Academic literature on the topic 'Paris (France). Salon, 1833'

Abstract Ingres’s portrait of Louis-François Bertin (1832) has been universally accepted as a visual “apotheosis” of the newly powerful early 19th-century bourgeoisie in France. Here, we study the inconsistencies and contestation which contributed to this identification. Beginning with the moment of its first public exhibition in the 1833 Paris Salon, this article traces Bertin’s evolving reputation as an image of its epoch, focusing on its reappearance in public first at the Bazar Bonne-Nouvelle in 1846, and then in the display of Ingres’s works at the Exposition Universelle of 1855. This leads to a critical assessment of how the picture’s role as a political emblem has been related to later assertions that it also exemplified the artist’s incipient modernism. The exhibition of works by Ingres at the Paris Salon d’Automne in 1905 allows us to take stock of claims made about the picture’s status in the early 20th century. However, in contrast to the habitual desire to modernise Ingres (and thereby to detach him from a lingering taint of academicism), this article argues that a key element in the reception of Ingres’s portrait in the second half of the 19th century is a recognition of its rootedness in values emanating from the Revolution of 1789, embodied both in the person of LouisFrançois Bertin and Ingres’s representation of him.

AbstractAry Scheffer (1795-1858) is so generally included in the French School (Note 2)- unsurprisingly, since his career was confined almost entirely to Paris - that the fact that he was born and partly trained in the Netherlands is often overlooked. Yet throughout his life he kept in touch with Dutch colleagues and drew part of his inspiration from Dutch traditions. These Dutch aspects are the subject of this article. The Amsterdam City Academy, 1806-9 Ary Scheffer was enrolled at the Amsterdam Academy on 25 October 1806, his parents falsifying his date of birth in order to get him admitted at the age of eleven (fifteen was the oficial age) . He started in the third class and in order to qualify for the second he had to be one of the winners in the prize drawing contest. Candidates in this were required to submit six drawings made during the months January to March. Although no-one was supposed to enter until he had been at the Academy for four years, Ary Scheffer competed in both 1808 and 1809. Some of his signed drawings are preserved in Dordrecht. (Figs. 1-5 and 7), along with others not made for the contest. These last in particular are interesting not only because they reveal his first prowess, but also because they give some idea of the Academy practice of his day. Although the training at the Academy broadly followed the same lines as that customary in France, Italy and elsewhere (Note 4), our knowledge of its precise content is very patchy, since there was no set curriculum and no separate teachers for each subject. Two of Scheffer's drawings (Figs. 2 and 3) contain extensive notes, which amount to a more or less complete doctrine of proportion. It is not known who his teacher was or what sources were used, but the proportions do not agree with those in Van der Passe's handbook, which came into vogue in the 18th century, or with those of the canon of a Leonardo, Dürer or Lebrun. One gets the impression that what are given here are the exact measurements of a concrete example. Scheffer's drawings show him gradually mastering the rudiments of art. In earlier examples the hatching is sometimes too hasty (Fig. 4) or too rigidly parallel (Fig.5), while his knowledge of anatomy is still inadequate and his observation not careful enough. But right from the start he shows flair and as early as 1807 he made a clever drawing of a relatively complex group (Fig. 6) , while the difficult figure of Marsyas was already well captured in 1808 and clearly evinces his growing knowledge o f anatomy, proportion , foreshortening and the effects of light (Fig. 7). The same development can be observed in his portrait drawings. That of Gerardus Vrolik (1775-1859, Fig.8), a professor at the Atheneum Illustre (the future university) and Scheffer' s teacher, with whom he always kept in touch (Note 6), is still not entirely convincing, but a portrait of 1809, thought to be of his mother (Fig.9, Note 7), shows him working much more systematically. It is not known when he left the Academy, but from the summer of 1809 we find him in France, where he was to live with only a few breaks from 1811 to his death. The first paintings and the Amsterdam exhibitions of 1808 and 1810 Ary Scheffer's earliest known history painting, Hannibal Swearing to Avenge his Brother Hasdrubal's Death (Fig. 10) Notes 8-10) was shown at the first exhibition of living masters in Amsterdam in 1808. Although there was every reason for giving this subject a Neo-Classical treatment, the chiaroscuro, earthy colours and free brushwork show Scheffer opting for the old Dutch tradition rather than the modern French style. This was doubtless on the prompting of his parents,for a comment in a letter from his mother in 1810 (Note 12) indicates that she shared the reservations of the Dutch in general about French Neo-Classicism. (Note 11). As the work of a twelve to thirteen year old, the painting naturally leaves something to be desired: the composition is too crowded and unbalanced and the anatomy of the secondary figures rudimentary. In a watercolour Scheffer made of the same subject, probably in the 1820's, he introduced much more space between the figures (Fig. 11, Note 13). Two portraits are known from this early period. The first, of Johanna Maria Verbeek (Fig. 12, Note 14), was done when the two youngsters were aged twelve. It again shows all the characteristics of an early work, being schematic in its simplicity, with some rather awkward details and inadequate plasticity. On the other hand the hair and earrings are fluently rendered, the colours harmonious and the picture has an undeniable charm. At the second exhibition of works by living masters in 1810, Ary Scheffer showed a 'portrait of a painter' (Fig. 13), who was undoubtedly his uncle Arnoldus Lamme, who also had work in the exhibition as did Scheffer's recently deceased father Johan-Bernard and his mother Cornelia Scheffer-Lamme, an indication of the stimulating surroundings in which he grew up. The work attracted general attention (Note 16) and it does, indeed, show a remarkable amount of progress, the plasticity, effects of light, brushwork and colour all revealing skill and care in their execution. The simple, bourgeois character of the portrait not only fits in with the Dutch tradition which Scheffer had learned from both his parents in Amsterdam, but also has points in common with the recent developments in France, which he could have got to know during his spell in Lille from autumn 1809 onwards. A Dutchman in Paris Empire and Restoration, 1811-30 In Amsterdam Scheffer had also been laught by his mother, a miniature painter, and his father, a portrait and history painter (Note 17). After his father's death in June 1809, his mother, who not only had a great influence on his artistic career, but also gave his Calvinism and a great love of literature (Note 18), wanted him to finish his training in Paris. After getting the promise of a royal grant from Louis Napoleon for this (Note 19) and while waiting for it to materialize, she sent the boy to Lille