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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Parliament House of Commons'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 16 February 2022

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1

Laban, Matthew William. "The Speaker of the House of Commons : The Office and Its Holders since 1945." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2014. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/8535.

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The post-war period has witnessed the Speakership of the House of Commons evolving from an important internal parliamentary office into one of the most recognised public roles in British political life. This historic office has not, however, been examined in any detail since Philip Laundy’s seminal work entitled The Office of Speaker published in 1964. This thesis updates Laundy’s work and brings the examination of the Speakership right up to the election of John Bercow as Speaker in June 2009. The manner by which the Speaker is elected and how this process has changed since 1945 is explored as is the way in which a Speaker contests a general election if he or she wishes to remain in office for longer than one parliamentary session. The powers and responsibilities of the Speaker are identified and the way in which these have changed and developed are discussed. Each of the post-war Speakers is examined to see what his or her personal contribution has been to the ongoing development of the office. The thesis concludes with an analysis of how the Speakership is viewed today compared with the start of the period. The office has always been held in high esteem by fellow parliamentarians but now it enjoys similar recognition by the wider general public thanks to the introduction of radio and television broadcasting of the House of Commons. Whilst the task of chairing the debates in the chamber remains the same, a modern Speaker must also rise to the challenge of being a skilled administrator, diplomat and media personality.

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2

Snagovsky, Feodor. "Party Switching in the Canadian House of Commons." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/32510.

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This thesis seeks to explain the phenomenon of party switching (or floor-crossing) in the understudied case of the Canadian House of Commons. It uses Müller and Strøm’s “Policy, Office or Votes?” framework at the individual level of analysis and a mixed methods approach that combines document analysis and econometrics to assess the effects of individual and institutional variables on the decision to switch parties. The results inform a wider discussion regarding individual political behavior as well as the role, influence and evolution of political parties in the Canadian state. The research demonstrates that the electorate is adept at recognizing opportunism and tends to respect MPs who switch parties on principle while punishing those that switch for more self-centered reasons.

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3

Peake, Alison Lucy. "Women Members of Parliament representing women : influencing the political agenda in the British House of Commons." Thesis, University of Southampton, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.284646.

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4

Grundy, Harry. "Televising parliament : an analysis of the first fifteen years of the televised proceedings of the House of Commons." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.431388.

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5

Sorensen, Lise Dybkar. "Procedure and patronage in the Parliament of 1626, the membership and function of committees in the House of Lords and the House of Commons." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape9/PQDD_0005/NQ38330.pdf.

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6

Ellis, Eloise Elizabeth Catherine. "The working and impact of the House of Commons Political and Constitutional Reform Committee in the 2010-15 Parliament." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2018. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-working-and-impact-of-the-house-of-commons-political-and-constitutional-reform-committee-in-the-201015-parliament(9fd9392c-013a-4f25-a34f-e5a66dac53ad).html.

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Much of the development in constitutional reform that took place between 2010 and 2015 might be described as an accident of circumstance, particularly those in the early years that were widely regarded as a compromise intended to bind the Conservative-Liberal Democrat Coalition Government together. It was this unique context of a Coalition Government in office, with a specific constitutional reform policy brief accorded to the Liberal Democrat leader as Deputy Prime Minister, that gave rise to the House of Commons Political and Constitutional Reform Committee being established in 2010. The creation of this Committee, and the passage of the Fixed-term Parliaments Act 2011 shortly after providing a fixed five-year term for the working of the Committee, formed the genesis and basis for this PhD study. This particular Committee was, in the words of its Chair, a ‘bolt-on’; it was an ‘experiment’ with a finite lifespan. The conditions in which the PCRC emerged enabled it to carve out a unique position for itself, adopting a strategic and focused five-year plan. This thesis studies the PCRC not only for its working and impact in the evolving process of constitutional reform in the UK, but as a case study assessment of House of Commons Select Committees more widely. It considers the strengthened and more wide-reaching role that a Select Committee was able to perform during the 2010-15 Parliament, especially with respect to the development of public policy both in terms of scrutiny of Government action and proposals and the initiation of its own policy ideas and proposals. Conclusions are drawn about the aims, quality and effectiveness of the Committee’s work, particularly in influencing government and parliamentary thinking on constitutional affairs, and the legacy of the PCRC is examined. This in-depth case study of the work of the PCRC is the first of its kind to examine this unique Select Committee, and provides an original contribution to a scholarly understanding of the working and impact of the Select Committee system. It serves to identify best practice in working methods and innovations of a Select Committee, and suggests there is scope for some of these working practices to be adopted more widely, adding to the evolving structural reform that has taken place in recent years designed to improve the effectiveness of Select Committees at Westminster.

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7

Blick, Adam. "Question-response sequences in the House of Commons : A conversation analytic study of adversarial questioning in the British parliament." Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap (from 2013), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-80733.

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With the method of conversation analysis, this study examines the level of adverseness in questions between members of parliament from different parties. The data consists of question – response sequences derived from a ministerial statement from the prime minister in the House of Commons. This study finds that, in question – response sequences between oppositional members of parliament and the prime minister, adversarial presuppositions in questions can be used as a strategy to project negative traits upon the respondent. Adversarial dimensions of hostility, assertiveness and directness can also be found in adversarial questions. In these instances, the respondent may adjust their answer to match the level of adverseness from the questioner through the use of certain lexis, creating counter sequences. Adversarial questions are the most common type of question from members of the oppositional party, and there are different adversarial strategies being used. Questions from members of the government party do not make use of adversarial strategies, and should not be described as adversarial.

