012, Faculty Publications, Paper 20, Andrews University, http://digitalcommons.andrews.edu/church-history-pubs/20. (consulté le 15 décembre 2018).Ozment, S., When Fathers Ruled. Family Life in Reformation Europe, Studies in Cultural History, Harvard University Press, 1983.Reynolds, P. L., How Marriage became One of the Sacrements. The Sacramental Theology of Marriage from the Medieval Origins to the Council of Trent, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2016/2018.Roper, L., Martin Luther. Renegade and Prophet, London, Vintage, 2016.Roper, L., The Holy Household: Women and Morals in Reformation Augsburg, Oxford Studies in Social History, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1989.Roper, L., “Going to Church and Street: Weddings in Reformation Augsburg”, Past & Present, 106 (1985), pp. 62-101.Safley, T. M., “Marriage”, in Hillerbrand, H. J., (coord.), The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Reformation, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1996, vol. 3, pp. 18-23.Safley, T. M., “Family”, in Hillerbrand, H. J., (coord.), The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Reformation, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1996, vol. 2, pp. 93-98.Safley, T. M., “Protestantism, divorce and the breaking of the modern family”, dans Sessions, K. C., & Bebb, P. N., (coords.), Pietas et Societas: New Trends inReformation Social History, Kirksville, Sixteenth Century Journal Press, 1985, pp. 35-56.Safley, T. M., Let No Man Put Asunder: The Control of Marriage in the German Southwest. A Comparative Study, 1550-1600, Kirksville, Sixteenth Century Journal Press, 1984.Seidel Menchi, S., (coord.), Marriage in Europe 1400-1800, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 2016.Stone, L., The Family, Sex and Marriage in England, 1500-1800, New York, Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1977.Strauss, G., Luther’s House of Learning, Baltimore/London, 1978.Thomas, R., “Éduquer au mariage par l’image dans les Provinces-Unies du XVIIe siècle: les livres illustrés de Jacob Cats”, Les Cahiers du Larhra, dossier sur Images et Histoire, 2012, pp. 113-144.Vanderpelen-Diagre, C., & Sägesser, C., (coords.), La Sainte Famille. Sexualité, filiation et parentalité dans l’Église catholique, Problèmes d’Histoire des Religions, 24,Bruxelles, Éditions de l’Université de Bruxelles, 2017.Walch, A., La spiritualité conjugale dans le catholicisme français, XVIe-XXe siècle, Paris, Le Cerf, 2002.Watt, J. R., The Making of Modern Marriage: Matrimonial Control and the Rise of Sentiment in Neuchâtel, Ithaca, 1992.Weis, M., “La ‘Sainte Famille’ inexistante? Le mariage selon le concile de Trente (1563) et à l’époque des Réformes”, dans Vanderpelen-Diagre, C., & Sägesser, C., (coords.), La Sainte Famille. Sexualité, filiation et parentalité dans l’Église catholique, Problèmes d’Histoire des Religions, 24, Bruxelles, Éditions de l’Université deBruxelles, 2017, pp. 31-40.Westphal, S., Schmidt-Voges, I., & Baumann, A., (coords.), Venus und Vulcanus. Ehe und ihre Konflikte in der Frühen Neuzeit, München, Oldenbourg Verlag, 2011.Wiesner, M. E., Women and Gender in Early Modern Europe, Cambridge, 1993.Wiesner, M. E., “Studies of Women, the Family and Gender”, in Maltby, W. S., (coord.), Reformation Europe: A Guide to Research, Saint Louis, 1992, pp. 181-196.Wiesner-Hanks, M. E., “Women”, in Hillerbrand, H. 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RESUMENEl objetivo de este artículo es reflexionar sobre los mecanismos de financiación y de control de las instituciones religiosas por los laicos en las primeras décadas de la conquista y colonización de Hispanoamérica. Investigar sobre la inversión laica en lo sagrado supone en un primer lugar aclarar la historiografía sobre laicos, religión y dinero en las sociedades de Antiguo Régimen y su trasposición en América, planteando una mirada desde el punto de vista de las motivaciones múltiples de los actores seglares. A través del ejemplo de restituciones, donaciones y legados en losAndes, se explora el papel de los laicos españoles, y también de las poblaciones indígenas, en el establecimiento de la densa red de instituciones católicas que se construye entonces. La propuesta postula el protagonismo de actores laicos en la construcción de un espacio cristiano en los Andes peruanos en el siglo XVI y principios del XVII, donde la inversión económica permite contribuir a la transición de una sociedad de guerra y conquista a una sociedad corporativa pacificada.PALABRAS CLAVE: Hispanoamérica-Andes, religión, economía, encomienda, siglos XVI y XVII.ABSTRACTThis article aims to reflect on the mechanisms of financing and control of religious institutions by the laity in the first decades of the conquest and colonization of Spanish America. Investigating lay investment in the sacred sphere means first of all to clarifying historiography on laity, religion and money within Ancien Régime societies and their transposition to America, taking into account the multiple motivations of secular actors. The example of restitutions, donations and legacies inthe Andes enables us to explore the role of the Spanish laity and indigenous populations in the establishment of the dense network of Catholic institutions that was established during this period. The proposal postulates the role of lay actors in the construction of a Christian space in the Peruvian Andes in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, when economic investment contributed to the transition from a society of war and conquest to a pacified, corporate society.KEY WORDS: Hispanic America-Andes, religion, economics, encomienda, 16th and 17th centuries. BIBLIOGRAFIAAbercrombie, T., “Tributes to Bad Conscience: