Journal articles: 'Parliamentary Diplomacy'

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de Boer, Gonnie, and Frans Weisglas. "Parliamentary Diplomacy." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 2, no. 1 (2007): 93–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187119007x180494.

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AbstractParliamentarians have for decades been present and active in the international arena. 'Parliamentary diplomacy', however, has only quite recently become the common term used to describe the wide range of international activities undertaken by members of parliament in order to increase mutual understanding between countries, to improve scrutiny of government, to represent their people better, and to increase the democratic legitimacy of inter-governmental institutions. It is perhaps a sign of the times that this term has now been coined. The increased blurring of boundaries between national and foreign affairs means that parliamentarians must consider issues put before them with a global mindset. Correspondingly, the significance of international parliamentary contacts is growing, and it is unlikely to cease to do so in the coming years.

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Cofelice, Andrea. "The Parliamentary Assembly of the Mediterranean and Its Contribution to Democracy Promotion and Crisis Management." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 11, no. 2-3 (2016): 292–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-12341331.

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One of the main functions of international parliamentary institutions (ipis) consists of conducting parallel diplomatic relations, known as parliamentary diplomacy, especially in the fields of peace-building, crisis management and democracy promotion. The effectiveness of this form of so-called ‘parliamentarization’ of international relations is often called into question, and can only be judged through systematic empirical work. This article aims at contributing to this debate by exploring the parliamentary diplomacy activities performed by one of the most prominent parliamentary actors in Euro–Mediterranean relations: the Parliamentary Assembly of the Mediterranean (pam). What kinds of tools has pam adopted to implement its parliamentary diplomacy function? What is the impact of pam’s parliamentary diplomacy? The article considers the following elements: legal and policy instruments; institutional features; functions performed while in session; activities directly addressing the national level; and parliamentary diplomacy as such. The period encompassed by the analysis ranges from 2006 to 2014.

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Wang, Liwan. "Parliamentary Diplomacy in the Chinese Constitution and Foreign Policy." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 11, no. 2-3 (2016): 253–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-12341329.

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China’s diplomacy has a dual source of influence: China’s written constitution; and its unwritten political rules. Under this framework, China’s parliamentary diplomacy is generally considered an important part of its overall diplomatic policy. With the strengthening of the political position of the National People’s Congress (npc) and the reforms of its internal system, many forms of parliamentary diplomacy have been created inside the npc, such as high-level contacts and mechanisms for regular inter-parliamentary exchanges. The npc has also been actively engaging in multilateral diplomacy, including the Inter-Parliamentary Union (ipu), to enhance its international presence. In this process, the npc is gradually breaking away from its stereotypical role as a ‘rubber stamp’ and has partially restored its constitutional authority.

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De Vrieze, Franklin. "The South-East European Cooperation Process and Its New Parliamentary Assembly: Regional Dialogue in Action." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 11, no. 2-3 (2016): 215–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-12341341.

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This article analyses the contribution of the Parliamentary Assembly of the South-East European Cooperation Process (seecp) to regional dialogue among parliamentarians. First, it examines the transformation of the seecp Parliamentary Dimension into a Parliamentary Assembly (seecp pa). Second, the article analyses two case studies: the participation of Kosovo in the seecp pa; and the establishment of a Secretariat for the seecp pa. These two case studies are selected because they have given rise to intensive political dialogue, thus providing a basis for the conduct of parliamentary diplomacy. They demonstrate the potential contribution of the seecp Parliamentary Dimension to conflict resolution, while acknowledging the dependence of the Parliamentary Assembly on the political processes handled through intergovernmental diplomacy. The article shows the limited, although positive, impact of the institutionalisation of this Parliamentary Assembly on parliamentary relations in South-East Europe.

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Götz, Norbert. "On the Origins of ‘Parliamentary Diplomacy’." Cooperation and Conflict 40, no. 3 (2005): 263–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836705055066.

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Feliu, Laura, and Francesc Serra. "Catalan Parliamentary Diplomacy toward the Mediterranean." Mediterranean Quarterly 27, no. 4 (2016): 119–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10474552-3817354.

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Voda, Kristina R. "ASEAN Inter Parliamentary Assembly: Development Trends and Significance for Russia." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development, no. 4(49) (2020): 47–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2020-3-4-49-047-059.