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8

Pender, J. W. (James William), and n/a. "Parliamentary administration in traditional Westminister [sic] parliaments : reflections on the role of procedure and management." University of Canberra. School of Management, 1990. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20041206.133427.

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9

McColl, Heidi. "Men in Power: The Significance of the Representation of Women in terms of Gender Equality in the National Legislatures of Sweden and Canada." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-2726.

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<p>The representation of women in numbers in national legislatures is an issue of great importance to Feminist researchers around the world. While the representation of women is an accomplishment in its own right, what remains to be said is whether or not the representation of women in national parliaments affects the level of gender equality present to a great extent. In this paper, gender equality is measured in terms of general working conditions in parliament, such as the distribution of women among standing parliamentary committees, and the attitudes of parliamentarians towards the issue of gender equality. In this multi-strategy research design a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods is used in the form of questionnaires, interviews and statistical analyses in order to establish the significance of the representation of women in the national legislatures of Sweden and Canada. The national legislatures in Sweden, the Riksdag, and Canada, the House of Commons, were compared as the Riksdag represents a progressive case in terms of the presence of women with 45 percent women, while the House of Commons represents a less progressive case with only 21 percent women. The Politics of Presence theory represents the theoretical framework for this study and is tested in order to determine whether the presence of women truly matters. </p><p>In this study it is found that the presence of women in national legislatures does not signify gender equality as conditions of gender inequality are found in the attitudes and working conditions in the Canadian House of Commons and in the working conditions of the Swedish Riksdag. It is concluded that the representation of women does not matter with regards to gender equality as situations of gender inequality exist in both national legislatures investigated.</p>

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10

Sinner, Ashley. "Dispute between the “Usurper” and his Commons: The Long Parliament of 1406." Miami University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=muhonors1111087536.

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11

John, Shirley Diane. "The analysis of House of Commons' division list data." Thesis, University of Bath, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.235796.

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12

Bird, Karen. "Feminizing the Commons? : the significance of sex and gender in the British House of Commons, 1997-2001." Thesis, University of Essex, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.425845.

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13

Dumoulin, Jennifer. "Canada's House of Commons and the Perversion of the Public Sphere." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/20162.

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Jürgen Habermas’ The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere has been described as outdated and incompatible with 21st century democracies. Among other things, Habermas’ initial formulation excluded the state from the public sphere. Recently, a revised model of the public sphere has emerged that positions the state and other law-making bodies at its centre. Although some theorists have embraced this revised model, others continue to exclude the state or oversimplify its role. While some research has examined how parliaments fit into this revised model, no research has been published on this in a Canadian context. This thesis attempts to fill this gap by answering the research question: Does the Canadian House of Commons constitute a form of the public sphere? To answer this question, the Canadian House of Commons is explored along three dimensions of the public sphere – structure, representation, and interaction. This system of classification conforms to the essential function and institutional criteria of classical theory and also accounts for revised models of the public sphere. Ultimately, this work argues that the Canadian House of Commons satisfies the structural and representational dimensions of the public sphere. Its interactional dimension, however, is found to be inconsistent with public sphere theory due to a lack of real deliberation and the pervasiveness of party politics.

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14

Ellis, Kathryn M. "The practice and procedure of the House of Commons 1660-1714." Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.284947.

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Between 1660 and 1714 the House of Commons was gradually gaining primacy in the political state. This thesis seeks to examine the development of the Commons' procedure within this context. Both the internal workings of the Lower Chamber and its relationship with the Crown and the House of Lords are considered. During this period the House of Commons became increasingly conscious of the need to organize its business more efficiently. This led to the standardisation and elaboration of practices and procedures. The format of the working day, debating procedure and the system of voting are examined. Measures taken to encourage the attendance of Members are evaluated as is the attitude taken towards the presence of strangers in the Chamber. The legislative process and the structure and significance of Committees are analysed. Particular attention is given to the House of Commons' financial powers and procedures. The concept of parliamentary financial control is discussed. This period witnessed the establishment of an informal modus vivendi between the two Houses of Parliament. The way in which the Commons achieved control of finance whilst conceding judicial superiori ty to the Lords is examined. The Commons' concern to safeguard privilege and prestige in all formal communications is acknowledged. Following an account of the Speaker's significance as Chairman of debate, the political implications of the position are examined. By reference to the sixteen holders of the Chair, it is made clear tha t the Speakership was freed from Crown control to become a prize of the majority party in the Commons. This development in turn epitomises the growing importance and confidence of the House of Commons during this period

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15

Wilkinson, Clare. "The practice and procedure of the House of Commons, c1784-1832." Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.394599.

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16

Aylett, P. J. "Thirty years of reform : House of Commons Select Committees, 1960-1990." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2016. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/18377.

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This thesis is a study of the development of investigatory select committees of the House of Commons during the twentieth century, with a particular emphasis on the period between 1960 and 1990. Synthesising existing analysis as well as presenting new evidence, it describes the early origins of such committees as an integral part of the work of the House, and then considers the Houseâs apparent loss of interest in select committees between 1920 and 1960. The thesis next discusses the reasons behind the introduction of new select committees in the mid-1960s, and traces further changes to committees during the 1970s. These developments are set in the political context of the period, and in particular the growth of backbench dissent in both major parties during the 1970s. The thesis then analyses the process by which departmentally-related select committees came to be established in 1979. Finally it assesses the quantitative and qualitative evidence about the activity and impact of the new departmental select committees in their first decade up to 1990, relating them closely to the political environment created by the government of Margaret Thatcher.