Charity, Restitution, and Inheritance in Cacique and Encomendero Testaments of 16th-Century Charcas”, en Kellogg, S. y Restall, M. (eds.), Dead Giveaways, Indigenous Testaments of Colonial Mesoamerica end the Andes, Salt Lake city, University of Utah Press, 1998, pp. 249-289.Aladjidi, P., Le roi, père des pauvres: France XIIIe-XVe siècle, Rennes, Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2008.Alberro, S., Les Espagnols dans le Mexique colonial: histoire d’une acculturation, Paris, A. Colin, 1992.Alden, D., The making of an enterprise: the Society of Jesus in Portugal, its empire, and beyond 1540-1750, Stanford California, Stanford University Press, 1996.Angulo, D., “El capitán Gómez de León, vecino fundador de la ciudad de Arequipa. Probança e información de los servicios que hizo a S. M. en estos Reynos del Piru el Cap. Gomez de León, vecino que fue de cibdad de Ariquipa, fecha el año MCXXXI a pedimento de sus hijos y herederos”, Revista del archivo nacional del Perú, Tomo VI, entrega II, Julio-diciembre 1928, pp. 95-148.Atienza López, Á., Tiempos de conventos: una historia social de las fundaciones en la España moderna, Madrid, Marcial Pons Historia, 2008.Azpilcueta Navarro, M. de, Manual de penitentes, Estella, Adrián de Anvers, 1566.Baschet, J., “Un Moyen Âge mondialisé? Remarques sur les ressorts précoces de la dynamique occidentale”, en Renaud, O., Schaub, J.-F., Thireau, I. (eds.), Faire des sciences sociales, comparer, Paris, éditions de l’EHESS, 2012, pp. 23-59.Boltanski, A. y Maldavsky, A., “Laity and Procurement of Funds», en Fabre, P.-A., Rurale, F. (eds.), Claudio Acquaviva SJ (1581-1615). A Jesuit Generalship at the time of the invention of the modern Catholicism, Leyden, Brill, 2017, pp. 191-216.Borges Morán, P., El envío de misioneros a América durante la época española, Salamanca, Universidad Pontifícia, 1977.Bourdieu, P., “L’économie des biens symboliques», Raisons pratiques: sur la théorie de l’action, Paris, Seuil, [1994] 1996, pp. 177-213.Brizuela Molina, S., “¿Cómo se funda un convento? Algunas consideraciones en torno al surgimiento de la vida monástica femenina en Santa Fe de Bogotá (1578-1645)”, Anuario de historia regional y de las Fronteras, vol. 22, n. 2, 2017, pp. 165-192.Brown, P., Le prix du salut. Les chrétiens, l’argent et l’au-delà en Occident (IIIe-VIIIe siècle), Paris, Belin, 2016.Burke, P., La Renaissance européenne, Paris, Seuil, 2000.Burns, K., Hábitos coloniales: los conventos y la economía espiritual del Cuzco, Lima, Quellca, IFEA, 2008.Cabanes, B y Piketty, G., “Sortir de la guerre: jalons pour une histoire en chantier”, Histoire@Politique. Politique, culture, société, n. 3, nov.-dic. 2007.Cantú, F., “Evoluzione et significato della dottrina della restituzione in Bartolomé de Las Casas. Con il contributo di un documento inedito”, Critica Storica XII-Nuova serie, n. 2-3-4, 1975, pp. 231-319.Castelnau-L’Estoile, C. de, “Les fils soumis de la Très sainte Église, esclavages et stratégies matrimoniales à Rio de Janeiro au début du XVIIIe siècle», en Cottias, M., Mattos, H. (eds.), Esclavage et Subjectivités dans l’Atlantique luso-brésilien et français (XVIIe-XXe), [OpenEdition Press, avril 2016. Internet : <http://books.openedition.org/ http://books.openedition.org/oep/1501>. 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Di Stefano (eds.), Invertir en lo sagrado: salvación y dominación territorial en América y Europa (siglos XVI-XX), Santa Rosa, EdUNLPam, 2018, cap. 1, mobi.Colmenares, G., Haciendas de los jesuitas en el Nuevo Reino de Granada, siglo XVIII, Bogotá, Universidad Nacional de Colombia, 1969.Comaroff, J. y Comaroff, J., Of Revelation and Revolution. Vol. 1, Christianity, Colonialism, and Consciousness in South Africa, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1991.Costeloe, M. P., Church wealth in Mexico: a study of the “Juzgado de Capellanias” in the archbishopric of Mexico 1800-1856, London, Cambridge University Press, 1967.Croq, L. y Garrioch, D., La religion vécue. Les laïcs dans l’Europe moderne, Rennes, PUR, 2013.Cushner, N. P., Farm and Factory: The Jesuits and the development of Agrarian Capitalism in Colonial Quito, 1600-1767, Albany, State University of New York Press, 1982.Cushner, N. 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The article is devoted to one of the enigmatic compositions by French romantic composer Cesar Franck Three Chorales for Large Organ (1890). The traditional chorale arrangements are built on original church chants, which spread its connotation on all the parameters of the composition’s musical texture – tonality, musical-lexical units, rhythm, etc. The uniqueness of Franck’s chorales lies in the absence in them of direct quotations from liturgical practice, which provides a greater amount of complexity in the ways of interpreting this cycle. The main goal of the article is to find the semantic mechanisms based on an integrated approach, which includes the semiotic, hermeneutic, iconographic and iconological methods of analysis. Given Franck’s ability of drawing and his many years of working as a church organist of the Catholic church of St. Clotilde in Paris (Basilique Sainte-Clotilde), the author of the article notes the synesthesia quality of his musical thinking manifested in this work. The music of the chorales relies not on a textual-musical basis, but on spatial-visual iconography, which can be regarded as a manifestation of the synthesis of the arts, characteristic of the Romanticist composers of the 19th century. The author of the article puts forward the following assumption – that the cycle reflects the main doctrinal images of Christ, in terms of their spatial arrangement within the premises of the Catholic Church, according to the canon of the iconic scenario. The semantic structure of the work is based on the three-dimensional semantics of the premises of the church, symbolizing human beings’ path towards God.

