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Journal articles on the topic 'Paris. Peace Conference, 1919. China'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 8 February 2022

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1

A.V., Goncharenko. "THE PROBLEM OF NAVAL WEAPONS’ LIMITATION IN FOREIGN POLICY OF THE USA IN THE EARLY 20-IES OF XX CENTURY." Sums'ka Starovyna (Ancient Sumy Land), no. 54 (2019): 64–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/starovyna.2019.54.6.

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The article researches the position of the United States on the issue of naval arms restriction in the early 20-ies of the XX century. There are outlined causes, the course and the consequences of the intensification of Washington’s naval activity during the investigated period. It is explored the process of formation and implementation of the US initiatives to limit naval weapons before and during the Washington Peace Conference of 1921–1922. The role of the USA in the settlement of foreign policy contradictions between the leading countries of the world in the early 20-ies of the XX century is analyzed. In the early 20’s of the XX century there have been some changes in the international relations system and the role of the USA in it. Despite the isolation stance taken by Washington, the White House continues its policy of «open doors» and «equal opportunities», promoting the elimination of unequal agreements between foreign countries with China, and attempts to influence the position of European countries and Japan in the naval contest issues and limitation of naval weapons. Taking full advantages, which were giving the United States’ the richest country and world creditor status, the US Department of State has stepped up its US impact in the Asia-Pacific region. The new Republican administration succeeded in offsetting the failures of the Paris Decisions of 1919–1920 and began to СУМСЬКА СТАРОВИНА 2019 №LIV 75 construct a new model of international relations in which the United States would occupy a leading position. The success of US diplomacy at the Washington Peace Conference of 1921– 1922 contributed to this. However, the conflict between the former allies within the Entente was only smoothed out and not settled. The latter has led to increasing US capital expansion into Europe due to the significant economic growth in the country. Despite the fact that the Republicans’ achievements in US foreign policy on local issues have been much more specific than trying to solve the problem of a new system of international relations globally, these achievements have been rather relative. Leading countries in the world were still making concessions to the White House on separate issues, but in principle they were not ready to accept the scheme of relations offered by the States. That is why American foreign policy achievements have been impermanent. Key words: the

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2

Mencel, Marian. "China Against the Decision of the Versailles Treaty – May 4 Movement. The State of China's International Environment and Changes in the System of International Relations in the Far East Region." Studia Gdańskie. Wizje i rzeczywistość XVII (May 1, 2021): 201–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.9105.

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Decisions made after World War I at the Paris Peace Conference had serious political consequences on a global scale. In Europe, new state entities disintegrated and created, the balance of power of the main po-wers changed, with the United States of America taking the first posi-tion. A bipolar system of international relations developed gradually. It reached its final form after World War II. Under the influence of the idealistic vision of the world of American President, Woodrow Wilson, the League of Nations was created. It was a universal international organization the main task of which was to ensure the "territorial integrity and political independence” of its members and to supervise the implementation of the provisions of the Versailles Treaty, regulating the global principles of international political and economic relations. They were expressed by W. Wilson in the so-called "14 points", announced in Congress on January 8, 1918. However, China was not among the beneficiaries of the "new world order" despite the fact that the Middle Kingdom participated in the war on the side of the Entente countries. The decisions made during the Paris conference were against China's raison d'état. For this reason, the country was still an economic base for strengthening its position as superpowers, especially Japan, which had been granted the rights to German concessions in China. The public protest resulted in the revolutionary May 4 Movement, which spread from Beijing to all major cities of the Republic of China, revealing the new face of Chinese society. The 100-year anniversary of these events gives rise to considerations aimed at determining the proper causes of the outbreak of the May 4 Movement and its impact on shaping internal social relations and changes occurring in the social and political space in China. The consi-derations presented in this lecture focused mainly on a synthetic appro-ach to the issue of changes occurring in the international environment, especially the policy of the powers towards China and phenomena obse-rved in Chinese society, resulting in the May 4 Movement. The material, published in subsequent volumes of "Studia Gdańskie. Wizje i rzeczywi-stość", is presented in four parts, due to the need to analyse a wide range of factors influencing the shaping of the social movement in China. In the first part, an attempt was made to indicate the conditions of the state of China's international environment and changes in the system of international relations in the Far East region in the period preceding the outbreak of World War I until its end. The changes observed in the Chinese political and economic system under the pressure of external factors and reactionary internal phenomena will be presented in the following part of the lecture. The third part will focus on the analysis of the phenomena occurring in Chinese society, especially in the context of the creation of civil society and the rejection of the Confucian tradition under the influence of liberal, socialist ideology and communism, of which the May 4 Movement was a consequence. The conclusion will involve an attempt to show the influence of the May 4 Movement on the socio-political phenomena seen during the rule of the Communist Party of China.