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17

Shaw, Sylvia. "Language and gender in political debates in the House of Commons." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2002. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/10019100/.

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This thesis investigates the linguistic practices of politicians in one of the oldest and most powerful of all British institutions: the House of Commons. After the general election of 1997 record numbers of women were elected to parliament. This rapid increase in women's representation led to much speculation in politics and the media about how new women MPs would adapt to and change British politics. At the same time it is clear that men and women MPs are not treated equally. Women are marginalised by sexist barracking within the chamber and portrayed negatively by the media. Theoretical and methodological insights gained from language and gender research are used to explore whether this inequality extends to the differential access to and use of linguistic resources by women and men in the debating chamber. The central questions of the thesis are: what factors contribute to a participant being more or less powerful in this context, and how salient is gender to the construction of that power? Viewing the debating chamber as a 'Community of Practice' (Eckert and McConnell-Ginet 1992), and drawing upon the insights of MPs from interview data, I describe the interactional norms of the House of Commons as part of the ethnographic approach to this research. Using data from a 60-hour video corpus of House of Commons speech events I then undertake an analysis of floor apportionment in debates. I identify adversarial linguistic features in parliamentary question time sessions and examine their use by women and men. I also undertake an analysis of the functions and use of humour and irony in the debating chamber. Finally, a comparative study is undertaken with the Scottish Parliament. I describe the parliamentary procedures and historical development of the Scottish Parliament before analysing floor apportionment, the use of adversarial language, and humour and irony in this forum.

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18

Allen, N. J. "The N.olan reforms and their impact on the House of Commons." Thesis, University of Essex, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.486739.

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This thesis is a case study of the politics and regulation of British legislative ethics. More specifically, it analyses and evaluates recent changes in the way MPs' parliamentCJIY conduct is regulated. . In 1995, following a report by the Committee on Standards in Public Life (the Nolan Committee), the House of Commons overhauled extensively its ethics regime, introducing new rules about Members' conduct and new bodies of oversight. Previous research on these changes, known as the Nolan reforms, has tended to focus narrowly on the new regulatory machinery, treating ethics regulation almost as an end in itself. But ethics regulation is primarily a means to promoting integrity and may also have other important consequences.This thesis therefore investigates the reforms' wider impact on MPs and Parliament. It provides a thorough account ofhow the new ethics regime has functioned and compares it systematically with pre-Nolan arrangements in the House of Conunons, as well as with regimes in other legislatures.

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19

Miller, Cherry Marie. "Beneath the spectacle : gendering 'the everyday' in the British House of Commons." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2018. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/8092/.

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This thesis sets out to look at the operation of gender ‘beneath the spectacle’ in the British House of Commons. It develops a ‘fleshed-out’ analytical framework combining Judith Butler’s (2011) theory of gender performativity with Feminist Discursive Institutionalism to analyse the operation of gender across three sets of institutional actors. Following Waylen’s (2015) call for a gender audit of the ‘male domination’ of British institutions of democracy, it applies a gender lens to analyse everyday working practices in the British House of Commons. It conceives of ‘male’ domination as performative, inherently tenuous, and incessantly repeated every day. The thesis combines this analytic framework with ethnographic methodology based on four and a half months of field work in the 2010-2015 Parliament and 68 semi-structured interviews, to explore and analyse the complex interaction between institutional rules, gender(ed) norms and gender(ed) identity. It finds that gender(ed) identity is scripted across three ‘discursive institutions’: the career cycle, citizenship and public service, where sex/gender hierarchies are reproduced. It argues that rather than adopting a binary conception of ‘masculine’ or ‘feminine’ interactional styles, different institutional contingencies make different performances of gender more likely, though they are not determining. As such, the thesis presents a rich analysis of gender performance and finds considerable contingency, mosaicism and overlap. Finally, the thesis finds significant obstacles that must be overcome in order to ‘undo’ patterns of (dis)advantage within current institutional arrangements.

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20

Hanham, Andrew Arthur. "Whig opposition to Sir Robert Walpole in the House of Commons, 1727-34." Thesis, University of Leicester, 1991. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.492675.

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21

Bernhardt, Peter. "The contempt power of the Canadian House of Commons: The case for reform." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/7761.

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22

Munden, R. C. "Government and opposition : Initiative, reform and politics in the House of Commons, 1597-1610." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.372206.

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This thesis represents an attempt to question the stress traditionally placed by accounts of the last Parliaments of Elizabeth I and the first of James I on political and constitutional change after 1603 and their association of that change with the emergence of an increasingly coherent and purposeful opposition in the House of Commons. It is divided into three sections. The first examines the evidence of continuity in Parliamentary affairs provided by the procedures of the Lower House, its personnel and their aspirations. As such, it emphasises the importance for MPs of their duty to represent (and be responsible to) the communities to which they belonged. The second section seeks to re-examine the Elizabethan 'norm' against which subsequent changes have been measured, suggesting that in 1597 and 1601 government leadership was neither as strong, nor opposition as inchoate, as has been implied and pointing to MPs' perception of their duties as representatives as instrumental in moderating the one and motivating the other. The third section, examines the evidence for explaining the conduct of business in James' first Parliament in terms of adversary politics and suggests that the evidence of conflict that emerges is less convincing than has often been suggested. In particular, it argues that most MPs were reluctant to follow the leadership of either official opinion or its critics and that the problems that did emerge had their origins less in any 'winning of the initiative' by an emergent opposition than in attempts on the part of Robert Cecil, and (to a lesser extent) James himself, to secure the commitment of MPs and thereby their constituents, to executive policies of which they were extremely suspicious; a course of action which encouraged inert resistance rather than overt opposition and generated politics that were more reactionary than revolutionary.