Paul Virilio. The Information Bomb. London: Verso, 2000. 145 pp., ISBN: 1-85984-745-5 (hardback). Born in Paris in 1932, the French political and 'technocultural' theorist Paul Virilio is the leading exponent of the idea that 'dromology' (the logic of speed) stands at the centre of the political formation and technocultural transformation of the contemporary world. Virilio is an architect of the 'Brutalist' school and political 'critic of the art of technology' as well as a Husserlian phenomenologist and post-Einsteinian analyst of technoculture. In recent years Virilio has developed his own political approach to the technocultural and experiential effects of speed and technoscience on the organisation of cyberspace and cyberculture. It is an approach that is increasingly being adopted and adapted by a variety of pre-eminent thinkers on the Left such as Jean Baudrillard, Slavoj Zizek and Andre Gorz. As the son of a Breton mother and an Italian communist father in Nazi-occupied France, Virilio spent the majority of World War II as an anxious evacuee in Nantes. In 1950 he converted to Christianity in the fraternity of 'worker-priests'. Virilio was educated at the L'École des Métiers d'Art in Paris and first became a craftsman in stained glass before becoming a sort of intellectual provocateur and co-editor of Architecture Principe, an architectural group and occasional review devoted to radical political and architectural experimentation. Between 1963 and 1966 Virilio dedicated his time to studying the architecture of war and to the construction of the 'bunker church' of Sainte-Bernadette du Banlay at Nevers. Virilio became politically active during the 1968 May revolt and this led to an irrevocable split with his partner in Architecture Principe, the architect Claude Parent. In 1969 Virilio was instated as a professor of architecture at the École Speciale d'Architecture at the behest of the students there, a position he occupied until his retirement in 1997. Virilio's major work is Speed & Politics: An Essay on Dromology (1986), written, he maintains, to raise the political question of speed as the hidden side of economic development. Virilio's recent texts such as Open Sky (1997) and now The Information Bomb can therefore be regarded as important advances in his current work on the politics of techno, or, cyberculture. As the son of a Breton mother and an Italian communist father in Nazi-occupied France, Virilio spent the majority of World War II as an anxious evacuee in Nantes. In 1950 he converted to Christianity in the fraternity of 'worker-priests'. Virilio was educated at the L'École des Métiers d'Art in Paris and first became a craftsman in stained glass before becoming a sort of intellectual provocateur and co-editor of Architecture Principe, an architectural group and occasional review devoted to radical political and architectural experimentation. Between 1963 and 1966 Virilio dedicated his time to studying the architecture of war and to the construction of the 'bunker church' of Sainte-Bernadette du Banlay at Nevers. Virilio became politically active during the 1968 May revolt and this led to an irrevocable split with his partner in Architecture Principe, the architect Claude Parent. In 1969 Virilio was instated as a professor of architecture at the École Speciale d'Architecture at the behest of the students there, a position he occupied until his retirement in 1997. Virilio's major work is Speed & Politics: An Essay on Dromology (1986), written, he maintains, to raise the political question of speed as the hidden side of economic development. Virilio's recent texts such as Open Sky (1997) and now The Information Bomb can therefore be regarded as important advances in his current work on the politics of techno, or, cyberculture. Virilio's newest political and technocultural work, The Information Bomb, is set to become an important text of intellectual and dromological analysis. On its opening page Virilio quotes Werner Heisenberg, the German physicist, chief architect of quantum mechanics and founder of the 'uncertainty principle': 'No one can say what will be "real" for people when the wars which are now beginning come to an end'. Briefly, Heisenberg's uncertainty principle states that if a simultaneous calculation is made of the location and speed of a particle then, no matter how faithful the calculations, there is always an uncertainty in the values acquired. It deals with the simultaneous calculation of energy and time. The uncertainty occurs because the act of perceiving the system interferes with it in an unpredictable manner. But uncertainty is only significant at the atomic and subatomic levels and at these levels throws the principle of causality into confusion. Virilio's The Information Bomb therefore examines the dromological and uncertain relationships between the 'reality' of the war universe, speed and, crucially, our perception of its main causalities. The key question and the first sentence of Virilio's book is: 'The civilianisation or militarisation of science?' Virilio answers by describing what he calls the catastrophes of postmodern technoscience and globalisation, Americanisation, biotechnology, Internet pornography and the advertising industry in the most uncompromising terms. Virilio's riposte to the question is already contained in the book's title. This is because, for him, since the end of World War II, the militarisation of science and the construction of two kinds of bomb have overshadowed civilian life. The first is the atom bomb, 'which is capable of using the energy of