to perfect his French as well as further his artistic training. In 1811 Scheffer settled in Paris without a royal grant or any hope of one. He may possibly have studied for a short time under Prudhon (Note 20) , but in the autumn of 1811 he was officially contracted as a pupil of Guérin, one of the leading artists of the school of David, under whom he mastered the formulas of NeD-Classicism, witness his Orpheus and Eurydice (Fïg.14), shown in the Salon of 1814. During his first ten years in Paris Scheffer also painted many genre pieces in order, so he said, to earn a living for himself and his mother. Guérin's prophecy that he would make a great career as a history painter (Note 21) soon came true, but not in the way Guérin thought it would, Scheffer participating in the revolution initiated by his friends and fellow-pupils, Géricault and Delacroix, which resulted in the rise of the Romantic Movement. It was not very difficult for him to break with Neo-Classicism, for with his Dutch background he felt no great affinity with it (Note 22). This development is ilustrated by his Gaston de Foix Dying on the Battlefield After his Victory at Ravenna, shown at the Salon of 1824, and The Women of Souli Throwing Themselves into the Abyss (Fig.15), shown at that of 1827-8. The last years of the Restoration and the July Monarchy. Influence of Rembrandt and the Dutch masters In 1829, when he seemed to have become completely assimilated in France and had won wide renown, Scheffer took the remarkable step of returning to the Netherlands to study the methods of Rembrandt and other Dutch old masters (Note 23) . A new orientation in his work is already apparent in the Women of Souli, which is more harmonious and considered in colour than the Gaston dc Foix (Note 24). This is linked on the one hand to developments in France, where numbers of young painters had abandoned extreme Romanticism to find the 'juste milieu', and on the other to Scheffer's Dutch background. Dutch critics were just as wary of French Romanticism as they had been of Neo-Classicism, urging their own painters to revive the traditions of the Golden Age and praising the French painters of the 'juste milieu'. It is notable how many critics commented on the influence of Rembrandt on Scheffer's works, e.g. his Faust, Marguérite, Tempête and portrait of Talleyrand at the Salon of 1851 (Note 26). The last two of these date from 1828 and show that the reorientation and the interest in Rembrandt predate and were the reasons for the return to the Netherlands in 1829. In 1834 Gustave Planche called Le Larmoyeur (Fig. 16) a pastiche of Rembrandt and A. Barbier made a comparable comment on Le Roi de Thule in 1839 (Note 27). However, as Paul Mantz already noted in 1850 (Note 28), Scheffer certainly did not fully adopt Rembrandt's relief and mystic light. His approach was rather an eclectic one and he also often imbued his work with a characteristically 19th-century melancholy. He himself wrote after another visit to the Netherlands in 1849 that he felt he had touched a chord which others had not attempted (Note 29) . Contacts with Dutch artists and writers Scheffer's links with the Netherlands come out equally or even more strongly in the many contacts he maintained there. As early as 1811-12 Sminck-Pitloo visited him on his way to Rome (Note 30), to be followed in the 1820's by J.C. Schotel (Note 31), while after 1830 as his fame increased, so the contacts also became more numerous. He was sought after by and corresponded with various art dealers (Note 33) and also a large number of Dutch painters, who visited him in Paris or came to study under him (Note 32) Numerous poems were published on paintings by him from 1838 onwards, while Jan Wap and Alexander Ver Huell wrote at length about their visits to him (Note 34) and a 'Scheffer Album' was compiled in 1859. Thus he clearly played a significant role in the artistic life of the Netherlands. International orientation As the son of a Dutch mother and a German father, Scheffer had an international orientation right from the start. Contemporary critics and later writers have pointed out the influences from English portrait painting and German religious painting detectable in his work (Note 35). Extracts from various unpublished letters quoted here reveal how acutely aware he was of what was likely to go down well not only in the Netherlands, but also in a country like England, where he enjoyed great fame (Notes 36-9) . July Monarchy and Second Empire. The last decades While most French artists of his generation seemed to have found their definitive style under the July Monarchy, Scheffer continued to search for new forms of expression. In the 1830's, at the same time as he painted his Rembrandtesque works, he also produced his famous Francesca da Rimini (Fig. 17), which is closer to the 'juste milieu' in its dark colours and linear accents. In the 1840's he used a simple and mainly bright palette without any picturesque effects, e.g. in his SS. Augustine and Monica and The Sorrows of the Earth (Note 41), but even this was not his last word. In an incident that must have occurred around 1857 he cried out on coming across some of his earlier works that he had made a mistake since then and wasted his time (Note 42) and in his Calvin of 1858 (Fig. 18) he resumed his former soft chiaroscuro and warm tones. It is characteristic of him that in that same year he painted a last version of The Sorrows of the Earth in the light palette of the 1840's. Despite the difficulty involved in the precise assessment of influences on a painter with such a complex background, it is clear that even in his later period, when his work scored its greatest successes in France, England and Germany, Scheffer always had a strong bond with the Netherlands and that he not only contributed to the artistic life there, but always retained a feeling for the traditions of his first fatherland. Appendix An appendix is devoted to a study of the head of an old man in Dordrecht, which is catalogued as a copy of a 17th-century painting in the style of Rembrandt done by Ary Scheffer at the age of twelve (Fig.19, Note 43). This cannot be correct, as it is much better than the other works by the twelve-year-old painter. Moreover, no mention is made of it in the catalogue of the retrospective exhibition held in Paris in 1859, where the Hannibal is given as his earliest work (Note 44). It was clearly unknown then, as it is not mentioned in any of the obituaries of 1858 and 1859 either. The earliest reference to it occurs in the list made bv Scheffer's daughter in 1897 of the works she was to bequeath to the Dordrecht museum. A clue to its identification may be a closely similar drawing by Cornelia Scheffer-Lamme (Fig. 20, Note 46), which is probably a copy after the head of the old man. She is known to have made copies after contemporary and 17th-century masters. The portrait might thus be attributable to Johan-Bernard Scheffer, for his wife often made copies of his works and he is known from sale catalogues to have painted various portraits of old men (Note 47, cf. Fig.21). Ary Scheffer also knew this. In 1839 his uncle Arnoldus Lamme wrote to him that he would look out for such a work at a sale (Note 48). It may be that he succeeded in finding one and that this portrait came into the possession of the Scheffer family in that way, but Johan-Bernard's work is too little known for us to be certain about this.

