Relevant bibliographies by topics / Paris. Peace Conference, 1919. China

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  2. Dissertations / Theses
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Academic literature on the topic 'Paris. Peace Conference, 1919. China'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 8 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Paris. Peace Conference, 1919. China"

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A.V., Goncharenko. "THE PROBLEM OF NAVAL WEAPONS’ LIMITATION IN FOREIGN POLICY OF THE USA IN THE EARLY 20-IES OF XX CENTURY." Sums'ka Starovyna (Ancient Sumy Land), no. 54 (2019): 64–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/starovyna.2019.54.6.

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The article researches the position of the United States on the issue of naval arms restriction in the early 20-ies of the XX century. There are outlined causes, the course and the consequences of the intensification of Washington’s naval activity during the investigated period. It is explored the process of formation and implementation of the US initiatives to limit naval weapons before and during the Washington Peace Conference of 1921–1922. The role of the USA in the settlement of foreign policy contradictions between the leading countries of the world in the early 20-ies of the XX century is analyzed. In the early 20’s of the XX century there have been some changes in the international relations system and the role of the USA in it. Despite the isolation stance taken by Washington, the White House continues its policy of «open doors» and «equal opportunities», promoting the elimination of unequal agreements between foreign countries with China, and attempts to influence the position of European countries and Japan in the naval contest issues and limitation of naval weapons. Taking full advantages, which were giving the United States’ the richest country and world creditor status, the US Department of State has stepped up its US impact in the Asia-Pacific region. The new Republican administration succeeded in offsetting the failures of the Paris Decisions of 1919–1920 and began to СУМСЬКА СТАРОВИНА 2019 №LIV 75 construct a new model of international relations in which the United States would occupy a leading position. The success of US diplomacy at the Washington Peace Conference of 1921– 1922 contributed to this. However, the conflict between the former allies within the Entente was only smoothed out and not settled. The latter has led to increasing US capital expansion into Europe due to the significant economic growth in the country. Despite the fact that the Republicans’ achievements in US foreign policy on local issues have been much more specific than trying to solve the problem of a new system of international relations globally, these achievements have been rather relative. Leading countries in the world were still making concessions to the White House on separate issues, but in principle they were not ready to accept the scheme of relations offered by the States. That is why American foreign policy achievements have been impermanent. Key words: the
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Mencel, Marian. "China Against the Decision of the Versailles Treaty – May 4 Movement. The State of China's International Environment and Changes in the System of International Relations in the Far East Region." Studia Gdańskie. Wizje i rzeczywistość XVII (May 1, 2021): 201–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.9105.

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Decisions made after World War I at the Paris Peace Conference had serious political consequences on a global scale. In Europe, new state entities disintegrated and created, the balance of power of the main po-wers changed, with the United States of America taking the first posi-tion. A bipolar system of international relations developed gradually. It reached its final form after World War II. Under the influence of the idealistic vision of the world of American President, Woodrow Wilson, the League of Nations was created. It was a universal international organization the main task of which was to ensure the "territorial integrity and political independence” of its members and to supervise the implementation of the provisions of the Versailles Treaty, regulating the global principles of international political and economic relations. They were expressed by W. Wilson in the so-called "14 points", announced in Congress on January 8, 1918. However, China was not among the beneficiaries of the "new world order" despite the fact that the Middle Kingdom participated in the war on the side of the Entente countries. The decisions made during the Paris conference were against China's raison d'état. For this reason, the country was still an economic base for strengthening its position as superpowers, especially Japan, which had been granted the rights to German concessions in China. The public protest resulted in the revolutionary May 4 Movement, which spread from Beijing to all major cities of the Republic of China, revealing the new face of Chinese society. The 100-year anniversary of these events gives rise to considerations aimed at determining the proper causes of the outbreak of the May 4 Movement and its impact on shaping internal social relations and changes occurring in the social and political space in China. The consi-derations presented in this lecture focused mainly on a synthetic appro-ach to the issue of changes occurring in the international environment, especially the policy of the powers towards China and phenomena obse-rved in Chinese society, resulting in the May 4 Movement. The material, published in subsequent volumes of "Studia Gdańskie. Wizje i rzeczywi-stość", is presented in four parts, due to the need to analyse a wide range of factors influencing the shaping of the social movement in China. In the first part, an attempt was made to indicate the conditions of the state of China's international environment and changes in the system of international relations in the Far East region in the period preceding the outbreak of World War I until its end. The changes observed in the Chinese political and economic system under the pressure of external factors and reactionary internal phenomena will be presented in the following part of the lecture. The third part will focus on the analysis of the phenomena occurring in Chinese society, especially in the context of the creation of civil society and the rejection of the Confucian tradition under the influence of liberal, socialist ideology and communism, of which the May 4 Movement was a consequence. The conclusion will involve an attempt to show the influence of the May 4 Movement on the socio-political phenomena seen during the rule of the Communist Party of China.
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Pellegrino, Anthony, Christopher Dean Lee, and Alex d'Erizans. "Historical Thinking through Classroom Simulation: 1919 Paris Peace Conference." Clearing House: A Journal of Educational Strategies, Issues and Ideas 85, no. 4 (May 2012): 146–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00098655.2012.659774.