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3

Pellegrino, Anthony, Christopher Dean Lee, and Alex d'Erizans. "Historical Thinking through Classroom Simulation: 1919 Paris Peace Conference." Clearing House: A Journal of Educational Strategies, Issues and Ideas 85, no. 4 (May 2012): 146–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00098655.2012.659774.

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4

PETRÁŠ, René. "Organisational aspects of the Paris Peace Conference (1919-1920)." Central European Papers 3, no. 2 (September 1, 2015): 34–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.25142/cep.2015.016.

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5

Englberger, Florian. "Book review: Sovereignty at the Paris Peace Conference of 1919." Contemporary Voices: St Andrews Journal of International Relations 1, no. 3 (June 20, 2019): 106. http://dx.doi.org/10.15664/jtr.1504.

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6

Baigorri-Jalón, Jesús. "Conference Interpreting." Interpreting. International Journal of Research and Practice in Interpreting 4, no. 1 (December 31, 1999): 29–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/intp.4.1.05bai.

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Based on original sources, both written and oral, the paper offers an overview of the path followed by the profession of conference interpreting since its birth at the 1919 Paris Peace Conference until now, with a diachronic perspective that may serve as a useful compass to forecast its future course.

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7

Popenko, Yaroslav. "«Bessarabian question» at the Paris Peace Conference (Autumn-Winter 1919 year)." Skhid, no. 4(156) (October 3, 2018): 56–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.21847/1728-9343.2018.4(156).140985.

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8

Ikonomou, Haakon A. "Leonard V. Smith, Sovereignty at the Paris Peace Conference of 1919." European History Quarterly 49, no. 1 (January 2019): 162–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691418822189af.

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9

Lee, David. "The Australian delegation to the 1919 Paris Peace Conference: A biography." Australian Journal of Biography and History 4, no. 2 (December 3, 2020): 131–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.22459/ajbh.04.2020.07.

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10

Dervishi, Erjon. "THE ALBANIAN QUESTION AT THE PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE DURING 1919-1920." Journal of Liberty and International Affairs, Institute for Research and European Studies - Bitola 2 (2020): 123–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.47305/jlia2020123d.

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11

Hull, Isabel V. "Leonard V. Smith. Sovereignty at the Paris Peace Conference of 1919." American Historical Review 125, no. 2 (April 1, 2020): 713–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhz519.

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12

Nam, I. V., and N. I. Naumova. "THE CARPATHO-RUSSIAN PROBLEM AT THE PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE IN 1919." Rusin, no. 53 (September 1, 2018): 172–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/53/10.

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13

Gormly, James L., and Arthur Walworth. "Wilson and His Peacemakers: American Diplomacy at the Paris Peace Conference, 1919." History Teacher 24, no. 2 (February 1991): 254. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/494132.

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14

Ambrosius, Lloyd E., Arthur Walworth, and Niels Aage Thorsen. "Wilson and His Peacemakers: American Diplomacy at the Paris Peace Conference, 1919." Journal of American History 76, no. 2 (September 1989): 617. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1908054.

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15

Shin, Hyo Seung. "1919 Paris Peace Conference and Kim Gyu-sik’s Movement for Diplomatic Independence." Journal of History and Practical Thought Studies 69 (August 31, 2019): 376–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.31335/hpts.2019.08.69.376.

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16

Lundgreen-Nielsen, Kay. "The Mayer Thesis Reconsidered: The Poles and the Paris Peace Conference, 1919." International History Review 7, no. 1 (February 1985): 68–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.1985.9640370.