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23

Crowe, Brian David. "The parliamentary experience of the Irish members of the House of Commons, 1833-41." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.365110.

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24

Heppell, Timothy D. N. "Prime ministerial leadership and party management in the House of Commons 1992 to 1997." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.324924.

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25

McAndrews, John Russell. "Representation and lawmaking in the United States Congress and the Canadian House of Commons." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/59099.

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This dissertation considers two aspects of legislative representation: (1) how citizens use information about legislative activities and outcomes to assess the performance of the US president and the congressional majority party, and (2) why Canadian MPs debate government bills—even when the government controls the outcome. An investigation of these questions is divided into three principal chapters. First, I examine the effects of legislative outcomes on citizens’ assessment of the president and the majority party in Congress. Prominent theories of legislative behavior argue—and media pundits often assert—that Americans reward these actors if they succeed in passing their bills. But what if the bill is divisive, as is likely the case with well-publicized legislation? Using survey experiments, I show that, on average, citizens still express greater approval for the president and the majority party if Congress passes their ideologically contentious bills—compared with if Congress does not pass them. However, I also find that this reward is typically concentrated among those who already favor the underlying policy change; among policy opponents, the effect is often statistically indistinguishable from zero. Second, I investigate the sophistication of citizens’ judgments of legislative performance. Specifically, do inferential biases—common in other domains—interfere with how citizens evaluate the president and the congressional majority party in light of bill failure? Again using survey experiments, I find that citizens avoid the serious inferential mistake of treating these actors as if they had performed poorly. Instead, I show that their assessments—even in the absence of diagnostic information about those involved—are broadly consistent with realistic beliefs about legislative performance and the obstacles to success in Congress. Third, I explore why Canadian MPs debate government bills. Whereas recent research tends to emphasize legislative speech as a means of communicating with the electorate, the particular rules of government bill debate—coupled with the relatively low visibility of such deliberations—suggest alternative motivations. Using an original dataset of 53 debates, I find no evidence of personal vote seeking; instead, I find patterns of debate participation consistent with attempted obstruction by bill opponents and attempted persuasion by bill proponents.<br>Arts, Faculty of<br>Political Science, Department of<br>Graduate

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26

Warmeant, Gary. "The debate in the House of Commons on the Treason and Sedition Bills of 1795 /." Title page, contents and introduction only, 2002. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arw2778.pdf.

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27

Kaye, Robert. "Regulating Westminster : The House of Commons Select Committees on Members' Interests and Standards & Privileges." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.275744.

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28

McKee, Glenn. "The operation, practices and procedures of the Irish House of Commons from 1692 to 1730." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2017. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-operation-practices-and-procedures-of-the-lrish-house-of-commons-from-1692-to-1730(afa0ccf2-b933-4bf0-a08b-5c5a7e4fd24b).html.

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Despite the pretensions to antiquity in the Modus Tenendi Parliamenta ... in Hibernia (1692), and the claims to sovereignty in Molyneux’s Case of Ireland (1698) the Irish House of Commons from 1692 looked to Westminster and the parliamentary transformation that followed the 1688 Revolution not only for constitutional parity of status but also for procedural and operational efficiency. The Irish parliaments of the 1690s saw innovation, compromise and improvisation in procedures, and after 1703 distinctive historic Irish practices were eclipsed. The main differences with Westminster that emerged were adjustments, to operate within Poynings' Law and divergent Irish political and constitutional arrangements. The stimulus and conduit for change were a growing print culture, the shared political alignment of politics in Westminster and Dublin and contacts between politicians and parliamentary officials. Westminster practices were adopted in the Commons silently, as standing orders or under the cloak of 'the constitution of parliament', to protect emerging patriotic sensibilities. The procedural similarities between the two Houses of Commons have been noted in the historiography but not examined in detail. While the historiography has moved on from the view of the eighteenth century as a crescendo to 1782, 1798 and union, some parts of the legacy still colour the approach to the Irish Parliament. First, there is a lingering teleological waiting for the removal of the distortions caused by Poynings' Law. Second, there has been a focus on a top-down management of the Commons, to secure the Government's priorities, which, although providing structure to each session, did not take up the bulk of the time that the Commons was in session. The Commons was for the most part an adaptation, rather than an exact copy, of post-1688 Westminster.

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29

Peterhouse, Duncan Sutherland. "Peeresses, parliament, and prejudice : the admission of women to the House of Lords, 1900-1963." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.275342.

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30

Beesley, Edward Andrew Vivian. "Aspects of the English Revolution, December 1648 - May 1649." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1983/a4e34733-83bf-4ea3-a32c-4e7e565d3144.

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31

Laugharne, Peter James. "Specialist advisors and the British House of Commons : the Treasury and Civil Service Committee 1979-1990." Thesis, University of Hull, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.295166.

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32

Goet, Niels. "The politics of procedural choice : regulating legislative debate in the UK House of Commons, 1811-2015." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:080bb7ac-cee7-42b4-b6a5-d4f5f30d5495.