This article recounts a little-known episode in C. G. Jung’s life and in the history of analytical psychology: Jung’s visit to Paris in the spring of 1934 at the invitation of the Paris Analytical Psychology Club (named ‘Le Gros Caillou’), a stay marked by a lecture on the ‘hypothesis of the collective unconscious’ held in a private setting and preceded by an evening spent in Daniel Halévy’s literary salon with some readers and critics. KEYWORDS collective unconscious; France; Julien Green; Daniel Halévy; Lucien Lévy-Bruhl; Ernest Seillière.

Dès la fin des années 1540, la famille de Jean de Morel accueillait dans sa maison de la rue Pavée à Paris les poètes et les humanistes les plus proéminents de la capitale: Nicolas Bourbon, Jean Salmon Macrin, Jean Dorat parmi les néo-latins; Joachim Du Bellay, Ronsard, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, pour ne citer que quelques-uns des poètes de langue vulgaire. Or, la femme de Morel, Antoinette de Loynes, et ses trois filles, Camille, Lucrèce et Diane, avaient toutes les quatre reçu une éducation humaniste, leur permettant non seulement de participer aux activités littéraires et humanistes de ce que l'on a appelé le premier salon en France, mais encore d'attirer l'admiration du monde cultivé de l'époque. En examinant la correspondance des membres de la famille ainsi que certains ouvrages imprimés, cet article se propose d'illustrer les relations que les membres de la famille ont entretenues avec les visiteurs du salon ainsi que les changements d'attitude qui ont eu lieu au cours du XVIe siècle à l'égard de l'éducation des jeunes filles.

‘To grasp Paris, one has to live with Paris for a long time’. French impressions from journeys of Łucja Rautenstrauch from the ducal family of Giedroyć The article is a short attempt to present the reader with a profile of the now-forgotten Łucja Rautenstrauch from the ducal family of Giedroyć, a nineteenth century writer and traveller, who gained her fame and appreciation in the epoch thanks to her travel writings. Two of Łucja Rautenstrauch’s works deserve special attention: My memories of France [Wspomnienia moje o Francyi] and The last journey to France [Ostatnia podróż do Francyi], where she gave an impartial description of Paris. The author depicts the city pointing both to its good and bad sides. Her memories distinguish themselves from among other travel writings because of the author’s unusual sense of perception and the accuracy of her remarks. One will not find any instances of artificial admiration nor unnecessary humility in front of the people who meant more than her. On the contrary, an image of an educated aristocrat who does not feel the obligation to uphold the rules of the world she did not appreciate emerges for My memories of France. In the same work Łucja Rautenstrauch focuses on the description of the visible and external world: the customs, fashion, the French street, the salon and the history of the visited places.

Refugee depots for Polish emigrants in Châteauroux and Indre department in the years 1831–1833 In the article the author presents the setting up and operation of refugee depots (Fr. dépôts) in the Indre department for Polish emigrants who arrived in France after the fall of the November Uprising. The refugee depot in Châteauroux was one of the several depots founded by the French government. It was intended for civil exiles. The other camps for military refugees were set up in Avignon, Lunel, Besançon, Bourges, Lons-le-Saunier, Salins and Dijon. From the beginning of August 1832 till August 1833, the French authorities directed civilians to cities of Indre: Châteauroux – the capital of the department, as well as Issoudun, Levroux, La Chatre, Argenton, Buzançais, Chatillon, Saint Benoit, and La Blanc. The author establishes that in that period of time, 634 Polish refugees went through the camps of the Indre department. Most of them were students (from the Vilnius University), young officials and members of free professions. They came from the pre-partition areas of the former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth (Lithuania, Volhynia and Podolia). Despite the restrictive policy of the administration and the fact that they stayed in the French province, the Poles engaged in the social and political life of emigration. They participated actively in democratic and educational organizations of the Great Emigration. In many cases, by their own determination, they went to study and obtained aducation at French universities and technical universities. The article is based on sources from the Indre Department Archives in Châteauroux, archives of the Defense Historical Service in Vincennes, the National Archives in Paris, the Polish Library in Paris, the Princes Czartoryski Library in Krakow, and academic studies.

Le Miroir, published in Paris in 1833 by Hamdan ben Othman Khodja (c.1773–1842), was the first Algerian contribution to French public deliberation about France's emerging empire in North Africa. A work of a self-consciously liberal cosmopolitan, and modernizing, perspective, theMiroirwas almost alone in French debates in making a principled argument for a complete French withdrawal from Algeria—what Khodja called a “liberal emancipation” of the country. TheMiroirargued for an independent Algeria that might take its place in a nineteenth-century Europe of emerging nations, and that might engage with European states as a diplomatic equal. The work illustrates the constraints on those who sought to preserve some independence, discursive as well as political, in the face of European expansion, as well as the critical possibilities of liberal discourse at a moment when it was being marshaled in France and Britain in the service of empire.