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17

Jackson, Peter. "Great Britain in French Policy Conceptions at the Paris Peace Conference, 1919." Diplomacy & Statecraft 30, no. 2 (April 3, 2019): 358–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2019.1619039.

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18

TYMCHENKO, Roman. "DIPLOMATS OF UNR AND ZUNR AT THE PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE." Contemporary era 6 (2018): 105–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2018-6-105-118.

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In January 1919, the Paris Peace Conference began for the establishment of the world post-war order and solution of territorial conflicts and new national borders. Ukrainians, having proclaimed an independent state, hoped for the legal recognition. The negative attitude of the Entente states to Ukraine aggravated this situation, as well as the retreat of the UNR and ZUNR armies under the pressure of Bolshevik on the east and Polish troops on the west, that were not allies. These states wanted to establish their political domination on the Ukrainian lands. The necessity of the international recognition of the Ukrainian state had required the leadership of the UNR and ZUNR to pursue a common foreign policy. The Ukrainian delegation arrived in Paris very late and without an official invitation. The author determined that united Ukraine was represented by diplomats of different political orientations whose professional background did not suit the level of the tasks of the Peace Conference. A large number of members of the delegation have complicated the situation of Ukrainians at the conference because of different political and ideological positions. The case of Western Ukraine was on the agenda almost all the time, and united Ukraine was mentioned only sporadically. Therefore, the Galicians, hoping for the implementation of the principles of the Woodrow Wilson points, tried to act separately from the joint Ukrainian delegation. They issued their own papers and appeals, which often contradicted the statements of the joint Ukrainian mission. Eventually, the internal confrontation led to a split of the joint Ukrainian delegation, and in December 1919, Galician representatives Vasyl Paneiko and Stepan Tomashivsky dismissed from the joint delegation. As a result, the delegation did not fulfill the task: The Entente had never recognized the sovereignty of the Ukrainian People’s Republic. The pessimistic attitude towards the Ukrainians of the Entente states, the domestic split of the Parisian delegation, and the inability to clearly represent “the Ukrainian issue” did not bring the success. Despite this, Ukrainians denied part of Entente’s stereotypes and were able to outline some issues, especially concerning Eastern Galicia. Keywords Paris Peace Conference, Ukrainian People's Republic, West Ukrainian People's Republic, Eastern Galicia, diplomacy.

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19

Datskiv, I. "ZUNR in the Struggle for Independence of the Paris Peace Conference in 1919." Problems of World History, no. 1 (March 24, 2016): 147–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2016-1-9.

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The article investigates the events that took place after World War I, and directly affect the fate of the West Ukrainian People's Republic. Particular attention is paid to foreign factors profound rethinking of the liberation struggle in 1918-1921. ZUNR diplomatic action in defense of statehood at the Paris Peace Conference is analyzed. The activities of Ukrainian diplomats at the conference, their attempts to protect the right to self-determination of the Galician Ukrainian are considered in details. It was the first outing ZUNR diplomacy on the international scene and the active participation of the Ukrainian delegation at the conference, along with the leading states of the world. It is noticed that in Paris the victorious powers regarded Ukrainian problem in the anti-Bolshevik aspect, relying mainly on Poland, Romania and Russia white than ZUNR.

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20

Baigorri-Jalón, Jesús. "Conference Interpreting in the First International Labor Conference (Washington, D. C., 1919)." Meta 50, no. 3 (November 2, 2005): 987–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/011609ar.

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Abstract Conference interpreting began at the 1919 Paris Peace Conference, where the League of Nations (LN) and its offsprings, the Permanent Court of International Justice and the International Labour Organization (ILO), were designed as tools of a new diplomacy by conferences. This meant the end of the virtual monopoly of French as the language of diplomacy and the presence of interpreters mediating between languages. This paper examines the context of the 1919 Washington International Labor Conference (ILC), the interpreting services, the interpreters’ working conditions, and proposes some conclusions. Sources include published records of the plenary meetings of the Washington ILC and unpublished documents from the Personnel files and other material from the archives of the ILO and the LN in Geneva.

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21

Culcasi, Karen, Emily Skop, and Cynthia Gorman. "Contemporary Refugee‐Border Dynamics and the Legacies of the 1919 Paris Peace Conference ⋆." Geographical Review 109, no. 4 (October 1, 2019): 469–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/gere.12365.