radioactivity to smash matter'. The second is the information bomb, 'which is capable of using the interactivity of information to wreck the peace between nations'. Virilio delineates the existence of the information bomb, of an explosion of mediated misery around the world, in terms of the deterioration of language and the sheer seductive power of TV and computer screens, the acceleration of history and the emergence of new inter-generational conflicts. Virilio forcefully argues that the advent of the information bomb requires the creation of a new type of social deterrence if nations are to avoid the 'fission' of their 'social cores' as they enter into the uncertain and often shocking world of chronopolitics. For this is a topsy-turvy world where neo-liberalism confronts 'cyberfeminism' and the military-scientific complex contemplates the arrival of 'cyberwar' and 'grey ecology' (the pollution of distances) under the sign of cinematic disinformation from Hollywood and the technological transformation of work through the introduction of mobile phones and 'zero-hour' contracts. Or, as Virilio says at one point in The Information Bomb: in today's 'dromocratic' capitalism, when the biotech corporation calls, 'you come running'. It would, though, be incorrect to view Virilio's political opposition to the uncritical acceptance of technoculture and the explosion of the information bomb as a wholly pessimistic stance on the spread of neo-liberalism in realms such as the multimedia. Virilio's work is, for example, in no way analogous to that of Baudrillard, the intellectual high priest of postmodernism. In truth, Virilio manifestly frames his recent writings in relation to a guarded optimism concerning what I have elsewhere called his 'hypermodern' technocultural theory: a theory involved with the acceleration and dislocation of modern forms of thought about the contemporary world and how it is depicted. It is therefore perfectly plausible to derive from Virilio's dromological texts a scientifically 'uncertain' conception of 'reality' that focusses on the concepts of hypermodernism and 'hypermodernity'. The latter is an idea centred on coming to terms with the speeding-up of historical processes and a critical analysis of modernity based on a political perception of technoculture that is catastrophic. In this way, Virilio typically conceives of the developments he documents in The Information Bomb not as the psychoanalytic problems of progress but as the technoscientific and 'excessive' displacement of them. It is a conceptualisation that is evident in his dromological and dynamic writings on the subject of 'information superhighways' and the 'full range of communications disturbances acquired over the recent centuries of technology'. 'In this field', Virilio says, progress 'acts like a forensic scientist on us' since it violates 'each bodily orifice'. But such 'brutal incursions' do not merely influence individuals; they colonise them. For Virilio, then, progress 'heaps up, accumulates and condenses in each of us the full range of (visual, social, psycho-motor, affective, sexual, etc.) detrital disorders which it has taken on with each innovation, each with their full complement of specific injuries'. All criticism of technology having disappeared, 'we have slid unconsciously from pure technology to techno-culture and, lastly, to the dogmatism of a totalitarian techno-cult...' As can be ascertained from the above examples, Virilio's work sits uneasily with almost all the prevailing paradigms and methodological approaches currently on offer. Chasing a multitude of Foucauldian discontinuities and shape-shifting Deleuzian inflected 'lines of flight' simultaneously, The Information Bomb can thus be seen as a reflection of his self-professed 'anarcho-Christianity'. It is a methodological stance, political perspective and religious position Virilio shares to some extent with the author of The Technological Society (1964), the late Jacques Ellul. Viewed from this angle, Virilio's oppositional and overtly political writings on the 'hypermodern condition' present a comprehensible methodological outlook. It is, however, an outlook that is somewhat at odds with the political and intellectual terrain occupied by 'transpolitical' postmodernists such as Baudrillard, 'poststructuralist anarchists' like Michel Foucault and Gilles Deleuze and the deconstructionist and 'spectral Marxist' Jacques Derrida. Nonetheless, it would be a mistake to imagine that Virilio's rather abstract writings in The Information Bomb opposing the rise of neo-liberalism and the hypermodern condition have not touched a nerve in France. Left-leaning theoreticians and the editors of newspapers such as Le Monde Diplomatique regularly pursue Virilio's forthright opinions in the form of articles and interviews on everything from Fukuyama's The End of History and the Last Man (1992) to his own thoughts on the end of geography and technoculture. Virilio is therefore a very creative political theorist who articulates himself with equal ease in academic and non-specialist technocultural works. Unlike Foucault, Virilio is the personification of the 'engaged intellectual'. Rather than simply opting for the life of a professor of architecture at the École Speciale d' Architecture, Virilio has always chosen to communicate his ideas to as wide an audience as possible, a strategy that earned him a 'National Award for Criticism' in 1987. Virilio's contemporary writings thus necessarily involve a dromological, political and technocultural encounter with the militarisation of science in the shape of the Internet. Even so, unlike Virilio's earlier texts such as Open Sky (1997), in The Information Bomb Virilio does not merely concentrate his gaze