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All democratic organisations operate under a particular set of rules. Such procedures are implemented by the very individuals that create and maintain them, usually under a majority voting rule. This research project engages with the question of why and how members of parliament "abdicate" procedural power, focusing on the evolution of the rules of debate in the UK House of Commons. Working from newly collected data on the reform of Standing Orders of the House spanning 205 years (1811 - 2015), as well as records of over six million speeches, it provides a new perspective on procedural choice. Framing debate as a platform for speech-as-filibuster behaviour, I develop a formal model where the decision to support an anti-dilatory reform is primarily a function of polarisation. I show that legislators adopt restrictive rules when they are more likely to share policy preferences with colleagues within their party. The presence of shared views, then, motivates MPs to prioritise responsible use of the common resource of plenary time over individual policy influence. Both empirically and theoretically, my research offers new insights into the process of parliamentary reform in the absence of party discipline, and studies how the dynamics of procedural choice change as political parties enter the stage. Methodologically, it makes a contribution to the text-as-data field, exploring the use of novel machine-learning techniques in the measurement of political preferences.

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33

Reid, Vanessa. "Ladies in the House : gender, space and the parlours of Parliament in late-nineteenth-century Canada." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0003/MQ43985.pdf.

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34

Mandorff, Fanny. "State-building´s impact on Democratization : A case study of Somaliland´s Upper House of Parliament." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-347572.

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35

Coohill, Joseph. "Ideas of the Liberal Party : perceptions, agendas, and Liberal politics in the House of Commons 1832-1852." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.285422.

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36

Allen, Peter. "Bring in the professionals : how pre-parliamentary political experience affects political careers in the House of Commons." Thesis, Birkbeck (University of London), 2014. http://bbktheses.da.ulcc.ac.uk/42/.

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In this thesis I use original empirical data to examine the impact of the political experience of MPs before they enter parliament on their careers once inside the House of Commons. The contribution I make to knowledge is twofold. First, I build on existing literature in the field by developing a stand-alone classification of pre-parliamentary political experience that distinguishes between experience gained on the local level, for example as a local councillor, and experience gained on the national level, working for an MP or in the head office of a political party. Second, I empirically operationalise this classification and support it adopting quantitative research techniques. Using a cohort study of those MPs first elected at the 1997 general election, I find that those MPs with national-level pre-parliamentary political experience are more likely to reach cabinet-level frontbench positions while MPs with local-level experience are more likely to remain backbenchers or reach only the lower levels of government. I highlight the ways in which national-level pre-parliamentary political experience interacts with other political and personal factors to provide a small group of MPs with a preferential parliamentary career path relative to their colleagues. I conclude by placing my findings in the context of comparative research on political parties, reflecting that certain types of party structure privilege specific types of pre-parliamentary political experience. I also consider the findings in light of debates on political representation and professionalisation, and highlight directions for future research in this area.

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Williams, Fiona. "Bicameral conflict resolution in an asymmetrical Parliament : nine case studies from the House of Lords, 1976-2012." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2018. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/49211/.

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The House of Lords has been rising in profile in academic, political, and popular narratives. Whilst existing research has developed our understanding of the House of Lords and its role in bringing about defeats of the Government and the genesis and paths of amendments made within both chambers, there has been little distinction made between how the Lords brings about a defeat, and the Lords bringing about a defeat that is later overturned. Equally, the role of the Lords in amending a bill as a reviewing chamber, and amending one as a second chamber in its own right have not been separated. Research into comparable international examples has shown that this period between an amendment being moved and a defeat being sustained or overturned can define the bicameral relationship, and it is this area of the House of Lords relationship with the wider British political system that this thesis examines. This thesis studies the extent to which the Lords attempts and succeeds with amendments to bills, looking at the changes in both as the procedure known as ping pong progresses. It also examines the behaviour changes, both through debate language and through tangible voting turnout as, ping pong progresses to build up a picture of behaviour within the chamber. This thesis bridges the gap between the procedural single case study model and the large scale defeats and amendment tracing study model to show that the House of Lords has become a chamber that is driven more than ever by historical and political realities, as well as the political needs of the policy in question. This research argues that the House of Lords maintains a delicate balance between two roles, that of a second chamber which is performing a function complimentary to and distinct from that of the first chamber in passing legislation and that of a chamber that is aware of its somewhat uncomfortable position as a non-democratic institution, filled with non-directly elected members. Ultimately in the House of Lords, for ping pong to begin there is a need for strong feeling on the policy in question. The House of Lords ability to achieve its aims is measured in three points, first in its desired amendments to legislation, second in its actions as ping pong divisions progress, and the debates leading to them take place and lastly in the final degree of conciliation it achieves. In all three points, the role of self restraint has a positive role in achieving an outcome that is closest to the Lords original aims, whilst still allowing the Government's legislative programme and aims to pass. It is this understanding that allows the Lords to have the greatest influence over legislation, and perform a significant role.

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Westphal, Raymond William. "Naval defence policy & the House of Commons : a study of parliamentary commentary over naval issues, 1919-1929." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.418811.

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Thompson, Louise. "Do committees make a difference? : an examination of the viscosity of legislative committees in the British House of Commons." Thesis, University of Hull, 2013. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:7088.