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22

Corp, Edward. "Sir Eyre Crowe and Georges Clemenceau at the Paris peace conference, 1919–20." Diplomacy & Statecraft 8, no. 1 (March 1997): 10–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592299708406028.

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23

Lentin, Antony. "Lord Cunliffe, Lloyd George, reparations and reputations at the Paris peace conference, 1919." Diplomacy & Statecraft 10, no. 1 (March 1999): 50–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592299908406110.

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24

Payk, Marcus M. "Sovereignty at the Paris Peace Conference of 1919, written by Leonard V. Smith." Journal of the History of International Law / Revue d’histoire du droit international 22, no. 1 (February 27, 2020): 191–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718050-12340143.

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25

Keown. "Knocking on the Door: The Irish Presence at the Paris Peace Conference of 1919." Irish Studies in International Affairs 30 (2019): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3318/isia.2019.30.5.

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26

Calcan, Gheorghe. "The International Image of Ion I. C. Brătianu in 1919." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 23, no. 2 (June 25, 2017): 265–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kbo-2017-0125.

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Abstract Our paper aims to present how Ion I. C. Brătianu was perceived outside national borders in a very important moment of the Romanian national history, namely the international recognition of the Great Union, within the Peace Conference at Paris-Versailles in 1919 -1920. Ion I. C. Brătianu was at that moment Prime Minister and the leader of the Romanian delegation at Versailles. Foreign countries perceived him as a very powerful personality, capable to influence other states with similar interests in Central and South Eastern Europe. Brătianu stoutly and patriotically defended the Romanian interests. Therefore, although his position was correct, it came into conflict with the interests of the great powers. Brătianu would not give up his principles and decided to leave the Peace Conference. French media was objective in their accounts and proved favourable to the Romanian position.

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27

Konopska, Beata. "The cartographic materials auxiliary in the determination of the borders of Poland during the Paris Peace Conference (1919–1920) in the light of archival records." Polish Cartographical Review 48, no. 2 (July 1, 2016): 67–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pcr-2016-0006.

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Abstract The work indicated in Polish literature as the cartographic basis for the negotiations of Polish issues at the Paris Peace Conference (1919–1920) is Eugeniusz Romer’s Geograficzno-statystyczny atlas Polski (Geographical and Statistical Atlas of Poland). Given the complicated fate of the atlas, the position of its author in the Polish delegation, and the multidisciplinarity and importance of the conference, it is worth considering whether this atlas really played such an important role, or whether this is merely a statement, a repeated assignment of this role, to stave off concealment or lack of knowledge about other cartographic materials developed and used for the same purpose. Therefore, the main aim of this study was to determine the level of use of cartographic documents other than the Geographical and Statistical Atlas of Poland in lobbying and official negotiations of Polish issues before and during the Paris Peace Conference. The research task was associated with an extensive archival query, which confirmed the fact that dozens of maps survived, mainly manuscripts, which were prepared before and during the conference. It should be concluded that the maps of E. Romer’s atlas constituted one set of many equally important cartographic documents which were used by the negotiators at the Paris Peace Conference.

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Narocznicka, Natalia Aleksiejewna. "Rosyjska rewolucja i świat w XX wieku w kontekście „problemu rosyjskiego” na paryskiej konferencji pokojowej." Kultura Słowian Rocznik Komisji Kultury Słowian PAU 16 (2020): 147–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/10.4467/25439561ksr.20.009.13298.