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PETRÁŠ, René. "Organisational aspects of the Paris Peace Conference (1919-1920)." Central European Papers 3, no. 2 (September 1, 2015): 34–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.25142/cep.2015.016.

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Englberger, Florian. "Book review: Sovereignty at the Paris Peace Conference of 1919." Contemporary Voices: St Andrews Journal of International Relations 1, no. 3 (June 20, 2019): 106. http://dx.doi.org/10.15664/jtr.1504.

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Baigorri-Jalón, Jesús. "Conference Interpreting." Interpreting. International Journal of Research and Practice in Interpreting 4, no. 1 (December 31, 1999): 29–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/intp.4.1.05bai.

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Based on original sources, both written and oral, the paper offers an overview of the path followed by the profession of conference interpreting since its birth at the 1919 Paris Peace Conference until now, with a diachronic perspective that may serve as a useful compass to forecast its future course.
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Popenko, Yaroslav. "«Bessarabian question» at the Paris Peace Conference (Autumn-Winter 1919 year)." Skhid, no. 4(156) (October 3, 2018): 56–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.21847/1728-9343.2018.4(156).140985.

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Ikonomou, Haakon A. "Leonard V. Smith, Sovereignty at the Paris Peace Conference of 1919." European History Quarterly 49, no. 1 (January 2019): 162–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691418822189af.

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Lee, David. "The Australian delegation to the 1919 Paris Peace Conference: A biography." Australian Journal of Biography and History 4, no. 2 (December 3, 2020): 131–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.22459/ajbh.04.2020.07.

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Dervishi, Erjon. "THE ALBANIAN QUESTION AT THE PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE DURING 1919-1920." Journal of Liberty and International Affairs, Institute for Research and European Studies - Bitola 2 (2020): 123–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.47305/jlia2020123d.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Paris. Peace Conference, 1919. China"

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Shimazu, Naoko. "The racial equality proposal at the 1919 Paris Peace Conference : Japanese motivations and Anglo-American responses." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:8fd0f80b-a0be-42df-a1a0-7441fb27616b.

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This thesis is a study of the racial equality proposal at the Paris Peace Conference. It explores Japanese motivations for submitting the proposal, and the responses of the British and American governments which eventually defeated it. The thesis uses an analytical framework based on five categories of possible explanations for the proposal: immigration, universal principle, great power status, peace conference politics and bargaining, and domestic politics. The thrust of the analysis contained in the thesis is as follows. For Japan, the proposal meant three things: a means of reaffirming its great power status by securing racial equality with the western great powers in the League of Nations; a justification for Prime Minister Hara whose pro- League position was maintained by a fragile domestic consensus against sceptics in the government and the wider public; and a means of resolving Japanese immigration problems in the United States and British Dominions. But for Japan the proposal was not originally intended as a demand for universal racial equality. For Britain, the proposal was unacceptable because it meant "free immigration" of non-white immigrants into the Dominions. In particular, Australia adamantly opposed it also because of its political significance for Australian public opinion. For the United States, Wilson's determination to create the League of Nations at almost any cost led him to impose a unanimity ruling at the crucial vote on llth April 1919. Other explanations worked in the background. The proposal highlighted the importance of the link between race and great power status for Japan, Japan's insecurity concerning the League of Nations and the West, and Japan's different approach to international relations. Moreover, the failure of the proposal revealed the limits of Wilsonian idealism in that neither Britain nor the United States at that time seriously considered the possibility of universal racial equality.
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Imamoto, Shizuka. "Racial Equality Bill Japanese proposal at Paris Peace Conference : diplomatic manoeuvres and reasons for rejection /." Electronic version, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.14/699.