Abstract Le gisement Autunien de Muse est célèbre pour ses richesses paléontologiques et notamment pour sa « couche aux poissons » dans laquelle les Aeduellidae (Pisces, Actinopterygii) sont particulièrement abondants. Alors que l’histoire de ce gisement est bien documentée à partir de la fin des années 1830, les premières recherches paléontologiques et géologiques qui y ont été faites avant cette période, restent encore mal connues. Un manuscrit inédit d’Alexander von Humboldt révèle qu’il avait étudié en mars 1805 la géologie de la région d’Autun où il avait reconnu le Zechstein. Un témoignage consigné dans la Feuille du Canton de Vaud permet de faire remonter à l’année 1811 la collecte des premiers spécimens de poissons à Muse. Deux naturalistes et géologues, François-Joseph Lainé et Cyprien Prosper Brard, sont à l’origine de ces découvertes. Dans les années 1820, de nombreux poissons fossiles de Muse furent ensuite collectés par Augustin Henri de Bonnard. Des spécimens d’Aeduella blainvillei (Agassiz, 1833) faisant partie des premières découvertes faites à Muse ont été identifiés dans les collections du Musée cantonal de Géologie à Lausanne et dans celles du Muséum national d’Histoire naturelle, Paris. Cet inventaire a permis de retrouver plusieurs spécimens de la collection Alexandre Brongniart sur lesquelles Henri-Marie Ducrotay de Blainville a établi les espèces « Palaeothrissum inaequilobum » et « Palaeothrissum parvum ». La partie postérieure d’un des spécimens de la série type de « Palaeoniscus voltzii » Agassiz, 1833 qui était considéré comme perdu depuis longtemps, a également été identifiée. Un dessin inédit conservé dans les archives de Cuvier montrant une plaque de schiste de Muse avec deux Aeduella blainvillei est présenté. Cette pièce était conservée dans le Cabinet d’histoire naturelle de Barthélémy Faujas de Saint-Fond. Ce dessin constitue la plus ancienne représentation de poissons fossiles de cette localité réalisée avant les figures publiées en 1833 et 1834 par Louis Agassiz dans ses Recherches sur les poissons fossiles. Les découvertes paléoichthyologiques effectuées à Muse et Igornay par plusieurs personnalités comme Landriot, Selligue et Héricart de Thury dans les années 1830 sont aussi mises en lumière. Pour finir, des documents manuscrits inédits rédigés vers 1824 dévoilent les différentes opinions d’Ami Boué, Alexander von Humboldt et Augustin Henri de Bonnard sur la position stratigraphique des schistes bitumineux de la région d’Autun bien avant que le Permien ne soit créé par le géologue britannique Roderick Impey Murchison en 1841.

AbstractThe historicist approach is rarely challenged by art historians, who draw a clear distinction between art history and the present-centred pursuit of art criticism. The notion of the ‘period eye’ offers a relevant methodology. Bearing this in mind, I examine the nineteenth-century phase in the development of history painting, when artists started to take trouble over the accuracy of historical detail, instead of repeating conventions for portraying classical and biblical subjects. This created an unprecedented situation at the Paris Salon, where such representations of history could be experienced as a collective ‘dream-work’, in Freud’s sense. In France, this new pictorial language dates back to the aftermath of the Revolution, and the activities of the ‘Lyon School’. Two artists, Richard and Révoil, were its leading proponents. However their initial closeness has obscured the differences in their approach to the past. Substituting for Freud’s ‘condensation’ and ‘displacement’ the concepts of ‘Resurrection’ and ‘Restoration’, I analyse the pictorial language of the two painters, taking two works as examples. The conclusion is that Révoil, also a collector, was a precursor of the historical museum, which convinces through accumulating objects. Richard, however, employs technical and rhetorical devices to evoke empathetic reactions, and anticipates the illusionism of cinema.

The purpose of this paper to analyze the transformations in the French ballroom and choreographic practice, in the context of the development of culture of Western European countries of the XVI — early XXI centuries. The methodology is an organic set of basic principles of research: objectivity, historicism, multifactority, systemicity, complexity, development and pluralism, and to achieve the goal, the following methods of scientific knowledge are used: problem-chronological, concrete historical, statistical, descriptive, logical and analytical. The results. The analysis of trends in the development of ballroom dance in France and the influence of French culture on the formation of ballroom choreography in the XVI — early XXI centuries. The analysis of trends in the development of ballroom dance in France and the influence of French culture on the formation of ballroom choreography in the XVI — early XXI centuries took place. The processes of transformation and democratization of ballroom choreography in the XVIII century, which already in the XIX century turned from salon art into a leisure object for various social strata throughout Europe, were investigated. In the XX century it was France that discovered non-European types of ballroom dancing for Europe, which subsequently acquired standardization in the English professional environment. In the XX century France became the country where foreign art forms appeared and adapted to the conditions of European realities. France attracted artists from all over the world because of the special national culture formed in it. During the XX century the art of ballroom choreography in France developed rapidly. French performers and teachers continued long-standing national traditions. This factor had a positive effect on the training level of dancers in the field of professional and amateur ballroom dancing. Since 2010, France has been an active member of the World Dance Sports Federation (WDSF). The French Dance Federation (Fédération Française de Danse) is one of the largest organizations that develops ballroom choreography in the country. Over the past decades, dozens of open national and world ballroom dancing championships have been held in French cities (Paris, Marseille, Lyon, Nice, etc.). The scientific topicality is to identify the processes of the influence of French culture on the development of ballroom choreography in the XVI — early XXI centuries. The practical significance. The research may be used in developing lectures by specialists in choreography.