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The Russian Revolution and the World in the Twentieth Century: Viewed in the Context of the Russian Question at the Paris Peace Conference The author reviews and sums up areas of research focused on the centennial of the Russian Revolution, Civil War and the end of World War One. Special emphasis is put to the Russian question at the 1919 Paris Peace (Versailles) Conference. The article presents both new and little known data revealing the differences among the Allied Powers regarding the Russian Revolution, the Bolshevik regime, support to the White Movement and the integrity of the Russian territory. It also studies some scarcely researched aspects of W. Wilson's program and US secret diplomacy, including the role of the'Inquiry', the American study group at Versailles Conference; Bullitt's mission to Soviet Russia; negotiations between M. Litvinov and W. Buckler; plans to recognize the Bolsheviks on the territory they were controlling in 1919. Artykuł systematyzuje kierunki badań związanych ze stuleciem rosyjskiej rewolucji, wojny domowej i zakończeniem pierwszej wojny światowej. Szczególną uwagę poświęca się „rosyjskiemu Problemowi” na Paryskiej Konferencji Pokojowej w 1919 r. Autorka przywołuje mało znane i nowe fakty świadczące o kontrowersjach między państwami Ententy w ocenie rewolucji w Rosji, reżimu bolszewickiego, poparcia dla Ruchu Białych i integralności terytorium Rosji. Zaprezentowana została analiza mało zbadane aspekty programu W. Wilsona i tajnej dyplomacji USA, w tym rola amerykańskiej grupy eksperckiej Inquiry, misja W. Bullita w Radzieckiej Rosji, rozmowy M. Litwinowa i W. Becklera, plany uznania władzy bolszewików na zajmowanych przez nich w 1919 r. terytoriach.

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Narocznicka, Natalia Aleksiejewna. "Rosyjska rewolucja i świat w XX wieku w kontekście "problemu rosyjskiego" na paryskiej konferencji pokojowej." Kultura Słowian Rocznik Komisji Kultury Słowian PAU 16 (2020): 147–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/25439561ksr.20.009.13298.

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The Russian Revolution and the World in the Twentieth Century: Viewed in the Context of the Russian Question at the Paris Peace Conference The author reviews and sums up areas of research focused on the centennial of the Russian Revolution, Civil War and the end of World War One. Special emphasis is put to the Russian question at the 1919 Paris Peace (Versailles) Conference. The article presents both new and little known data revealing the differences among the Allied Powers regarding the Russian Revolution, the Bolshevik regime, support to the White Movement and the integrity of the Russian territory. It also studies some scarcely researched aspects of W. Wilson's program and US secret diplomacy, including the role of the'Inquiry', the American study group at Versailles Conference; Bullitt's mission to Soviet Russia; negotiations between M. Litvinov and W. Buckler; plans to recognize the Bolsheviks on the territory they were controlling in 1919. Artykuł systematyzuje kierunki badań związanych ze stuleciem rosyjskiej rewolucji, wojny domowej i zakończeniem pierwszej wojny światowej. Szczególną uwagę poświęca się „rosyjskiemu Problemowi” na Paryskiej Konferencji Pokojowej w 1919 r. Autorka przywołuje mało znane i nowe fakty świadczące o kontrowersjach między państwami Ententy w ocenie rewolucji w Rosji, reżimu bolszewickiego, poparcia dla Ruchu Białych i integralności terytorium Rosji. Zaprezentowana została analiza mało zbadane aspekty programu W. Wilsona i tajnej dyplomacji USA, w tym rola amerykańskiej grupy eksperckiej Inquiry, misja W. Bullita w Radzieckiej Rosji, rozmowy M. Litwinowa i W. Becklera, plany uznania władzy bolszewików na zajmowanych przez nich w 1919 r. terytoriach.

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Popenko, Ya V. "ROMANIAN DIPLOMACY IN THE STRUGGLE FOR BESSARABIA AT THE PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE (JANUARY - AUGUST 1919)." Rusin, no. 53 (September 1, 2018): 152–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/53/9.

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PROTT, VOLKER. "TYING UP THE LOOSE ENDS OF NATIONAL SELF-DETERMINATION: BRITISH, FRENCH, AND AMERICAN EXPERTS IN PEACE PLANNING, 1917–1919." Historical Journal 57, no. 3 (August 14, 2014): 727–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x14000041.

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ABSTRACTThis article examines Allied peace planning during the latter stages of the First World War by comparing and connecting the British, French, and American expert groups. These academic experts were expected to apply the publicly announced programme of national self-determination to the local realities in Europe without losing sight of their governments’ geopolitical directives. Contacts and exchanges between the three groups, largely neglected in the literature, played a crucial role in shaping the experts’ work. At the same time, persisting national suspicion and the fragile institutional position of the experts prevented open debate on the precise meaning of national self-determination and thereby forestalled the development of a coherent Allied peace programme. This shortcoming would become a serious burden for the negotiations at the Paris Peace Conference and the early interwar period, in that it led to growing frustration and undermined Allied commitment to the Paris peace treaties.