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Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (Honours) at Macquarie University.
Thesis (MA (Hons))--Macquarie University (Division of Humanities, Dept. of Asian Languages), 2006.
Bibliography: leaves 137-160.
Introduction -- Anglo-Japanese relations and World War One -- Fear of Japan in Australia -- William Morris Hughes -- Japan's proposal and diplomacy at Paris -- Reasons for rejection : a discussion -- Conclusion.
Japan as an ally of Britain, since the signing of Anglo-Japanese Alliance in 1902, entered World War One at British request. During the Great War Japan fought Germany in Asia and afforded protection to Australia. After the conclusion of the War, a peace conference was held at Paris in 1919. As a victorious ally and as one of the Five Great Powers of the day, Japan participated at the Paris Peace Conference, and proposed racial equality to be enshrined in the Covenant of the League of Nations. This Racial Equality Bill, despite the tireless efforts of the Japanese delegates who engaged the representatives of other countries in intense diplomatic negotiations, was rejected. The rejection, a debatable issue ever since, has inspired many explanations including the theory that it was a deliberate Japanese ploy to achieve other goals in the agenda. This thesis has researched the reasons for rejection and contends that the rejection was not due to any one particular reason. Four key factors: a) resolute opposition from Australian Prime Minister Hughes determined to protect White Australia Policy, b) lack of British support, c) lack of US support, and d) lack of support from the British dominions of New Zealand, Canada and South Africa; converged to defeat the Japanese proposal. Japanese inexperience in international diplomacy evident from strategic and tactical mistakes, their weak presentations and communications, and enormous delays in negotiations, at Paris, undermined Japan's position at the conference, but the reasons for rejection of the racial equality proposal were extrinsic.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
xii, 188 leaves
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Saint, Emma. "Who gained most success from negotiations at the Paris Peace Conference 1919, as reflected in the terms of the Treaty of Versailles? /." Title page, contents and introduction only, 2002. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09ars137.pdf.

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Scogin, Katie Elizabeth. "Britain and the Supreme Economic Council 1919." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1987. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc332330/.

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This dissertation attempts to determine what Britain expected from participation in the Supreme Economic Council (SEC) of the 1919 Paris Peace Conference and to what extent its expectations were realized. An investigation of available sources reveals that access to European markets and raw materials and a balance of power to prevent French, German, or Russian hegemony in Europe were British foreign policy goals that SEC delegates sought to advance. Primary sources for this study include unpublished British Foreign Office and Cabinet records, published British, United States, and German government documents, unpublished personal papers of people directing SEC efforts, such as David Lloyd George, Austen Chamberlain, Cecil Harmsworth, Harry Osborne Mance, and John Maynard Keynes, and published memoirs and accounts of persons who were directly or indirectly involved with the SEC. Secondary accounts include biographies and histories or studies of the Peace Conference and of countries affected by its work. Primarily concerned with the first half of 1919, this dissertation focuses on British participation in Inter-allied war-time economic efforts, in post-war Rhineland control, in the creation of the SEC, and in the SEC endeavors of revictualling Germany, providing food and medical relief for eastern Europe, and reconstructing European communications. It concludes with Britain's role in the attempt to convert the SEC into an International Economic Council in the last half of 1919 and with the transfer of SEC duties to the Reparations Commission and to the League of Nations. Through participation in the SEC, Britain led in negotiating the Brussels Agreement and in establishing the Rhineland Commission and the German Economic Commission, reversing French attempts to control the Rhenish economy, preventing French hegemony in Europe, and gaining access to German markets for British goods. Although it failed to achieve its goals of strong eastern European states and access to markets and raw materials there, Britain led in restoration of communications and participated in the relief effort which saved the new states from anarchy in 1919.
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Gleason, Mark C. "From Associates to Antagonists: the United States, Great Britain, the First World War, and the Origins of War Plan Red, 1914-1919." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2012. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc115084/.