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The article analyzes the activities of the ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Assembly (AIPA), evaluates its significance for regional integration, and identifies opportunities for parliamentary diplomacy of Russia. AIPA is not the ASEAN parliament with no legislative rights. For Russia, regular participation in the AIPA General Assembly as an observer aims to increase its presence and the country's political influence in Southeast Asia. However, the lack of international legal personality of the organization and the non-binding nature of its decisions reduce the effectiveness of the AIPA's work and diminishes its importance as a platform for the implementation of Russian parliamentary diplomacy.

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Vaslavsky, Yan I., Nikolai V. Ponomarev, and Pavel V. Svyatenkov. "Global Parliamentary Survey: What Shall the Delegates of Various Countries Discuss." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 42 (December 3, 2018): 322–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2018-0-4-322-334.

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The authors of the article examine different approaches to the international cooperation new format pursuit against a background of the crisis of modern international relations system. The main attention is paid to parliamentary diplomacy that has clearly shown its worth in the modern system of international relations when traditional diplomacy has often failed to meet the new challenges. The importance of parliamentary diplomacy has particularly grown under the conditions of the transfer to the multi-polar world. Now it has evolved from the system having more or less symbolic importance to the actual diplomatic tool affecting the interstate relations. The authors give specific examples of contemporary Russian and international practice to illustrate this thesis. The authors also examine new formats of inter-Parliamentary cooperation that are necessary to meet the challenges of the multi-polar world and assess their potential and perspectives.

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Varlen, M. V. "The Growing Role of Parliamentary Diplomacy in a Multipolar World." Lex Russica, no. 7 (July 31, 2019): 54–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1729-5920.2019.152.7.054-065.

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The development of contemporary world politics puts new demands on the diplomacy of the 21st century that has rapidly transformed into a multilevel and complex system. The remarkable features and, at the same time, imperatives of diplomatic relations include globalization and multipolarity, turbulence and the multifaceted nature of the foreign policy process, rapid accumulation and processing of information, integration and regionalization, increased national consciousness of States, extensive interaction with non-state actors of international law. In the context of this long-term trend, the most important place belongs to the new actors of the foreign policy process that find themselves in the formats of international dialogue often more competitive as compared with formal, classic mechanisms of diplomacy. Thus, currently, public, economic, digital, sports, regional, scientific, and electoral diplomacy are actively manifested as key trends. The institution of parliamentary diplomacy plays a significant role in the implementation of foreign policy goals and objectives. The uniqueness of this diplomatic course is manifested in the fact that it organically combines the features of official diplomacy and public diplomacy, as parliamentarians act as legitimate representatives of their countries, elected through democratic procedures and representing the interests of their constituents. In the Russian Federation, parliamentary diplomacy is recognized as conceptually important, demanded and promising format of global interaction, which has been repeatedly mentioned at high level of the State.

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Sayfullaev, Durbek. "Parliamentary Diplomacy in Making of Foreign Policy." Advanced Science Journal 2016, no. 1 (2016): 52–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.15550/asj.2016.01.052.

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Dönmez, Rasim Özgür. "Parliamentary diplomacy in European and global governance." Global Affairs 3, no. 4-5 (2017): 483–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23340460.2017.1406814.

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Tayie, Mohammed Salman, and Ibrahim Mohammad Dashti. "Parliament and Foreign Policy-Making Process." Asian Social Science 14, no. 2 (2018): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v14n2p165.

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Objective: The study discusses the role of the parliament in foreign policy-making. The role of the parliament has increased over time in light of the complexities and intertwined interests among countries and the emergence of globalization phenomenon, which has dehumanized the nature and reality of international relations, the need to deepen cooperation among the parliamentarians of countries has increased and expanding it to various fields, and hence emerged the role of parliament in foreign policy-making, so that Public Diplomacy is a substitute for government diplomacy.Method: The study is based on the institutional approach, which is one of the oldest methods used in political analysis. It stems from the study of political institutions in terms of composition and competencies. The institutional approach in its origins is due to the traditional constitutional school in the study of political systems, which was confusing the concept of state and the political system, and the latter is seen as the system of government as defined by constitutional law, i.e. the set of rules and laws governing public authorities and defining their terms of reference and functions.Results: The study concluded that parliamentary diplomacy has become a substitute for the official diplomacy and contributes side by side to the exclusion of war crises and finding the pursuit peaceful diplomatic solutions. The Public Diplomacy is a tributary of support for official diplomacy if coordinated together and the value of Public Diplomacy increases as the goals and orientations of the country's foreign policy express the values and aspirations of the people truthfully.Conclusion: The study concluded that parliaments - especially in democratic systems - play an important role in the process of foreign policy-making, and that there are external and internal factors affecting the effectiveness of the role of parliament in foreign policy. The Kuwaiti parliamentary experience reflected this development of parliamentary diplomacy and its role in foreign policy-making.