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Dziedzic, Tadeusz. "David Lloyd George a sprawa polska na konferencji wersalskiej." Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica 19, no. 2 (2020): 349–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/mhi.2020.19.02.16.

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The Treaty of Versailles was signed after several months of deliberations at a peace conference convened to Paris after the end of World War I on 28 June 1919 in Paris by Germany and the Entente countries. It entered into force on 10 January 1920, i.e., on the day of its ratification. Delegations of 27 winning countries participated in the peace conference in Paris. The treaty completely changed the map of Europe and the prevailing political order. Many small countries found their place on the map, including the Republic of Poland re-emerging on the maps of Europe, although in smaller territorial ownership than before the Partition of Poland. The Polish delegation, including among others: Ignacy Jan Paderewski and Roman Dmowski, tried their best to restore the Poles to their lands. Lands which, as a result of the Partition, came under the rule of three powers, namely: Prussia, Austria, and Russia. However, the peace conference in Paris showed much reluctance on the part of the Big Five, which decided about the fate of post-war Europe towards Poland. Expectations of the Poles that their case would be supported by friendly British, American, or French politicians turned out to be deceptive. Especially the French, who seemed very favourable to Poland, at the peace conference completely obeyed the will of the British, who even intended to prevent the Poles in their quest to restore the pre-partition Polish borders. The British Prime Minister David Lloyd George, who turned out to expose his unfavourable attitude towards the Polish cause, was so uncompromising in his position that no arguments invoked by the Polish delegation appealed to him.

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33

SROGOSZ, Tadeusz. "THE MEMBERS AND THE EXPERTS OF THE POLISH DELEGATION AT THE PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE (1919–1920)." Historical archive. Scientific studies, no. 20 (December 20, 2019): 84–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.26693/istarhiv2019.20.084.

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34

Xu, Guoqi. "Asia after Versailles: Asian perspectives on the Paris Peace Conference and the interwar order, 1919–33." International Affairs 94, no. 2 (March 1, 2018): 429–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiy039.

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35

Louro, Michele L. "Asia after Versailles: Asian Perspectives on the Paris Peace Conference and the Interwar Order, 1919–33." RUSI Journal 164, no. 4 (June 7, 2019): 106–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071847.2019.1666524.

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36

Mikheiev, Andrii. "The Image of Ukraine in Great Britain during 1919–1920s." Kyiv Historical Studies 12, no. 1 (2021): 22–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2524-0757.2021.13.

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The article examines the evolution of the image of Ukraine in the intellectual discourse of the British Empire immediately after the First World War, i.e., during 1919–1920s. This period was marked, on the one hand, by the continuation of the national liberation struggle within Ukraine and, on the other hand, by discussions on the post-war arrangement of Europe and the world at the Paris Peace Conference. Great Britain, as one of the victors in the war, as well as one of the most powerful states at the time, took an active part in these discussions, and the future of Ukrainian lands significantly depended on its position. Therefore, it seems interesting to trace the image of Ukraine that has developed among British intellectuals and politicians at this time, because it also made impact on the attitude of British diplomats to the Ukrainian question at the Paris Peace Conference. To achieve that goal, the article will analyze the attempts of the UPR Directory to establish contacts with British diplomats, the works of the famous British geographer and geopolitician Gelford Mackinder, the views of a prominent British statesman of the 20th century, and during 1919–1920s the Minister of War Winston Churchill, a booklet on Ukraine, issued by the Foreign Office in 1920, as well as the position of the then first man in the UK, British Prime Minister David Lloyd-George. Such a comprehensive view will provide a better understanding of the British vision of the Central and Eastern Europe region in general, and Ukraine in particular, in the context of that time.

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Griesser-Pečar, Tamara. "Prvo povojno leto v Evropi in svetu." Studia Historica Slovenica 20 (2020), no. 2 (September 30, 2020): 335–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.32874/shs.2020-10.