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Public bill committees in the British House of Commons play a crucial role in the scrutiny of government legislation. The reform of the bill committee system in 2006 and the introduction of oral evidence taking as a standard procedure significantly raised the profile of this stage of the legislative process and had the potential to increase the power of bill committees to constrain the government in the passage of legislation. Yet there remains no detailed analysis of the work of these modern bill committees and of their impact on government bills. This thesis seeks to address this gap, with the most comprehensive quantitative analysis of bill committee work since that of John Griffith in 1974. It analyses 139 bill committees and report stage debates over a ten year period in great detail and supplements this with a series of interviews with Members of Parliament and parliamentary officials. The thesis finds that the context in which bill committees are working is very different from that identified by Griffith. Whilst the majority of bills leave committee with amendments, a culture of resistance among government ministers means that 99 per cent of all successful amendments are government amendments. The real impact of committee stage is then identified as taking place at the report stage of bills. It is here that committees can – and do – make a difference to government legislation, with an average of ten changes being made at the report stage of every bill on the basis of undertakings ministers have made in committee. Ultimately the thesis finds when the MPs appointed to committees have specialist knowledge of the subject and when good use is made of oral evidence sessions, the capacity of committees to make a difference to government legislation increases considerably.

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Opyd, Dorota. "Why are women under-represented in the British House of Commons and the Sejm of the Republic of Poland?" Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2015. http://livrepository.liverpool.ac.uk/2036183/.

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This study explores the reasons for gender inequality in the lower chambers of the British and Polish Parliaments. The barriers to women’s political advance are investigated through elite interviews with women MPs with the aim of identifying and exploring the socio-cultural, socio-economic and structural factors which account for gender imbalance in national parliaments. The research examines these factors from the perspectives of those most involved: the women MPs. Through qualitative, semi-structured interviews, I examine the similarities and differences in the views of women politicians from countries with different electoral systems, contrasting models of equality guarantees and different historical and democratic cultures. The findings from the study illustrate the impact of cultural stereotypes on women who seek to join the political arena, the influence that media bias in the representation of women’s political activity has on female politicians and the extent of the restrictions associated with a male dominated environment. This research also addresses structural difficulties such as electoral systems and different types of equality provisions introduced in each country to help women parliamentary candidates. In addition, this study provides some indication of the way forward for the achievement of gender parity. The results provide clear support for the argument that gender balance cannot be achieved without challenging stereotypes and, most of all, without introducing measures to educate young girls on political careers. Within the same context, the biases of the media in promoting gender stereotypes and the untouchable power of social media have been identified. The findings also suggest a need to re-think the use of gender quotas, supporting these as a short-term solution but resisting the involvement of governments in gender equality issues, indicating that this should be dealt with by the political parties. The thesis also offers insights into the importance of behavioural patterns that men and women in power have learned though their socialisation, an issue largely missed in the existing literature.

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Geddes, M. "Interpreting parliamentary scrutiny : an enquiry concerning everyday practices of parliamentary actors in select committees of the House of Commons." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2016. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/13776/.

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This doctorate looks at the role of parliamentary select committees in the UK House of Commons. Though the literature on this topic is extensive, this research project explores the issue from a distinctive vantage point. While research on committees has predominantly focused on their outputs, such as committee reports, in order to assess the effectiveness of Parliament in holding the executive to account, this thesis looks at the input-side to committee work. It explores the individual beliefs, everyday practices and perennial dilemmas of parliamentary actors in select committees. In doing so, this thesis argues that understanding beliefs and practices of committee members, chairs and staff are crucial ways to better comprehend the way that scrutiny works in the House of Commons. This PhD finds that scrutiny is contested in a range of ways by a range of actors. In taking actors’ interpretations seriously, this PhD reveals that each actor has their own performance style, which is used to enact beliefs about scrutiny. At its most simple, this PhD argues that scrutiny is pushed and pulled in different (sometimes conflicting) directions by parliamentary actors. There is no such thing as uniform, systematic select committee scrutiny; there exist only dense webs of scrutiny that rely upon committee members, chairs and staff to enact their roles in such ways to be conducive to holding the executive to account. These dense webs of scrutiny affect committee relationships, their ability to question witnesses in select committees, and construct consensus in writing reports.

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Barratt, Shane G. "The Canadian government and peacekeeping : an analysis of the House of Commons debates concerning involvement in United Nations peacekeeping operations." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1996. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp04/mq23215.pdf.

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Heuwieser, Raphael J. "Electoral rules and legislative behaviour : cross-national micro-level evidence from the Bundestag and the UK House of Commons, 2005-2015." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c11962d9-3f1d-4f87-9c2a-b970ff5043bf.

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This thesis presents a new approach to the long-standing question of how electoral rules influence the behaviour of legislators. It begins with the argument that fresh empirical advances can be made by moving beyond the pervasive but rigid assumption that all legislators want to be re-elected and, by extension, that every incumbent values this goal to the same degree. Rather, I propose that individual Members of Parliament (MPs) vary in the extent to which they personally desire or depend upon re-election. Following the principles of a difference-in-differences design, this observation allows me to devise a theoretical framework capable of testing whether MPs' vote-seeking behaviour differs within parliaments in a way that varies predictably across countries. Specifically, I propose that in electoral systems where party-centric behaviour increases re-election chances, MPs particularly invested in the goal of re-election should cater to the party to an even greater extent than their colleagues. Conversely, in systems where a personal vote can generate electoral gains, MPs most ambitious for re-election should engage in this type of vote-winning strategy to the greatest extent. I test this prediction across the UK House of Commons and the German Bundestag, and within Germany's mixed-member system. Newly-collected biographical data on over 1700 MPs is used to conduct the first systematic MP-level operationalisation of re-election ambition based on legislators' career backgrounds. Career politicians are thereby identified as those most ambitious for re-election. Using voting behaviour from 1.8 million vote choices in legislative roll-calls as a proxy for the degree to which an MP caters to the party or to his or her personal reputation, the quantitative multilevel analysis reveals strong evidence for the proposed behavioural pattern. The contribution made by this study is two-fold. First, it uncovers the interaction between electoral rules and individual re-election ambition as a new explanation for MP-level variation in legislative behaviour. Second, its research design overcomes shortcomings in previous empirical tests for the existing theory on how electoral rules impact MP behaviour (e.g. Carey and Shugart 1995), producing more robust evidence in support of this influential framework.