Cette thèse est un travail d'enquête et de synthèse sur les conditions socioculturelles qui ont sous-tendu l'activité artistique des femmes peintres exposantes du salon, à Paris, entre 1863 et 1889. Y est particulièrement mis en évidence le dilemme dilettantisme / professionnalisme avec lequel les femmes artistes auront constamment à composer, et qui parait avoir notamment pèse sur leurs choix stylistiques. Cette thèse consiste en trois volumes. Dans le premier tome, un "liminaire" explicite tout d'abord la problématique d'un point de vue historique et théorique. Sont ensuite successivement étudiés les divers aspects d'une vie artistique au féminin : la formation dans les ateliers ; la vie privée et ses choix, et surtout les potentialités offertes par les réseaux amicaux et associatifs ; les aléas de la carrière, soumise a la pression de la production, rythmée par les succès et les échecs, parfois entravée par des activités annexes, mais toujours orientée vers l'insertion professionnelle et l'acquisition d'une plus large autonomie ; les oeuvres du salon et leur réception par la critique. Cette recherche s'appuie sur des documents d'archives et de nombreux témoignages d'artistes françaises et étrangères, puises dans leurs journaux intimes, leurs mémoires et leurs correspondances. Le deuxième tome correspond à un dossier iconographique de 264 planches. Ces reproductions - souvent inédites - émanent notamment des catalogues illustres des salons, des albums de la maison goupil et du fonds photographique "Adolphe Braun". Enfin, dans le troisième tome, se trouve la liste, par ordre alphabétique d'artistes, des oeuvres exposées par des femmes dans la section peinture du salon entre 1863 et 1889. Y sont mentionnés, outre les titres des tableaux, le lieu de naissance des artistes, leur adresse et le nom de leurs professeurs
This doctoral dissertation, combining investigation and synthesis, attaches itself to the socio-cultural conditions underlying the artistic activity of the women painters exhibiting at the salon, in Paris, between 1863 and 1889. It gives special emphasis on the amateur / professional dilemma with which the women artists will constantly be composing, and that may have influenced their artistic choices. This dissertation consists of 3 volumes. The first introductory part describes the problematic from a historical and theoretical side. This is followed by a study of artistic life in the feminine : training in studios ; private life and its choices, in particular the possibilities offered by networks of friends and associations ; the hazards of a career, with the pressure resulting from the need of production, with its successes and its failures, sometimes hampered by other activities, yet always turned towards professional integration and acquiring more autonomy ; the works of the salon and how the critics responded. The research work is based on archives, and on numerous testimonies of french and foreign women artists, gathered from personal diaries, memoirs and correspondence. The second part is a file of 264 plates. These reproductions often unpublished, come from the illustrated catalogues of the salon, from goupil albums, and from the photographic archives "Adolphe Braun". In final, the third part lists in alphabetic order of the artists the works by women, put on exhibition in the "peinture" section of the salon between 1863 and 1889. You will find there, besides the title of the works, the place of birth of the artists, their address, and the name of their professors

Ce travail veut eclairer une periode-cle de l'histoire du romantisme naissant (1824-1834) a travers l'etude particuliere du "salon de l'arsenal" (lequel tire son nom de la bibliotheque de monsieur, dont charles nodier fut le conservateur en chef a partir de 1824). Les appartements de la famille nodier accueillirent chaque dimanche soir toute l'elite litteraire et artistique durant les dernieres annees de la restauration et les premieres annees de la monarchie de juillet : il y avait donc urgence a reevaluer l'importance de ces reunions dans l'histoire litteraire et sociologique du romantisme, en montrant notamment qu'il fut un lieu de rencontre privilegie, ouvert a toutes les specialites, toutes les individualites et toutes les generations; l'un des rares carrefours d'idees ou la pensee romantique ait pu s'affiner en trouvant des contradicteurs; enfin un espace favorable a la naissance de projets et de collaborations litteraires. Ce travail presente successivement: une description objective des soirees (etude du rite de l'arsenal), un catalogue exhaustif des invites (les celebrites lamartine, vigny, balzac, etc. - et les autres regroupes en differentes categories - les provinciaux, les journalistes, les femmes, etc. -); une etude des rapports specifiques de charles nodier avec victor hugo, convive privilegie de l'arsenal; un bilan des travaux de nodier et de sa fille durant ces dix ans; enfin une analyse des consequences sociologique (la camaraderie litteraire) et ideologique (cristallisation, puis atomisation de la pensee romantique) de ces soirees dominicales. Ce travailsera en outre accompagne de nombreux documents inedits (les souvenirs de marie nodier, l'annee 1832 du journal intime de fontaney, etc. ).

Le Salon de 1827 marqua un tournant décisif dans la " bataille romantique " puisqu'après cette exposition le conflit entre les peintres de l'ancienne et de la nouvelle école s'étiola progressivement. L'enjeu de cette étude est de mettre l'accent sur la singularité du Salon de 1827 au vu des actions officielles et du discours critique, lesquels participent au développement du romantisme, en dépit des résistances. Evaluer l'importance de la nouvelle école au Salon, analyser la manière dont elle s'y implante, sa progression depuis 1824 et proposer une définition du romantisme en 1827 furent mes principaux axes de réflexion. J'ai tout d'abord envisagé le Salon au plan institutionnel, soulignant la tolérance de l'administration des beaux-arts et le rôle de Forbin à l'égard du courant novateur, première étape de sa reconnaissance; j' ai également montré la place des romantiques dans le mécénat officiel, confirmant ainsi la bienveillance de l'administration à leur égard ; enfin, je me suis attachée à la réception critique du Salon, démontrant que la bataille romantique occupait l'essentiel d'un discours qui, devant l'ampleur et la complexité qu'avait pris le mouvement depuis 1824, avait bien du mal à définir le romantisme et ses partisans
The 1827 Salon marked a decisive turning in the " bataille romantique " as the conflict which had opposed the " old school " painters and the " new school " ones progressively faded away after the exhibition. The present study has emphasized the particularity of the 1827 Salon as regards to the officiaIs' actions and the critics' statements which helped rornanticism develop despite a lot of remaining opposition. In my work, l assessed the importance of the " new school " in the Salon, analysed the way it developped there and its progress since 1824 and l offered a definition of what rornanticism was in 1827. L fust studied the Salon at the institutional level, enhancing the tolerance of the public institutions and Forbin's role in giving reco~tion to the new trend. L also showed the place the romantics took in the public sponsorship, thus confIrIning how well disposed the officiaIs were towards them. L finally insisted on the way the Salon was spoken of by the critics, proving that the " bataille romantique " was at the very heart of a debate in which defining " Rornanticism " and " Romantics " was uneasy -given the importance and complexity of the movement since 1824