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American military plans for a war with the British Empire, first discussed in 1919, have received varied treatment since their declassification. the most common theme among historians in their appraisals of WAR PLAN RED is that of an oddity. Lack of a detailed study of Anglo-American relations in the immediate post-First World War years makes a right understanding of the difficult relationship between the United States and Britain after the War problematic. As a result of divergent aims and policies, the United States and Great Britain did not find the diplomatic and social unity so many on both sides of the Atlantic aspired to during and immediately after the First World War. Instead, United States’ civil and military organizations came to see the British Empire as a fierce and potentially dangerous rival, worthy of suspicion, and planned accordingly. Less than a year after the end of the War, internal debates and notes discussed and circulated between the most influential members of the United States Government, coalesced around a premise that became the rationale for WAR PLAN RED. Ample evidence reveals that contrary to the common narrative of “Anglo-American” and “Atlanticist” historians of the past century, the First World War did not forge a new union of spirit between the English-speaking nations. the experiences of the War, instead, engendered American antipathy for the British Empire. Economic and military advisers feared that the British might use their naval power to check American expansion, as they believed it did during the then recent conflict. the first full year of peace witnessed the beginnings of what became WAR PLAN RED. the foundational elements of America’s war plan against the British Empire emerged in reaction to the events of the day. Planners saw Britain as a potentially hostile nation, which might regard the United States’ rise in strength as a threatening challenge to Britain’s historic economic and maritime supremacy.
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Jesenský, Marcel. "Between Realpolitik and Idealism: The Slovak-Polish Border, 1918-1947." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/22796.

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My doctoral dissertation examines the delimitation of the Slovak - Polish border in the interwar period and the impact of the cession of the parts of the Slovak districts in Orava and Spiš to Poland on the relations between Czecho-Slovakia and Poland, Czechoslovakia and Poland, and Slovakia and Poland. The Tešín question dominated the border delimitation and the relations and the Orava and Spiš questions and the delimitation of the Slovak - Polish border received much less scholarly attention. While acknowledging the complexity of the issue under consideration, this work attempts to make small contribution towards filling existing gap in historiography. The majority of research work occurred at the diplomatic archives in Prague, Paris and Warsaw (Archives of the Foreign Ministry, Archives diplomatiques and Archiwum Akt Nowych). Some primary research also took place in Bratislava, Warsaw, Washington and Ottawa. This work seeks to interpret primary sources in an innovative way which demonstrates influence exerted by the Orava and Spiš questions on the relations between Czecho-Slovakia and Poland, Czechoslovakia and Poland, Slovakia and Poland, Slovaks and Poles, Slovaks and Czechs, and Czechs and Poles. Effectiveness of the Orava and Spiš questions to carve out their own constituencies and to communicate the message of their populations were limited or enhanced by contemporary configuration of international and internal factors. The Orava and Spiš border delimitations in the Slovak-Polish border and their consequences for the Slovak-Czech-Polish relations, remain largely neglected by the scholars in the English and French historiographies. The Orava and Spiš border delimitations play an important role in understanding of Slovak-Polish-Czech relations and international relations in the interwar and post World War II periods. The questions posed by examining the Orava and Spiš border delimitations are as relevant in Schengen Europe as they were almost a century ago.
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Nardelli-Malgrand, Anne-Sophie. "La rivalité franco-italienne en Europe balkanique et danubienne, de la Conférence de la Paix (1919) au Pacte à quatre (1933) : intérêts nationaux et représentations du système européen." Thesis, Paris 4, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA040169/document.