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In 1919 Paris was the centre of the world. At the Peace Conference, which began on January 19, 1919 and ended with the signing of the last treaty with the Ottoman state in August 1920, representatives of the great powers and associated states negotiated not only treaties with the Axis powers but also a new order for Europe and the world in order to bring about world peace in the 20th century. Four empires have disappeared from the map of the world, and many new countries have emerged. At the forefront were Wilson's points, notably the establishment of the League of Nations and the self-determination of nations. They negotiated also about the reparations for war damage, agreeing that the German Empire was responsible for the beginning of the First World War.

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Sare, Laura. "Editor’s Corner." DttP: Documents to the People 47, no. 1 (March 25, 2019): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/dttp.v47i1.6977.

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In planning this editorial I was reflecting on the new year. I began thinking about what was happening a hundred years ago, back in 1919. The most significant diplomatic event was the Paris Peace Conference, (image 1) and domestically the ratification of the 18th and 19th Amendments, but that seemed a bit much to cover in an editorial. In a quest for different ideas, I looked through the February 1919 edition of the Monthly Catalog—or Monthly Catalogue United States Public Documents. As I looked at what was published, it amazed me how many issues that we are dealing with now were also being addressed back then.

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Zivojinovic, Dragoljub. "Douglas Wilson Johnson a forgotten member of the Royal Serbian Academy of Sciences." Balcanica, no. 48 (2017): 219–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1748219z.

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The paper presents a little-known foreign member of the Royal Serbian Academy of Sciences, the American geomorphologist Douglas Wilson Johnson (1876-1944), his role as an expert on border delimitation issues in support of the claims of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes at the Peace Conference in Paris in 1919, his collaboration with Yugoslav experts, notably Jovan Cvijic, and his election to the Royal Serbian Academy of Sciences shortly after the First World War.

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Loupas, Athanasios. "From Paris to Lausanne: Aspects of Greek-Yugoslav relations during the first interwar years (1919-1923)." Balcanica, no. 47 (2016): 263–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1647263l.

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This paper looks at the course of Greek-Yugoslav relations from the Paris Peace Conference to the Treaty of Lausanne. Following the end of the First World War Greece and the newly-created Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes formed a common front on an anti-Bulgarian basis, putting aside unresolved bilateral issues. Belgrade remained neutral during the Greek-Turkish war despite the return of King Constantine. But after the Greek catastrophe in Asia Minor the relations between Athens and Belgrade were lopsided.

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Thayer, John, and H. James Burgwyn. "The Legend of the Mutilated Victory: Italy, the Great War, and the Paris Peace Conference, 1915-1919." American Historical Review 100, no. 3 (June 1995): 922. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2168680.

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Coppa, Frank J., and H. James Burgwyn. "The Legend of the Mutilated Victory: Italy, the Great War, and the Paris Peace Conference, 1915-1919." Journal of Military History 58, no. 2 (April 1994): 336. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2944042.

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Sergeev, Evgeny. "Great Britain and the Russian Question at the Initial Stage of the Paris Peace Conference, 1919—1920." ISTORIYA 10, no. 6 (80) (2019): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840006004-3.

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Crampton, Jeremy W. "The cartographic calculation of space: race mapping and the Balkans at the Paris Peace Conference of 1919." Social & Cultural Geography 7, no. 5 (October 2006): 731–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14649360600974733.

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White, Michael V., and Kurt Schuler. "Retrospectives: Who Said “Debauch the Currency”: Keynes or Lenin?" Journal of Economic Perspectives 23, no. 2 (April 1, 2009): 213–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.23.2.213.

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One frequently quoted passage from the work of John Maynard Keynes is that “the best way to destroy the capitalist system [is] to debauch the currency.” The passage, attributed to Vladimir Illyich Lenin, appears in Keynes' book The Economic Consequences of the Peace, which became an international bestseller when it was published in 1919. Economic historian Frank W. Fetter and others have expressed doubt that Keynes was really quoting Lenin because they found no such statement in Lenin's collected published writings. Fetter suggested that Keynes based his remark on stories about what the Soviets were supposed to be saying that he heard at the Paris peace conference of 1919. It is now possible to show that Keynes based his remark on a report of an interview with Lenin published by London and New York newspapers in April 1919. Keynes' discussion of inflation in the Economic Consequences can then be read as an extended commentary on the remarks attributed to Lenin in the interview. While the report of the interview was not reprinted after 1919, it will be also shown here that Lenin responded to Keynes in a speech that was reprinted in his Collected Works.