A la fin du XIXe siècle et au début du XXe siècle, les artistes japonais s’installant à Paris sont peu nombreux. Cependant, après la Première Guerre mondiale, à partir de 1920, un grand nombre d’artistes japonais arrivent en France. Au total deux cent huit artistes japonais ont figuré dans les Salons parisiens durant la décennie entre 1920 et 1929. La plupart de ces artistes choisissent comme lieu de résidence le quartier de Montparnasse. A cette époque à Paris, dans le milieu des artistes travaillant la peinture à l’huile, dite « yô-ga », nous pouvons distinguer trois courants : Le premier circule autour de Foujita Tsugouharu, artiste de renom associant la peinture occidentale et l’art traditionnel du Japon. Le second regroupe un certain nombre de jeunes artistes, dont Saeki Uzo, attirés par la peinture occidentale et la peinture moderne de Montparnasse. Le troisième courant est de nature académique : dans la lignée de Kuroda Seiki, les artistes suivent l’enseignement des Académies parisiennes. D’autres artistes choisissent la voie d’un art plus indépendant, à l’instar de Tanaka Yasushi, Hasegawa Kiyoshi ou bien Oka Shikanosuke, mais leur nombre reste limité, comme par ailleurs ceux exerçant la technique de la peinture japonaise, dite « nihon-ga », et également ceux pratiquant la sculpture, la gravure, la laque et la tenture. Le résultat suite au dépouillement mené dans les centres de documentation et les fonds photographiques au Japon et en France prouve l’importance de la présence des artistes japonais sur la scène artistique à Paris durant les années 1920 et permet de comprendre les motivations et créations de ces artistes
During the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century, not many Japanese artists settled in Paris. However, after the First World War, starting from 1920, a large number of Japanese artists arrived in France. In total two hundred and eight Japanese artists appeared in Parisian Salons during the decade between 1920 and 1929. Most of these artists choose Montparnasse district as their residence. In Paris those days, amongst artists who worked on oil painting called « yô-ga » we can distinguish three movements. The first circulated around Fujita Tsuguharu, a renowned artist who associated the Western painting and the traditional Japanese art. The second gathered a certain number of young artists, such as Saeki Yuzo, who were attracted by the Western painting and the modern painting of Montparnasse. The third movement was of an academic nature: as Kuroda Seiki did, artists were following the teaching of Paris Academies. Other artists choose the route of a more independent art, following the examples of Tanaka Yasushi, Hasegawa Kiyoshi or Oka Shikanosuke, but the number of these artists remains limited, same as those who practiced the technique of Japanese painting, i.e. « Nihon-ga », and also those who practiced sculpture, engraving, lacquer painting, and hangings. The result of going through the data of the documentation centres and photography funds in Japan and in France proves the importance of the presence of Japanese artists on the artistic scenes in Paris during the 1920’s and allows us to comprehend the motives and creations of these artists

Depuis l'apparition des expositions universelles jusqu'à la création des sécessions européennes, le Salon parisien a joué un rôle plus ou moins déterminant dans la carrière de centaines de peintres étrangers. Sans partis-pris esthétique, le corpus d'œuvres, d'artistes et de textes étudiés retrace la présence et la réception de la peinture étrangère au Salon de 1852 à 1900. L'histoire politique et administrative de l'institution révèle un statut de l'exposant étranger presque inexistant au début du Second Empire, qui devint une question majeure à la fin du siècle, liée à la création de la Société nationale des beaux-arts. Hasardeuse et compétitive, l'expérience du Salon constituait pour l'ensemble des artistes un enjeu considérable, tant symbolique que commercial. Les carrières parisiennes des peintres étrangers, depuis le séjour de formation jusqu'à l'impact de l'exposition au Salon, se prêtent moins que celles de leurs homologues français à une opposition entre sphère officielle et sphère indépendante; elles décrivent un système des beaux-arts largement ouvert sur le monde et sur l'ensemble du champ artistique. La réalité internationale des expositions parisiennes eut un profond impact sur l'évolution et la définition d'un art français qui en fit rapidement un motif d'hégémonie. Contrairement au cloisonnement nationaliste des expositions universelles, le brassage du Salon décrit l'unité et la diversité des forces créatrices européennes. L'expression nationale participe d'une communauté de démarches et de formes, et l'Europe des arts ne peut se réduire ni aux catégories d'écoles nationales, ni aux catégories de style de la tradition moderniste
From the origin of World Fairs until the creation of the European secessions, the Paris Salon played a fairly significant role in the careers of hundreds of foreign painters. Avoiding aesthetic biases, the corpus of works, artists and texts studied traces the presence and the reception of foreign painting in the Paris Salon, from 1852 to 1900. The political and administrative history of the institution reveals the evolution of foreign painter status: from almost nonexistent at the beginning of the Second Empire, to a major issue at the end of the century, linked to the creation of the Société Nationale des beaux-arts. Risky and competitive, the Salon experience was a considerable challenge for all artists, both symbolic and commercial. Parisian careers of foreign painters, from their training studio to their exposition in the Salon, are less interpretable than for their French counterparts as an opposition between official and independent sphere; Fine Art system appears as wide open to the world and to the whole artistic field. The international dimension of Paris exhibitions had a profound impact on the evolution and the definition of French art who quickly built a hegemonic pattern on it. Unlike the nationalist partitioning of world fairs, the melting of the Salon is an image of the unity and diversity of European creative forces. The national expression is part of a community of approaches and expressions, and Arts of Europe cannot be categorized into national schools nor the style categories of the modernist tradition