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Dès 1919, la France et l’Italie se tournent vers l’espace balkanique et danubien, issu de l’effondrement des empires multinationaux, pour assurer leur sécurité et leur puissance. Alors que la question adriatique éloigne les deux pays, ils trouvent un consensus provisoire sur l’Europe danubienne : ni Anschluss, ni confédération danubienne. Ce modus vivendi va cependant voler en éclats à partir de 1924, lorsque la volonté française de mieux organiser son système d’alliances rencontre le révisionnisme fasciste. L’une et l’autre puissance tentent de surmonter les difficultés internationales créées par le mouvement pour l’Anschluss, l’opposition de la Petite Entente et de la Hongrie, le statut de la Yougoslavie, mais la divergence de leurs représentations sur ce que devait être un concert européen rénové empêcha toute collaboration. Leur confrontation favorisa la déstabilisation de l’Europe balkanique et danubienne : le lien entre les deux phénomènes éclata au grand jour lors des négociations économiques pour la reconstruction de l’Europe entre 1931 et 1933. Dans le sillage de ces dernières, le Pacte à quatre fut conçu par la diplomatie française comme une occasion d’arrimer l’Italie à la vision française de l’organisation du continent, tandis que Mussolini en faisait la première étape d’un bouleversement de l’ordre issu des traités de paix : l’Europe balkanique et danubienne fut le grand enjeu tacite du Pacte à quatre
By 1919, France and Italy look to the Balkan and Danubian Region, shaped by the collapse of multinational empires, to ensure their safety and power. While the Adriatic question drives away the two countries, they find a temporary consensus on Danubian Europe: neither Anschluss, nor Danubian confederation. This modus vivendi is however shattered in 1924 when the French desire to better organize its system of alliances meets fascist revisionism. Both powers try to overcome the difficulties created by the international movement for the Anschluss, the opposition of the Little Entente and Hungary, the status of Yugoslavia, but their divergent representations of what should be a renovated European concert prevent any collaboration. Their confrontation promotes the destabilization of the Balkans and the Danubian Region : the link between the two phenomenons breaks out in the open during the negotiations for the economic reconstruction of Europe between 1931 and 1933. In the wake of these, the Four Power Pact was designed by French diplomacy as an opportunity to tie Italy to the French vision of the organization of the continent, while Mussolini figures it as the first step in the disruption of the order created by the peace treaties: the Balkans and Danube was the great unspoken issue of the Four Power Pact
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Sauntry, Victor. "Canadian Newspapers and the Paris Peace Conference of 1919: A Study of English-Language Media Opinion." Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10012/3684.

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This thesis is a study of English-language media opinion in relation to Canada’s involvement in the Paris Peace Conference of 1919. Using The News Record, The Globe and the Manitoba Free Press, this thesis will examine how the English Canadian press presented the Paris Peace Conference to Canadians from November 1918 to its signing in June 1918. Historians have traditionally presented the Peace Conference as a turning point in Canadian history that accelerated Canada’s maturity from a colony to a fully-fledged nation. This paper will argue that Canadians’ understanding of the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 was far more complex than the orthodox interpretation would suggest. While Canadian newspapers were concerned with Canada’s status, they devoted far more attention to other matters. Canadian newspapers spent time discussing reparations, the Kaiser, old diplomacy and the future League of Nations.
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Samková, Marcela. "Československo v představách Edvarda Beneše na Pařížské mírové konferenci v letech 1918-1919." Master's thesis, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-335188.

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The thesis focuses on the form changes of postwar Czechoslovakia at the Paris Peace Conference in 1918-1919 concerning the personality of Foreign Minister Edvard Benes and describtion and interpretation of his ideas, which were confronted with the reality of the political elites of the time and the views of the contemporary press. The aim of this thesis is to analyse the Benes's efforts related to the formation of postwar Czechoslovakia, his foreign anchorage, international guarantees and bonds, its borders and relations with neighboring countries, etc., whose final form we know, but we're not already familiar with their alternative tendencies and ideas, which changed at the Paris Peace conference.
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Chodějovský, Jan. "Lužice v plánech na vybudování nového Československa. Velké naděje a zklamání českých slavistů." Doctoral thesis, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-311341.