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Lamson, Morgen. "Boethian Colorings in Geoffrey Chaucer's Earlier Poetry: The Book of the Duchess, The Parliament of Fowls and The House of Fame." TopSCHOLAR®, 2007. http://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/431.

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There has been much written on Boethius and his impact on Chaucer's greater known works, such as The Canterbury Tales and Troilus and Criseyde, yet there has not been much light shone on his other works, namely The Book of the Duchess, The Parliament of Fowls, and The House of Fame, which are a rich mix of medieval conventions and Boethian elements and themes. Such ideas have been explored through the lenses of his five, shorter "Boethian lyrics" - "The Former Age," "Fortune," "Truth," "Gentilesse," and "Lak of Stedfastnesse" - particularly because it is within these five poems that the metafictional narrative approach or framing of Chaucer's Boethiusinfluenced work, through narration and possible consolations, are fleshed out and brought into focus. However, the "Boethian lyrics" are not necessary in the study of the three earlier poems The Book of the Duchess, The Parliament of Fowls, and The House of Fame. Using the convention of the frame tale with the dream vision in these three poems allows for the narrator to be brought to an understanding in each of these texts, strongly suggesting that this approach is something that Chaucer came across in Boethius's The Consolation of Philosophy. To merely go through and catalogue all Boethian elements as lifted directly from Consolation would accomplish nothing but a catalog of similarities. In that same vein, to analyze the "Boethian poems" would also be treading over familiar scholarly ground. In examining an intermediary group of texts as a bridge between Boethius's classical philosophy and Chaucer's courtly poetry, particularly The Book of the Duchess, The Parliament of Fowls and The House of Fame, this more concretely shows the extent of Boethius's coloring injected into Chaucer's writings from early in his writing career. Through close readings and secondary outside research, I am confident that another chapter of Chaucerian scholarship, one that has rarely been explored, much less written, can be added.

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Rasiah, Parameswary. "Evasion in Australia's parliamentary question time : the case of the Iraq war." University of Western Australia. Graduate School of Education, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0208.

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Given that the basic functions of parliamentary Question Time are to provide information and to hold the Government accountable for its actions, the possibility of evasion occurring in such a context is of crucial importance. Evasion (equivocation) has been identified as a matter of concern in political interviews, but no systematic study has been undertaken in the context of parliamentary discourse, notably Question Time, anywhere in the world. This study applies and adapts Harris's (1991) coding framework on various types of responses, Bull and Mayer's (1993) typology of non-replies and Clayman's (2001) work on how politicians 'resist' answering questions, all of which are based on political news interviews, to the study of evasion in Australia's House of Representatives' Question Time. A comprehensive, unified framework for the analysis of evasion is described, a decision flow-chart for the framework is provided, and an illustrative example of the applied framework is given based on Australia's Federal House of Representatives' Question Time. Put simply, the study was undertaken to determine if evasion occurred, how frequently it occurred and how it occurred. It involved the classification of responses as 'answers' (direct or indirect), 'intermediate responses' (such as pointing out incorrect information in the question), and 'evasions' based on specific criteria. Responses which were considered evasions were further analysed to determine the levels of evasion, whether they were covert or overt in nature and the types of 'agenda shifts' that occurred, if any. The thesis also involved a discourse-analytical study of other factors that appear to facilitate Ministerial evasion in Australia's House of Representatives, including the Speaker's performance and the use of 'Dorothy Dixers'. The research data was sourced from Question Time transcripts from the House of Representatives Hansard for the months of February and March 2003, dealing only with questions and responses on the topic of Iraq. In those months there were 87 questions on the topic of Iraq, representing more than two thirds of all questions on Iraq for the whole of 2003. Of these 87 questions, the majority (48) came from the Opposition party, through its leader. The balance (39) was asked by Government MPs. Analysis of the question/answer discourse for all 87 questions revealed that every question asked by Government members was answered compared to only 8 of the 48 Opposition questions. Of the 40 remaining Opposition questions, 21 were given intermediate responses and 19 were evaded outright. The fact that the overwhelming majority (83%) of Opposition questions were not answered together with other findings such as instances of partiality on the part of the Speaker; the use of 'friendly', prearranged questions by Government MPs; and the 'hostile' nature of questions asked by Opposition MPs casts serious doubt on the effectiveness of Question Time as a means of ensuring the Government is held accountable for its actions. The study provides empirical evidence that evasion does occur in Australia's House of Representatives' Question Time.

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Baguma, Abdallah. "Women parliamentarians in Rwanda : women representatives or representing women? : a study of the Chamber of Deputies, the Lower House of the Rwandan Parliament." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2012. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=192280.