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Voda, K. R. "FORMATS, FEATURES AND PROSPECTS OF RUSSIAN PARLIAMENTARY DIPLOMACY IN THE ASIA-PACIFIC REGION." Federalism, no. 3 (September 16, 2019): 116–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.21686/2073-1051-2019-3-116-131.

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The study of the formats of the international activities of the Russian parliament in the Asia-Pacific region (APR) is relevant as Russia is currently looking for ways to increase its international influence and expand the channels of interstate communications. The article evaluates bilateral inter-parliamentary ties between Russia and the leading regional powers — China and Japan. It concludes that Russia’s inter-parliamentary ties with these countries follow the foreign policy implemented by the executive. The article also analyzes Russia’s participation in regional inter-parliamentary institutions — the Asia-Pacific Parliamentary Forum and the ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Assembly. Regular participation of Russian parliamentarians in inter-parliamentary organizations in the Asia-Pacific region expands country’s international political influence. However, organizations whose decisions are not binding, and the structure lacks permanent coordinating bodies, are less effective in addressing problems of global and regional development.

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Jančić, Davor. "World Diplomacy of the European Parliament." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 11, no. 2-3 (2016): 121–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-12341330.

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This article examines the role of the European Parliament in ensuring democratic participation in European Union external relations and global governance. Although the Lisbon Treaty has reinforced the European Parliament’s foreign affairs prerogatives, many obstacles hinder its influence. This prompts the European Parliament to invest considerable institutional resources not only to counterbalance the Commission and the Council and reduce information asymmetry, but also to enhance its posture on the world stage through value-oriented and region-oriented parliamentary diplomacy. The article argues that by conducting world diplomacy, the European Parliament generates critical mass for its institutional empowerment by a crafty application of its treaty rights, by means of non-legislative instruments, and by establishing bilateral and multilateral diplomatic contacts with parliamentary and executive bodies worldwide. The European Parliament thereby attempts to portray itself as an actor without which decisions cannot be made.

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Šabič, Zlatko. "Parliamentary Diplomacy and the us Congress: The Case of the nato Parliamentary Assembly." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 11, no. 2-3 (2016): 235–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-12341328.

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This article analyses the history and practice of the involvement of the us Congress in inter-parliamentary cooperation and diplomacy, with a specific case study of its members’ involvement in the Parliamentary Assembly of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (nato pa), as a leading international parliamentary institution (ipi) in the field of international security. It argues that while members of Congress have participated in the activities of ipis in the past, they mostly focus on domestic affairs and are therefore less keen on engaging with ipis. Nevertheless, they do keep in close touch with transatlantic ipis. This is in line with us foreign policy, which places transatlantic relations at the top of the United States’ strategic interests. The article focuses on Congressional participation in the work of the nato pa before and during nato’s enlargement. It shows that Congress and its members can help the nato pa to play a visible role in transatlantic affairs.

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Stavridis, Stelios, and Davor Jančić. "Introduction The Rise of Parliamentary Diplomacy in International Politics." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 11, no. 2-3 (2016): 105–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-12341344.

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Šabič, Zlatko, Ana Bojinović Fenko, and Petra Roter. "Small States and Parliamentary Diplomacy: Slovenia and the Mediterranean." Mediterranean Quarterly 27, no. 4 (2016): 42–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10474552-3817310.

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Abitbekov, Aibolat. ""Parliamentary Diplomacy in Kazakhstan: Evolution, Institutionalization and Implementation Mechanism "." Central Asia's Affairs 82, no. 2 (2021): 40–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.52536/ks/vol_82_issue_2_a4.

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Gianniti, Luigi, and Nicola Lupo. "The Role of the European Parliament President in Parliamentary Diplomacy." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 11, no. 2-3 (2016): 144–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-12341339.

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Summary This contribution argues, counterintuitively, that the most important functions exercised by the European Parliament’s President are the external ones, which are expressly laid down in Rule 22(4) of the European Parliament’s Rules of Procedure. Among these, specific attention is devoted to the President’s ‘diplomatic functions’. This article analyses the presidencies of Jerzy Buzek and Martin Schulz and argues that these ‘diplomatic functions’ have been reinforced because of intensification of the European Union’s international activities as well as the European Parliament’s enhanced post-Lisbon Treaty powers in eu foreign policy. It is also observed that these functions are exercised differently depending on the personal and political preferences of each President. While Jerzy Buzek’s Presidency was oriented more towards the eastern European Union, the two consecutive Presidencies of Martin Schulz veered more towards the European Union’s south.