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Radivojevic, Biljana, and Goran Penev. "Demographic losses of Serbia in the first world war and their long-term consequences." Ekonomski anali 59, no. 203 (2014): 29–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/eka1403029r.

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Proportional to the total population, Serbia was the country with the highest number of casualties in the First World War. According to the first estimates presented at the Paris Peace Conference of 1919, total Serbian casualties were 1,250,000, over 400,000 of which were military losses while the rest were civilian deaths. Besides direct losses, which include casualties in war events and deaths resulting from military operations, the Serbian population also suffered significant indirect losses originating from the reduced number of births during the war and postwar years, increased death rate after the war as a consequence of war events, and more intensive emigration. The paper analyses some of the most-quoted estimates of demographic losses (the Paris Peace Conference, Djuric, Notestein et al.), which differ in the methodology applied, the territory covered, and the obtained results. Moreover, the paper specifies the long-term demographic consequences of the First World War, primarily on the population size of Serbia and its age and gender structure. Generations that suffered the biggest losses and those whose sex structure was disrupted the most are indicated.

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NAZARYAN, GEVORG. "THE INQUIRY’S QUEST TO SOLVE THE ARMENIAN QUESTION: 1917-1919." Main Issues Of Pedagogy And Psychology 16, no. 1 (February 20, 2018): 212–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.24234/miopap.v16i1.340.

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At the end of 1917 an official U.S. government body, known as The Inquiry, was created in order to prepare documents for the peace negotiations that were to follow World War I. The Inquiry was composed of around 150 academics and was directed by the presidential adviser Edward House. The suggestions made by the research body were incorporated into President Woodrow Wilson’s famous “Fourteen Points” which he delivered in the U.S. Congress on January 8th, 1918, defining the war aims of the United States during World War I and suggesting possible peace terms that would to follow the Great War. Point 12 of the “Fourteen Points” proclaimed that non-Turkish nations (which included Armenia) of the Ottoman Empire, should be given an opportunity for “autonomous development,” and accordingly The Inquiry was also tasked with defining the boundary of the future State of Armenia. In 1918 a number of reports were prepared by the research group which proposed the territory for the State of Armenia which extended from the Black Sea to the Mediterranean Sea, covering mostly Armenian Highland and the coastal areas of the above noted seas. Members of The Inquiry also suggested a union of the above noted territory with Eastern Armenia, a scheme that was officially presented in 1919 during the Paris Peace Conference by the American delegation.

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Bahturina, Alexandra. "Stages of Estonian Statehood Formation: from the Overthrow of the Autocracy to the Paris Peace Conference, 1917—1919." ISTORIYA 10, no. 6 (80) (2019): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840005996-4.

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Vellacott, Jo. "Feminism as if All People Mattered: Working to Remove the Causes of War, 1919–1929." Contemporary European History 10, no. 3 (October 26, 2001): 375–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777301003034.

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This paper first looks briefly at the connections – personal, political, practical and philosophical – between pre-First World War British and European women's suffrage and feminist pacifism as it emerged after 1914. Two feminist approaches to postwar peacemaking are compared, and the underlying assumptions of the Paris Peace Conference of the Allied and Associated Powers are compared with those of the women gathered at Zurich in May 1919. The aspirations and achievement of the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom between 1919 and 1930 are analysed less in terms of what the organisation did for women than in terms of the women's own intent, and what they hoped to do for the world. The article considers how they confronted the political disabilities they faced as women, and on occasion turned them to their advantage, and shall show how they saw their pacifism as integral to their feminism, although it frequently took them out of gender stereotypes, particularly in their insistence on moving into that most male preserve, international relations.

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Sharp, Alan. "‘Quelqu'un nous écoute’: French interception of German telegraphic and telephonic communications during the Paris peace conference, 1919: A note." Intelligence and National Security 3, no. 4 (October 1988): 124–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02684528808431974.

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