La présente étude porte sur le problème de la réception des œuvres exposées au Salon de 1787. La description du contexte de cette exposition a déterminé les conditions de cette réception et a précisé le cadre dans lequel s'exerçait la critique. L'identification des auteurs, longtemps anonymes, a montré qu'ils constituaient, malgré des positions politiques contrastées, un milieu culturellement homogène, étroitement lié au monde des lettres. Elle a aussi permis de préciser la nature des rapports entre critique d'art et littérature, d'une part à travers l'étude des conditions de sa production, d'autre part à travers l'étude formelle et stylistique des textes produits. L'analyse de ces textes porte à la fois sur le statut qui leur est attribué et sur le problème de l'interprétation des œuvres, dont les facteurs qui la conditionnent ont été répertoriés. L'examen des principes théoriques qui guident les procédures d'analyse des critiques a montré la prééminence du genre de l'histoire, seul capable de répondre à leurs exigences morales et formelles. Ces dernières participent d'une réflexion nouvelle sur la place des arts dans l'histoire, dont les développements ont été examinés. Cette réflexion conduit à définir la spécificité de l'école française, dont les caractéristiques ont été indiquées. L'analyse du problème de la représentation de l'histoire a montré que les convergences idéologiques ne recouvraient pas nécessairement de nettes prises de position esthétiques. L'étude de la question centrale des moyens de l'imitation a été liée à celle des relations entre texte littéraire et image, et les notions de convenance et de représentation du héros, relues à la lumière de deux œuvres emblématiques, l’Alexandre de Lagrenée et le Socrate de David. L'appréciation des genres mineurs, qui met en avant le plaisir qu'ils génèrent, a enfin permis de définir l'existence d'une sensibilité préromantique dans le discours critique, sous l'influence du sensualisme et de l'esthétique du sublime.

La Société de Saint-Vincent-de-Paul est fondée à Paris en 1833 par un groupe d’étudiants catholiques, dont le plus connu est Frédéric Ozanam, désireux de se soutenir dans leur foi et de venir en aide aux pauvres. Empruntant ses méthodes à l’histoire religieuse et à l’histoire sociale, ce travail s’attache à comprendre les formes et les raisons du rapide développement d’une oeuvre charitable dans la première moitié du XIXe siècle. Il s’intéresse à la géographie, essentiellement urbaine, de son implantation en France ; aux modèles d’organisation et au fonctionnement du pouvoir à l’intérieur de l’institution ; aux discours et pratiques de ses membres qui s’inscrivent entre charité et philanthropie, interprétés à la lumière d’une anthropologie du don ; aux oeuvres les plus significatives, visite à domicile et patronage, sans négliger l’étude de leur financement. A l’échelle du quartier et de la paroisse, Paris sert de lieu privilégié de l’observation afin de mettre à jour les réseaux charitables actifs dans la capitale. Enfin, une prosopographie des membres permet de dresser le profil du confrère, modèle de l’homme d’oeuvres du premier catholicisme social
The Saint Vincent de Paul Society was born in Paris in 1833. Her founders were a group of catholic students, which among them Frédéric Ozanam is the best known, anxious to uphold their faith and to help the poors. This thesis’s methods come from those of religious and social history ; this work tries to understand the shapes and reasons of the fast developpement of a charitable work in the first middle of the nine’teenth century. It takes an interest in the urban geography of its implatation in France. It studies also the paterns of its organization and government inside the institution ; the speeches and observances of its members, between charity and philanthropy, read in the light of an anthropology of the gift. It takes an interest as well into the most significant of its charitable work, housecall visits and patronage, without neglecting their own financing. At the local and parish scale, Paris is a special place for the observation, in order to lighten the charitable networks of the french capital. To end with, a prosopography of the members ables us to draw the fellow members profile, the modle of the charitable man in the first social catholicism

Créé par l’amateur d’art Frédo Sidès en juillet 1946, le Salon des Réalités Nouvelles est animé à ses débuts par Auguste Herbin et Félix Del Marle. S’inscrivant dans la filiation d’Abstraction-Création, il a pour objectif l’organisation en France d’expositions annuelles d’ « art concret, art non figuratif ou art abstrait ». De 1946 à 1948, le salon qui se tient au Palais des beaux-arts de Paris, donne une visibilité inédite à l’art abstrait par sa politique de large ouverture et sa volonté d’internationalisation (le salon de 1948 compte plus de 350 exposants et regroupe 17 nations). La consultation des archives du Salon des Réalités Nouvelles, jusqu’alors méconnues, a permis d’en connaître le fonctionnement et la politique de diffusion et de reconnaissance. Elle a aussi démontré que le salon constituait le point d’aboutissement d’une longue gestation qui nous ramène aux années trente, en particulier à l’analyse de ses liens avec l’exposition « Réalités Nouvelles » organisée galerie Charpentier par Frédo Sidès et Yvanohé Rambosson en 1939
Created by the art lover Frédo Sidès in july 1946, the « Salon des Réalités Nouvelles » was first directed by Auguste Herbin and Félix Del Marle. In the line from Abstraction-Creation, it was meant to set up annual « concrete art, non figurative or abstract art » exhibitions. From 1946 to 1948, the Salon, which was held in the Palais des Beaux Arts in Paris, offered a unique visibility for abstract art, with a very open policy and a will for international participation (the 1948 Salon was attended by more than 350 exhibitors representing 17 nations). Consulting the archives of the SRN, quite forgotten until now, offers the opportunity to understand how the Salon worked, and learn about its diffusion and recognition policy. This consultation also proves that the Salon was the conclusion of a long gestation which started in the 1930’s, an dis directly coneected to the exposition « Réalités Nouvelles » held in the Charpentier gallery by Frédo Sidès and Yvanohé Rambosson in 1939