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Nayimov, Otabek Mardonovich. "PARLIAMENTARY DIPLOMACY AS AN ADDITIONAL DIPLOMATIC RESOURCE OF A STATE." European Journal of Research 6, no. 6 (2017): 48–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.26739/2521-3253-2017-6-6-4.

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Nuttin, Xavier. "Challenges for Parliamentary Diplomacy in South and South-East Asia and Europe: A Practitioner’s Perspective." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 11, no. 2-3 (2016): 311–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-12341340.

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The European Union is committed to consolidating and supporting democracy worldwide but, despite the increasing interdependence between Asia and Europe, the parliamentary dimension of their relationship remains largely absent. This article reviews the steps taken by the European Parliament to develop and strengthen eu–Asia relations, takes stock of the rare initiatives that have been launched in South and South-East Asia at the regional level, and seeks to explore the reasons why parliamentary diplomacy has not yet taken root. To these ends, the article analyses the respective roles of the executive and legislative branches of government and the current shortcomings in democratic governance in South and South-East Asia. It also discusses the lack of political will on the European side. In conclusion, the article argues that, despite those difficulties, timely and carefully planned development of parliamentary links between Asia and Europe could advance representative democracy in South and South-East Asia.

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Viakhireva, Natalia. "Russia-Canada Relations in the Period of Crisis, 2014-20." Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies 14, no. 1 (2021): 30–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.22215/cjers.v14i1.2671.

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This article explores the state of Russia-Canada relations 2014-2020, and identifies areas where cooperation is possible. The bilateral relations are deeply affected by the overall crisis in Russia-West relations, and are at the lowest point since the end of the Cold war. The war of sanctions and accusatory rhetoric by officials from the both sides have come to the forefront. However a “niche cooperation” between Russia and Canada is possible in the areas where both sides can find common interests. Cooperation on non-political issues, using instruments of alternatives diplomacies: track-2 diplomacy, paradiplomacy, business diplomacy and parliamentary diplomacy, are all viable approaches, and provide the potential for a positive experience of interaction in the period of crisis. One of the most promising dimensions of Russia-Canada cooperation is interaction in the Arctic region in bilateral and multilateral frameworks.

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Cofelice, Andrea. "Parliamentary Diplomacy and the Arab Spring: Evidence from the Parliamentary Assembly of the Mediterranean and the European Parliament." Mediterranean Quarterly 27, no. 4 (2016): 100–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10474552-3817343.

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Ananyev, Boris I., and Daniil A. Parenkov. "Parliament as the Foreign Policy Actor: the Resources of the Parliamentary Diplomacy." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 42 (December 3, 2018): 316–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2018-0-4-316-321.

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The aim of the article is to show the role of parliament in the foreign policy within the framework of the conservative school of thought. The authors examine both Russian and Western traditions of conservatism and come to the conclusion that the essential idea of “the rule of the best” has turned to be one of the basic elements of the modern legislative body per se. What’s more, parliament, according to the conservative approach, tends to be the institution that represents the real spirit of the nation and national interests. Therefore the interaction of parliaments on the international arena appears to be the form of the organic communication between nations. Parliamentary diplomacy today is the tool that has the potential to address to the number of issues that are difficult to deal with within the framework of the traditional forms of IR: international security, challenges posed by new technologies, international sanctions and other.

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Brisibe, Tare. "Parliamentary Diplomacy in the United Nations and Progressive Development of Space Law." European Journal of Law Reform 18, no. 1 (2016): 6–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5553/ejlr/138723702016018001002.

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Myeoun-Hoei Kim and 김일곤. "The External Role of the European Parliament’s Standing Committees and Parliamentary Diplomacy." Journal of European Union Studies ll, no. 45 (2017): 99–144. http://dx.doi.org/10.18109/jeus.2017..45.99.

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Alshareef, Shaker Ahmed. "General Introduction of the Shura Council in Saudi Arabia and Parliamentary Diplomacy." International Journal of Law and Public Administration 4, no. 1 (2021): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijlpa.v4i1.5208.