on society's apparent need for speed but, decisively, on its present-day extension into pornography and advertising and their integration into the commercialisation of the art world. Describing the 1997 London Royal Academy exhibition entitled 'Sensation' ostensibly held to present young British artists, Virilio suggests that, like many others, in actuality, this exhibition was designed and presented by 'the sex-culture-advertising movement'. This is because the '110 works on display (a portrait of child-murderer Myra Hindley, casts of childlike bodies with mouths replaced by phalluses, etc.) belonged, without exception, to Charles Saatchi, one of Britain's great advertising moguls'. What is at issue here for Virilio is the recognition that, like the need for speed and the example of the Internet, the distinctions between the world of pornography, the world of art and the world of advertising have all but been obliterated in the name of nothing more profound than 'breaking down the last taboos'. However, in Virilio's hypermodern conception of the 'terminal arts', a 'confrontation between a tortured body and an automatic camera' not only signifies the coming of the 'sex-culture-advertising-complex' but, equally importantly, the onset of 'endocolonisation' or, what takes place when militarised technoscience colonises the human body with the aim of reducing every member of humanity that has 'had its day' to the status of a 'specimen'. The political critiques provided by Virilio in The Information Bomb are a welcome development. For, today, it is sometimes all too easy to criticise the discipline of cultural studies for its celebration of political, technological and cultural différance without any corresponding recognition of economic and other inequalities founded on class, gender and race. Moreover, Virilio's fervent and occasionally maniacal critique of the art of technology stands out because it stretches from political and technocultural studies to economic and film studies, sometimes in the space of a single paragraph. Taking in Hollywood directors and obvious film productions such as Jan de Bont's Speed as well as the work of French cinematic pioneers like the Lumière brothers', Virilio's The Information Bomb is an important publication. But, unlike numerous other 'cybercultural' tomes, the significance of this book is derived from the fact that it also manages to extend the scope of political and technocultural studies through the provision of often-abstruse pronouncements such as Kafka's claim that the cinema 'involves putting the eye into uniform'. The political critiques provided by Virilio in The Information Bomb are a welcome development. For, today, it is sometimes all too easy to criticise the discipline of cultural studies for its celebration of political, technological and cultural différance without any corresponding recognition of economic and other inequalities founded on class, gender and race. Moreover, Virilio's fervent and occasionally maniacal critique of the art of technology stands out because it stretches from political and technocultural studies to economic and film studies, sometimes in the space of a single paragraph. Taking in Hollywood directors and obvious film productions such as Jan de Bont's Speed as well as the work of French cinematic pioneers like the Lumière brothers', Virilio's The Information Bomb is an important publication. But, unlike numerous other 'cybercultural' tomes, the significance of this book is derived from the fact that it also manages to extend the scope of political and technocultural studies through the provision of often-abstruse pronouncements such as Kafka's claim that the cinema 'involves putting the eye into uniform'. Yet it would be wrong to think that such an individualistic political and technocultural approach cannot be extended beyond Virilio's own anarcho-Christianity or the writings of Ellul. For example, Virilio's The Art of the Motor (1995) has been an important reference point in the recent writings of imaginative Marxists as distinct as Zizek in The Plague of Fantasies (1997) and Gorz in Reclaiming Work: Beyond the Wage-Based Society (1999). It would be difficult to believe that The Information Bomb will not become another significant source in the future works of other creative radicals, offering as it does not only a provisional pathway out of the quicksand of postmodernism but also a way into the sympathies of ordinary people. Firing off political concepts and technocultural neologisms at the speed of light, Virilio's passionately argued texts do not always hit their intended targets. But for anyone seeking a hypermodern critique of the cultural logic of late militarism that ranges from the Internet and the commercialisation of art to endocolonisation and the accident, Virilio's radical political and technocultural theory of speed contained in The Information Bomb is just what you have been waiting for. Citation reference for this article MLA style: John Armitage. "The Uncertainty Principle: Paul Virilio's 'The Information Bomb'." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3.3 (2000). [your date of access] <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0006/virilio.php>. Chicago style: John Armitage, "The Uncertainty Principle: Paul Virilio's 'The Information Bomb'," M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3, no. 3 (2000), <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0006/virilio.php> ([your date of access]). APA style: John Armitage. (2000) The uncertainty principle: Paul Virilio's 'The information bomb'. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3(3). <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0006/virilio.php> ([your date of access]).