Cette thèse de doctorat se propose d’étudier les Salons sous l’ère napoléonienne, connus surtout pour le rôle important qu’ils jouèrent dans le cadre de l’instrumentalisation politique de l’art contemporain. Ainsi, après 1799, le Salon devint rapidement un important outil de la vaste politique culturelle du Consulat et de l’Empire, qui servit à représenter de manière symbolique le système politique. Face à ce changement radical du Salon et de sa politique artistique, les artistes, eux aussi, ont dû se positionner et s’adapter aux nouvelles structures politiques et administratives, tout en réagissant aux nouvelles tendances artistiques et à l’évolution du milieu artistique, afin de s’imposer au Salon. Le succès rencontré par les Salons en ces années-là ne se manifeste pas seulement par le chiffre croissant des exposants et des visiteurs : les diverses formes de la réception du Salon – journaux, brochures, récits de voyage, lettres et œuvres graphiques - témoignent également de l’écho rencontré par l’exposition, et ceci bien au-delà des frontières nationales. Jouxtant les salles du fameux Musée Napoléon qui regroupe les chefs-d’œuvre artistiques les plus importants, saisis par les armées françaises dans des collections de l’Europe, le Salon profite de la forte fréquentation du Louvre entre 1800 et 1815, de la part de visiteurs aussi bien français qu’étrangers. L’objectif de cette thèse est d’analyser l’organisation de l’exposition, le paysage des artistes exposants ainsi que l’écho rencontré par cet évènement sur la scène internationale en tenant compte de cette mutation complexe de la vie artistique parisienne au début du XIXème siècle. Dans cette perspective, le présent travail s’interroge sur les rapports entre la politique artistique, les pratiques artistiques et culturelles ainsi que leur réception
This doctoral thesis examines the Salons of living artists under the reign of Napoleon I, which are primarily known for the prominent role they played in the context of cultural politics of that time. After 1799, the Salon rapidly became an important instrument of art and cultural politics used by the ruling government to symbolically legitimise and support the political system. Given the major changes to the exhibition in these years, artists had also had to adapt to the new political and administrative structures whilst, at the same time, reacting to new artistic trends in order to stand up to the strong competition at the Salon. The exhibition's success in these years is not only reflected by the rising numbers of exhibiting artists and visitors. Also its wide-ranging coverage in the media, such as newspaper articles, letters, travelogues and graphic anthologies, is further proof of the exhibition's relevance and reach, sometimes even beyond national frontiers. Indeed, the exhibition's close locality to the famous Musée Napoléon, with its large collection of master pieces confiscated from European collections by the French armies, added further attention paid by European travellers to the Salon and the French contemporary art on display there. The aim of this doctoral thesis is to analyse the organisation of the exhibition, the range of participating artists as well as the international response it created whilst taking into consideration the complex transformation of art and the French art scene at the beginning of 19th century. By doing so, the dissertation focuses on the reciprocal relationship between art politics, artistic production and their reception

The English poet of empire Rudyard Kipling penned the much quoted lines, ‘East is East and West is West, and never the twain shall meet’. Even if, by the early twentieth century, European observers had become overwhelmed by what they saw as fundamental differences between attitudes and styles of life in East and West, this was not true of the nineteenth century. Then, the ideal became the joining of East and West: a physical joining, through the Suez Canal, but also a cultural joining, as western Europeans relished the cultures of the Near East, and as the rulers of Near Eastern lands – the Ottoman sultans and their highly autonomous viceroys in Egypt – looked towards France and Great Britain in search of models they could follow in reviving the languishing economy of their dominions. This was, then, a reciprocal relationship: despite the claims of those who see ‘orientalism’ as the cultural expression of western imperialism, the masters of the eastern Mediterranean actively sought cultural contact with the West, and saw themselves as members of a community of monarchs that embraced Europe and the Mediterranean. Ismail Pasha, viceroy of Egypt between 1863 and 1879, always dressed in European clothes, though he would occasionally top his frock-coat and epaulettes with a fez; he spoke Turkish, not Arabic. Equally, the Ottoman sultans, and more particularly their courtiers (like Ismail, frequently Albanian), often sported western dress. They would, of course, be selective in their use of western ideas. The Egyptian viceroys were happy to send clever subjects to study at the École Polytechnique in Paris, a Napoleonic foundation; at the same time they discouraged excessive mixing in the French salons: they wished to import radical ideas, but about technology, not government. What had almost entirely disappeared by the early nineteenth century was the idea of the Ottoman realms as the seat of conquering warriors of the faith. Having lost their military and naval superiority in the East, the Ottomans were no longer the subject of fear but of fascination. Traditional ways of life caught the attention of western artists such as Delacroix, but other westerners, notably Ferdinand de Lesseps, the builder of the Suez Canal, were keen to promote modernization.

Pierre-Luc Cicéri, chief decorator at the Paris Opéra, also established a career as interior decorator and educator of students that treated interior spaces as three-dimensional images and artworks in their own right. Cicéri’s followers helped push the art of fantasy architecture to a new level, creating a new form of art and popular entertainment around the “ideal home.” Exhibited at the Salon and at a variety of universal and decorative arts exhibitions as well as published in expensive, luxury folios and reprinted in cheaper, popular editions, the “interior dreamscapes” by Cicéri’s followers disseminated the interior for interior’s sake. The domestic interior could be admired, collected, hidden inside cabinets, or reappropriated as an object of contemplation for private walls. The same images functioned as two-dimensional blueprints for the construction of three-dimensional settings and as advertising schemes for the artists that produced and popularized them, furthering interest in and creating a common language about the appearance of the modern, private home. The chapter ultimately argues that wishful thinking and vicarious identification with the - often missing - owners of the model interiors made available through these means and furtively perused in private homes helped create a professional niche that would soon be occupied by the interior designer.

The third chapter deals with the wholesale importation of a British team sport, rugby, into France. Led by Baron de Coubertin, the founder of the Olympics, who was the referee in the first French championship, its adoption by the French was a self-conscious response to defeat in the Franco–Prussian War. Choosing rugby over the more proletarian soccer, an haute-bourgeois and aristocratic elite played rugby at Paris’ most exclusive clubs, a moment reimagined by Henri Rousseau. But rugby could not be confined to these environs for long, and by the time of Delaunay’s The Cardiff Team, with its press photograph source, the sport was included alongside aeroplanes, the Eiffel Tower and advertising as a cipher of all that was modern in the Paris of 1913. Also on view at that year’s Salon des Indépendants was another picture of rugby, The Football Players, cementing the sport as a theme for salon cubism. During the First World War, rugby was celebrated by French nationalists as a sport that had trained its participants to become heroes on the battlefield. This, I surmise, is what led André Lhote to produce his cubist paintings of rugby during and after the conflict.