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Aim: The thesis aims to evaluate the role of the Shura Council in Saudi Arabia's transition and identify if Shura Council can be a catalyst for change in the nation's foreign policy. Saudi's economy is over-relying on oil production, which increases the Kingdom's vulnerability due to uncertainties in the oil markets and other risks. Saudi's vision 2030 aims to decrease Saudi Arabia's dependence on oil and expand the Kingdom's economic resources. The vision 2030 is anchored on three pillars: solidifying the Kingdom's locus in the heart of the Arab and Islamic nations; the quest to become an international investment powerhouse; the Kingdom's strategic site with the capacity to be a hub that connects three continents Africa, Asia, and Europe.Method: The thesis adopts literature review as the main method to establish the composition and effectiveness of the Shura council its design functions.Findings: As currently constituted, the Shura council cannot freely champion effective foreign policies and regulations that support the Kingdom's goals. Shura council is fully under the kings' absolute power, denying them the opportunity to meet their democratic mandate.Concision: The Shura studies and interpret the laws, development plans, and the annual reports of Ministries and Government Sectors. Hence, the council also proposes and amend laws. As long as the Shura Council Members are still King's appointees, the political, social, and economic reforms that Saudi Arabians are eagerly waiting for will take decades to come by. Human rights violations are still evident.Recommendations: The study recommends constitutional monarchy adoption, need for human rights, and fundamental freedom laws to be upheld and allow public participation in legislative process. Strengthening the parliament's oversight roles require the Kingdom to grand Shura Council's independence granting power to partake a vote of no confidence, hearing, interpellation and make committees of inquiry where need be to help Saudi to attain vision 2030 goals.

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Herranz-Surrallés, Anna. "Energy diplomacy under scrutiny: parliamentary control of intergovernmental agreements with third‐country suppliers." West European Politics 40, no. 1 (2016): 183–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2016.1240406.

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G. Karelova. "Women of the World: The Role of Parliamentary Diplomacy in Implementing Russian Foreign Policy." International Affairs 65, no. 004 (2019): 95–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.21557/iaf.54427402.

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ROSTAGNI, CARLA MENEGUZZI. "The China Question in Italian Foreign Policy." Modern Asian Studies 51, no. 1 (2016): 107–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x16000342.

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AbstractRelying on evidence from the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and on the private archives of both Aldo Moro and Pietro Nenni, this article shows that from the mid-1950s onwards, important politicians—Socialist Pietro Nenni, Christian Democrat Giovanni Gronchi and Liberal Gaetano Martino—worked to encourage economic exchanges between Italy and China, and were linked with the concurrent initiatives of economic actors like Dino Gentili and Enrico Mattei. It also reveals that this gradual but steady process placed the China question firmly on the agenda of Italian parliamentary debates and government programmes as early as 1964. Finally, it shows that, while American diplomacy was still dominated by the Vietnam War and opposed any initiative towards Chinese recognition, in 1969–1970 the long process of rapprochement between Rome and Beijing came to an end. Thanks to Nenni's and Moro's diplomatic action, Italy recognized the People's Republic of China (PRC) before the Americans decided to inaugurate triangular diplomacy and reach out to China.

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Popławski, Błażej. "Politoligwistyka dyplomatyczna." Politeja 17, no. 6(69) (2020): 197–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.17.2020.69.10.

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Diplomatic Politolinguistics. The Analysis of the Perception of Sub-Saharan Africa in the Exposé of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the Second and Third Polish Republics The aim of the article is to present the image of sub-Saharan Africa in the exposé of the ministers of foreign affairs of the Second andThird Republics of Poland, in the context of changes in the ideological imaginary of the Polish diplomacy. The introduction describes a political linguistic perspective which was adopted in the work, treating the discourse of political actors as one of the main determinants of the political universe. Then the “parliamentary custom” of delivering an exposé was characterised. The next part discusses the perception of the colonial and imperial idea in the Second Polish Republic. Research on the information provided by the chiefs of the diplomacy after 1989 was focused on the description of the transfer of democracy to the South, the clash of civilizations, and securitization in the international relations.

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Kim, Chi-Wook. "Exploring a Strategy of Multilateral Parliamentary Diplomacy for the National Assembly : Lessons from Network Theory." Journal of Parliamentary Research 10, no. 1 (2015): 121–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.18808/jopr.2015.1.5.

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PEACEY, JASON T. "ORDER AND DISORDER IN EUROPE: PARLIAMENTARY AGENTS AND ROYALIST THUGS 1649–1650." Historical Journal 40, no. 4 (1997): 953–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x9700753x.