Cette thèse est la première étude prosopographique, portant sur une population de musiciens. Elle s’appuie sur un dictionnaire biographique de près de mille trois cents notices de musiciens ayant servi dans les Saintes-Chapelles de Paris et Bourges, depuis leur fondation, 1248 pour Paris et 1405 pour Bourges, jusqu’au milieu du XVIIe siècle. Les Saintes-Chapelles de Paris et de Bourges, la seconde fondée sur le modèle de la première, sont des institutions dédiées au culte des reliques rassemblées par Louis IX et ses successeurs et dédiées à la musique. De taille modeste, elles sont formées chacune environ de quarante personnes et trente musiciens. Les biographies sont exploitées selon le statut des personnels, leurs dates d’exercice, leurs compétences musicales et leurs relations avec les chapelles princières. Concernant les deux derniers points, trente compositeurs ont servi à la Sainte-Chapelle de Bourges et quarante-quatre à Paris, soit respectivement 5% et 7% de l’ensemble des chantres de chaque institution. En outre, vu des chantres candidats au recrutement en Saintes-Chapelles, 12% des chantres de la Sainte-Chapelle de Bourges et 23% des chantres de la Sainte-Chapelle de Paris sont documentés en chapelles princières, majoritairement à la Chapelle Royale. Vu des princes et souverains, ces derniers ont souvent puisé abondamment dans les Saintes- Chapelles, pour garnir leur propre chapelle. En effet, certains états de chapelles princières montrent à différentes époques, des proportions de plus de 30% de chantres documentés en Saintes-Chapelles. On prouve ainsi l’excellence des musiciens des deux Saintes-Chapelles et particulièrement de la Sainte-Chapelle de Paris
This work’s cornerstone is a biographic dictionary: thirteen hundred resumes of musicians attached to both Paris’ and Bourges’ Saintes-Chapelles, from their foundation (1248 for the former, and 1405 for the latter) to the middle of the XVIIth century. This is the first prosopographic study, related to a population of musicians. Paris and Bourges’ Saintes- Chapelles, the second one founded upon the Parisian model, are institutions, dedicated to the cult of the relics gathered by Louis IX and his followers, and dedicated to music. Those institutions of modest size (about forty persons) nevertheless hosted a lot of musicians (about thirty). This research is done through four principal angles: the staff’s status, their service dates, their personal musical skills and the relationships between Saintes-Chapelles and private princely chapels. Concerning the last two points, thirty composers have served in the Sainte-Chapelle of Bourges and forty-four in Paris, respectively 5% and 7% of the total amount of singers hosted by them at one time or another. Furthermore from the singers point of view, 12% of the singers of the Sainte-Chapelle of Bourges and 23% of the singers of Paris are documented in a princely chapel, mainly the Royal Chapel. From the point of view of princes and sovereigns, the formers have recruited a lot from the Saintes-Chapelles for their own chapels. Some chapel accounts may mention large proportions of singers, more than 30%, documented in the Saintes-Chapelles of Bourges and Paris, at different times. We have thus proved the skills of the musicians of both Saintes-Chapelles, mainly the Sainte-Chapelle of Paris

Pour un monument aussi lié à l'identité de la monarchie car l'unissant aux relique de la Passion dans une même liturgie , la Sainte Chapelle de Paris se trouve dans un état déconcertant à la fin du XVIIIe siècle: l'édifice et ses décors apparaissent assez dégradés avant la même Révolution. L'étude de l'entretien et des embellissements de la Sainte Chapelle entre la fin du Moyen Age et 1795 a permis de restituer son évolution en insistant sur les principales campagnes de travaux et sur l'entretien au quotidien de l'architecture, du mobilier et des ornements liturgiques. La méthodologie, fondée une analyse institutionnelle, économique et esthétique, pourrait s'appliquer à d'autres édifices sur la période de l'Ancien Régime. Elle apporte d'abord un éclairage sur la concurrence entre le fonctionnement du culte des reliques, qui suppose des dépendances ainsi qu'un personnel nombreux, et l'entretien de l'édifice gothique. Elle se propose aussi d'éclairer l'évolution d'un monument médiéval qui a subi les vicissitudes du temps aussi bien que les transformations du goût. Les moyens dévolus à la Sainte Chapelle et les efforts destinés à entretenir et embellir le monument révèlent enfin l'existence d'une conscience patrimoniale attestée pour cette époque, mais dont l'influence sur l'architecture reste à apprécier