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47

Gurowich, Paul Maxwell. "Party and independence in the early and mid-Victorian House of Commons : aspects of political theory and practice 1832-68, considered with special reference to the period 1852-68." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1986. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/280351.

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48

Jettot, Stéphane. "Représenter le Roi ou la Nation ? : les membres de la Chambre des Communes au service de la diplomatie anglaise (1660-1702)." Paris 4, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007PA040194.

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De récents travaux sur les ambassadeurs ont permis de mettre en valeur à la fois leur rôle dans l’émergence d’une sociabilité européenne et leur appartenance à des puissances rivales se démarquant progressivement les unes des autres par la création d’identités nationales. Ces hommes étaient les représentants personnels d’un souverain mais les instructions que ce dernier leur rédigeait ne constituaient pas l’unique fil d’Ariane qui les reliaient à leur pays. Il importe de tenir compte de leur inscription dans la société, de leurs rapports avec les diverses institutions et les groupes d’influence qui la composaient. L’Angleterre de la seconde moitié du XVIIe siècle constitue un exemple privilégié des nombreuses interférences entre les affaires domestiques et la politique extérieure. A travers une biographie collective des 53 membres de la chambre des Communes au service de la diplomatie, il a été possible de mettre en valeur les analogies et les conflits entre les représentations parlementaires et diplomatiques. Séjournant dans des pays où les intérêts commerciaux étaient essentiels, où les tensions religieuses étaient palpables, ils devaient se faire les porte parole des voeux de la nation, tels qu’ils étaient exprimés à Westminster tout en se conformant aux exigences de leur monarque. Ces derniers attendaient d’eux qu’ils puissent présenter sur le continent l’image d’un royaume réconcilié et soumis à leur volonté. Ces « parlementaires diplomates » tentèrent de concilier l’aventure du continent et tout ce qu’elle comporte – les risques et les gratifications du voyage, des négociations – avec le poids des responsabilités familiales et locales liées à leur charge de représentant<br>Ambassadors in the Early Modern period contributed to the shaping of a new European sociability while representing competing military powers increasingly defined by distinctive national identities. Those men were their sovereign's personal envoy, but the instructions the latter would write to them coexisted with other requirements expressed by their fellow-countrymen. Hence it is worth stressing how ambassadors did interact with their own society and what their relations were with its various institutions and pressure groups. Seventeenth-century England provides a suitable case-study of the numerous interactions existing between domestic affairs and foreign policies. The Stuart Restoration in 1660 was warmly welcomed by the great majority of the social elite, but it did not solve major institutional issues such as the parliamentary role in royal diplomacy. Through a collective biography of 53 MPs employed as ambassadors on the continent, analogies as well as conflicts between the parliamentary and diplomatic representations have been exposed and discussed. In the various countries in which they resided, they had to take into account the strong mercantile interest and defend the Protestant cause in sensitive circumstances. While standing up for the nation's wishes, as expressed at Westminster, they had to satisfy their king, who relied on them to convey on the continent the peaceful image of a reconciled kingdom under a tight royal grip. "Those MPs-diplomats" tried to fit the continental adventure - including the risks and the gratifications of travelling, negotiating and the discovering of unknown societies - within the burden of their family and local responsibilities attached to their electoral mandate

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Agnès, Benoît. "L' appel au pouvoir : essai sur le pétitionnement auprès des chambres législatives et électives en France et au Royaume-Uni entre 1814 et 1848." Paris 1, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA010704.

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Entre 1814 et 1848, ce sont plus de 40 ODD pétitions qui sont adressées a la Chambre des députés dans le même temps, plus de dix fois plus sont présentées aux Communes. Entre deux royaumes qui connaissent des caractères, des évolutions analogues, le contraste est saisissant. On peut se demander si une des clés de cet écart ne se trouve pas dans le rôle que chacun des acteurs de la vie politique des deux pays accorde à l’appel au pouvoir. Á travers une approche globale, transversale et surtout comparative, fondée sur l'exploitation qualitative et quantitative de sources originales, il s'agit d’ envisager le fait même de pétitionnerl a pétition comme objet, les objets des pétitions, les destins qui leur sont réservés par leurs destinataires et par la voix publique. Cette étude entend décloisonner les dynamiques politiques nationales classiques et redéfinir les modèles reçus de rapports entre société civile et Etat.

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Lima, Marie Madeleine Hutyra de Paula. "A "sugestão legislativa" perante a Comissão de Legislação Participativa da Câmara dos Deputados: nova forma de iniciativa popular." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2005. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/6362.

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Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:22:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 A sugestao legislativa perante a Comissao de Legislacao Participativa da Camara Federal.pdf: 1537169 bytes, checksum: cbf4c28d6dc5dc3bd7464962ee7ff83c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005-11-17<br>nenhum<br>The "legislative suggestion" addressed to the Commission of Participative Legislation of the House of Commons constitutes a valuable and facilitating instrument for the people to influence the Legislative Power directly in innovating the legal system and it means a new form for popular initiative foreseen in the Constitution and, further, it may contribute to the accomplishment of participative democracy<br>A sugestão legislativa perante a Comissão de Legislação Participativa constitui instrumento válido e facilitador para que o povo diretamente venha a influir no Poder Legislativo inovando o ordenamento jurídico, servindo como nova forma para a iniciativa popular prevista constitucionalmente e contribui para a realização da democracia participativa.

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