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Lusatia in the plans of building the new Czechoslovakia. Great expectations and early disillusionment of the Czech Slavists. During the Great War, especially in the last year of the war, a number of representatives of Czech political and cultural life reflected upon an idea of a renewal of the Czech state in a historical borders of the former Czech crown lands. The independence of Czechoslovakia was proclaimed on October 28, 1918, by the Czechoslovak National Council in Prague. Only several years before, an independent Czechoslovakia had been a dream of a small number of intellectuals and politicians. The transformation of the dream into reality was a formidable task. While the creation of Czechoslovakia was based on certain historical precedents, it was, nevertheless, a new country carved out of disparate parts of the old Hapsburg Empire. This study deals with the matter of how Czechoslovak scientists, first of all slavists, intervened in the forming of Czechoslovak political programme. Slavists' role in the communal life of Czechoslovakia has been transforming due to changes that took place in both local and international politics. For a long time before they had no chance to participate at official state politics as there was not a sympathetic for Slavonic cooperation on an international level...
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Books on the topic "Paris. Peace Conference, 1919. China"

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Bali he hui yu Zhongguo wai jiao: Paris peace conference and China diplomacy. Beijing Shi: She hui ke xue wen xian chu ban she, 2014.

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Dockrill, Michael, and John Fisher. The Paris Peace Conference, 1919. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230628083.

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1968-, Fisher John, ed. The Paris Peace Conference, 1919: Peace without victory? New York, N.Y: Palgrave, 2001.

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Lansing, Robert. The Peace Negotiations. Fairfield: 1st World Library, 2006.

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Schelle, Karel. Paris peace conference, 1919-1920, and its influence. Brno: Novpress, 2009.

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Nicolson, Harold. Peacemaking 1919: Being reminiscences of the Paris Peace Conference. Safety Harbor, FL: Simon Publications, 2001.

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Macmillan, Margaret Olwen. Lessons of history: The Paris Peace Conference of 1919. [Ottawa, Ont.]: Dept. of Foreign Affairs and International Trade, 2003.

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Lansing, Robert. The Big Four and others of the Peace Conference. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1990.

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Lovin, Clifford R. A school for diplomats: The Paris Peace Conference of 1919. Lanham, Md: University Press of America, 1997.

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Kidwai, Mushir Hosain. Paris Sulh Konferansı ve Osmanlının çöküşü. Çemberlitaş, İstanbul: Nehir Yayınları, 1991.

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Book chapters on the topic "Paris. Peace Conference, 1919. China"

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Dockrill, Michael, and John Fisher. "Introduction." In The Paris Peace Conference, 1919, 1–6. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230628083_1.

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Henig, Ruth. "New Diplomacy and Old: a Reassessment of British Conceptions of a League of Nations, 1918–20." In The Paris Peace Conference, 1919, 157–74. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230628083_10.

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Wilson, Keith. "Before Gooch and Temperley: the Contributions of Austen Chamberlain and J.W. Headlam-Morley towards ‘instructing the mass of the public’, 1912–26." In The Paris Peace Conference, 1919, 175–89. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230628083_11.

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Hurd, Lord. "The Rise and Fall of Morality in Peace Making." In The Paris Peace Conference, 1919, 7–12. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230628083_2.

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Steiner, Zara. "The Treaty of Versailles Revisited." In The Paris Peace Conference, 1919, 13–33. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230628083_3.

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Sharp, Alan. "Holding up the Flag of Britain … with Sustained Vigour and Brilliance or ‘Sowing the seeds of European Disaster’? Lloyd George and Balfour at the Paris Peace Conference." In The Paris Peace Conference, 1919, 35–50. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230628083_4.

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Lentin, Antony. "‘Appeasement’ at the Paris Peace Conference." In The Paris Peace Conference, 1919, 51–66. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230628083_5.

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Neilson, Keith. "‘That elusive entity British policy in Russia’: the Impact of Russia on British Policy at the Paris Peace Conference." In The Paris Peace Conference, 1919, 67–101. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230628083_6.

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Robbins, Keith. "The Treaty of Versailles, ‘Never Again’ and Appeasement." In The Paris Peace Conference, 1919, 103–14. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230628083_7.

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Lojko, Miklos. "Missions impossible: General Smuts, Sir George Clerk and British Diplomacy in Central Europe in 1919." In The Paris Peace Conference, 1919, 115–39. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230628083_8.

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