At the end of teh XVIIIth century, the Sainte Chapelle of Paris was in a rather disconcerting state: although an essential monument binding the french monarchy to the holy relics of the Passion, thus offering both the relics and their royal protector to the common worship of the french people, the building and its decorations were in a surprisingly severe condition. The present analysis of the maintenance and embellishments made to the Sainte Chapelle between the end of the middle-ages and 1795 is therefore restoring an essential part of its history, through a study of general repairs and daily maintenance operations carried on the structure itself, as well as on its decoration, furniture and liturgical ornaments. The methodology used mixing institutional analysis, identification of economic trends and review of artistic evolutions could be applied to the other monuments of the french "Ancien Regime". It provides interesting insights on the role of dedicated personnel buildings, part of an institution distorting the allocation of funds at the expense of the monument's maintenance. It provides also useful hints on the evolution of medieval monuments, suffering from the vicissitudes of time and changing esthetical taste. The incomes dedicated to the Sainte Chapelle and the efforts made to maintain and embellish the monument finally reveal an already existing sense of heritage. A more thorough appraisal has yet to be made of its influence in medieval and modern architecture

La thèse, fondée sur l’étude systématique des sources de première main, porte sur le personnel ecclésiastique et sur la vie musicale. Un fait propre à la Sainte-Chapelle est ainsi mis en avant : l’interdépendance du statut ecclésiastique et de la place de musicien. La vie musicale à la Sainte-Chapelle de Paris aux XVIe et XVIIe siècles n’a pas été réévaluée après Michel Brenet (1910). L’exploitation des sources, le développement des études liturgiques et les avancées de la recherche musicologique permettent de renouveler la connaissance de cette église et de sa musique. En fondant la chapelle du Palais, Louis IX établit le personnel ecclésiastique de la Sainte-Chapelle. Alors que la monarchie et la cour délaissent cette église au profit de la chapelle royale, François Ier établit une corrélation entre le personnel musical et l’ensemble des ecclésiastiques. Cette interdépendance, maintenue par le Chapitre, aboutit sous Louis XIVà une assemblée majoritairement constituée de musiciens
The musical life of the Sainte Chapelle in Paris during the 16th and 17th centuries has not been reassessed since the work of Michel Brenet (1910). The exploitation of sources, development of liturgical studies and advances in musicological research allow for a renewal of our understanding of this church and its music. By founding the Palace chapel, Louis IX established the clergy of the Sainte Chapelle. While monarchy and court abandon this church for the chapel royal, Francis I establishes a correlation between the musical and ecclesiastical staff of the Sainte Chapelle. This interdependence, maintained by the Chapter, results under Louis XIV in an assembly constituted of a majority of musicians. This thesis, based on the systematic study of primary sources, focuses on the clergy and musical activity. A particularity of the Sainte Chapelle is thus revealed: the interdependence of ecclesiastical status and appointment as a musician

L’architecture des collèges parisiens fut le reflet des phénomènes religieux, culturels et sociaux liés à l’existence de l’Université dans la capitale du royaume capétien en pleine affirmation de son autorité. Le XIVe siècle marqua un tournant décisif dans la diffusion du modèle collégial à Paris, grâce à l’implication du roi et de son entourage politique. Les édifices des collèges traduisaient un grand pragmatisme, induit par le développement urbain particulier de la rive gauche, mais aussi la réception de modèles royaux et religieux. La Sainte-Chapelle et les expériences mendiantes furent sans conteste les principales sources d’inspiration pour les collèges parisiens. Il résulte de ce croisement d’influences un corpus de bâtiments hétérogène, du vaste couvent à la simple maison polyvalente. L’essentiel des collèges médiévaux étant détruit, une approche pluridisciplinaire - archéologie, dépouillements d’archives - s’imposa pour appréhender toute la complexité de leur architecture
The architecture of parisian colleges was a reflection of the religious, intellectual and social context linked to the University’s presence in the capital of the Capetian Kingdom still asserting itself. The Fourteenth century was a turning-point of the college pattern spreading in Paris, thanks to the king and his political circle’s involvement. College buildings displayed great pragmatism due to the Left Bank peculiar urbanization along with signs of royal and religious models reception. The Sainte-Chapelle and mendicant experiments were undoubtedly the main inspiration for parisian colleges. Combining all these influences produced a dissimilar group of structures, from spacious convent to simple burgess house. As most medieval colleges have been destroyed, a multiple approach - based on archeological evidence and records researches - revealed itself necessary to understand their architecture in its whole complexity

La répartition des chapelles rurales en Gascogne et au Pays Basque qui semble « statique » révèle dans le courant des XVIème et XVIIème siècles, une mainmise de plus en plus étroite de l’Eglise tridentine. Ce phénomène s’intensifie dans les courants des XVIIème et XVIIIème siècles, avec la construction de nouvelles chapelles majoritairement vouées au culte de Marie. L’Eglise adapte un système préexistant et le perfectionne. Elle réinvestit la culture religieuse locale, dont les chapelles rurales sont un fondement et un support de l’identité gasconne et basque. Elle favorise les pèlerinages et les processions dans ces chapelles vouées au culte de Notre Dame, sapant l’influence de certaines chapelles rurales, qui constituent pour certaines, des cadres de pratiques « superstitieuses » et « profanes », à la limite de la religion légale. Elle crée, ainsi un réseau hiérarchisé, fer de lance de la réforme tridentine. Les confréries, un clergé dévoué et dans certains cas, la présence d’un ordre religieux (couvents, monastères…) encadrent les fidèles.Les chapelles rurales constituent des relais d’une « re-catholicisation ». En effet, un vaste mouvement d’acculturation des populations rurales semble mis en place par l’Eglise tridentine. Enfin, en tant que vecteur de cette « re-catholicisation » des populations rurales, les chapelles s’intègrent dans une volonté de lutter contre le protestantisme dont la forme dans le Sud-ouest est le calvinisme. Certains sanctuaires créent de véritables zones d’influence délimitant l’aire culturelle de Gascogne et du Pays Basque
The spreading of the rural chapels in Gascony and in the Basque Country which seems « static » reveals a growing takeover by the tridentine Church in the 16th and 17th centuries. In the 17th and 18th centuries, this phenomenon is intensified by new chapels mainly devoted to Mary. The Church adapts a pre-existing system and improves it. It reinvests the local religious culture founded on rural chapels which are deeply part of the Gascon and Basque identity. In these chapels devoted to Our Lady, pilgrimages and processions are furthered, undermining the influence of some rural chapels, some of which shelter “superstitious” and “secular” practices at the limit of the legal religion. Thus it creates a hierarchic organization which constitutes the spearhead of the tridentine reform. The faithful are guided by the brotherhoods, a devoted clergy and sometimes a religious order (convents, monasteries …). The rural chapels take over the “re-catholicization”. A wide movement of the rural populations’ cultural integration actually seems to be set up by the Tridentine Church. Finally, as a “re-catholicization” medium of the rural populations, the chapels integrate into a will to fight against Protestantism known as the Calvinism in South-Western France. Some sanctuaries create a real zone of influence delimiting the cultural area of Gascony and the Basque Country

La répartition des chapelles rurales en Gascogne et au Pays Basque qui semble « statique » révèle dans le courant des XVIème et XVIIème siècles, une mainmise de plus en plus étroite de l’Eglise tridentine. Ce phénomène s’intensifie dans les courants des XVIIème et XVIIIème siècles, avec la construction de nouvelles chapelles majoritairement vouées au culte de Marie. L’Eglise adapte un système préexistant et le perfectionne. Elle réinvestit la culture religieuse locale, dont les chapelles rurales sont un fondement et un support de l’identité gasconne et basque. Elle favorise les pèlerinages et les processions dans ces chapelles vouées au culte de Notre Dame, sapant l’influence de certaines chapelles rurales, qui constituent pour certaines, des cadres de pratiques « superstitieuses » et « profanes », à la limite de la religion légale. Elle crée, ainsi un réseau hiérarchisé, fer de lance de la réforme tridentine. Les confréries, un clergé dévoué et dans certains cas, la présence d’un ordre religieux (couvents, monastères…) encadrent les fidèles.Les chapelles rurales constituent des relais d’une « re-catholicisation ». En effet, un vaste mouvement d’acculturation des populations rurales semble mis en place par l’Eglise tridentine. Enfin, en tant que vecteur de cette « re-catholicisation » des populations rurales, les chapelles s’intègrent dans une volonté de lutter contre le protestantisme dont la forme dans le Sud-ouest est le calvinisme. Certains sanctuaires créent de véritables zones d’influence délimitant l’aire culturelle de Gascogne et du Pays Basque
The spreading of the rural chapels in Gascony and in the Basque Country which seems « static » reveals a growing takeover by the tridentine Church in the 16th and 17th centuries. In the 17th and 18th centuries, this phenomenon is intensified by new chapels mainly devoted to Mary. The Church adapts a pre-existing system and improves it. It reinvests the local religious culture founded on rural chapels which are deeply part of the Gascon and Basque identity. In these chapels devoted to Our Lady, pilgrimages and processions are furthered, undermining the influence of some rural chapels, some of which shelter “superstitious” and “secular” practices at the limit of the legal religion. Thus it creates a hierarchic organization which constitutes the spearhead of the tridentine reform. The faithful are guided by the brotherhoods, a devoted clergy and sometimes a religious order (convents, monasteries …). The rural chapels take over the “re-catholicization”. A wide movement of the rural populations’ cultural integration actually seems to be set up by the Tridentine Church. Finally, as a “re-catholicization” medium of the rural populations, the chapels integrate into a will to fight against Protestantism known as the Calvinism in South-Western France. Some sanctuaries create a real zone of influence delimiting the cultural area of Gascony and the Basque Country