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After the execution of Charles I in 1649 a series of daring and desperate attempts were made on the lives of agents and ambassadors dispatched to continental Europe by the fledgling republic. This essay explores the evidence relating to these plots, and to the murders of Isaac Dorislaus and Anthony Ascham, in an attempt to show that the royalists responsible were not merely desperadoes seeking revenge for the murder of their king, but the employees and emissaries of prominent exiled courtiers. The complicity of Montrose, Cottington and Hyde in such conspiracy can be both documented and explained, in the context of the struggle for diplomatic recognition and financial assistance in the months of shock, outrage and uncertainty after the regicide. The concerns of diplomacy and high politics which lay behind these plots also helped to determine the reaction of European leaders, as it gradually became clear on whose side fortune smiled in Britain.

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Purvis, M. "Yesterday in Parliament: British Politicians and Debate over Stratospheric Ozone Depletion, 1970–92." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 12, no. 3 (1994): 361–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c120361.

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In this paper British politicians' understanding of, and attitudes towards, an important element of global environmental change are analysed through study of the parliamentary record Hansard, especially questions to ministers. In particular, attention is given to the evolution of debates concerning stratospheric ozone depletion during the period 1970–92, This focus reflects the importance of ozone depiction as an issue per se, but is also consistent with the wider argument that we need to study the development of specific environmental issues if we are to develop a more sophisticated understanding of the greening of politics; a process hitherto frequently considered as a somewhat incoherent whole, The aim is to trace the chronology of concern about stratospheric ozone, to identify the stimuli to interest in the issue, and to analyse the content and limitations of discussion. This last involves examination of interaction between a global environmental issue and the ideologies of the British national party-political system. The value of consideration of national debate about global issues is thus asserted, National and international debate and diplomacy form interacting elements of a ‘two-level game’ through which politics and environmental concerns become engaged. Previous studies which were focused chiefly on the evolution of a new environmental diplomacy at the international level thus tell only part of the story.

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Rzymowska, Luiza. "Sprawa honoru. Przemówienie Józefa Becka, wygłoszone 5 maja 1939 roku w Sejmie Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej, na tle zasad retoryki." Oblicza Komunikacji 10 (November 15, 2018): 23–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2083-5345.10.2.

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A matter of honour. Józef Beck’s address delivered on 5 May 1939 in the Polish parliament and the principles of rhetoricThe paper presents the analysis of Józef Beck’s parliamentary speech on 5 May 1939, showing its characteristics as well as its unique value in different facets of the speaker’s creative act. Accordingly, the paper has been divided into seven sections. The first one provides a historical outline and an attempt to reconstruct the background of the keynote address by the minister of foreign affairs. The second one characterises Beck as a diplomat, allowing to understand the person who adopted a role of public speaker in Poland under an imminent threat of war with the German Reich. The third one introduces some details on how the chief of diplomacy prepared himself for delivering a definite statement of his policy. The fourth, fifth and sixth sections contain the actual analysis of the text presented to listeners, and also examine how the speaker complied with the principles of the rhetorical art on the consecutive stages inventio, dispositio, elocutio of creating a text as intended to be delivered. Finally, the seventh section of this study briefly summarizes how the stages of memoria and actio, i. e. memorising and giving the speech, were conducted, according to the audiovisual record of Beck’s address delivered in the Polish Sejm.

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Holmila, Antero, and Pasi Ihalainen. "Nationalism and Internationalism Reconciled." Contributions to the History of Concepts 13, no. 2 (2018): 25–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/choc.2018.130202.

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The carnage of World War I gave rise to liberal visions for a new world order with democratized foreign policy and informed international public opinion. Conservatives emphasized continuity in national sovereignty, while socialists focused on the interests of the working class. While British diplomacy in the construction of the League of Nations has been widely discussed, we focus on contemporary uses of nationalism and internationalism in parliamentary and press debates that are more ideological. We also examine how failed internationalist visions influenced uses of these concepts during World War II, supporting alternative organizational solutions, caution with the rhetoric of democracy and public opinion, and ways to reconcile national sovereignty with a new world organization. The United Nations was to guarantee the interests of the leading powers (including the United States), while associations with breakthroughs of democracy were avoided. Nationalism (patriotism) and internationalism were reconciled with less idealism and more pragmatism.

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Macinnes, Allan I. "John Ogilvie: The Smoke and Mirrors of Confessional Politics." Journal of Jesuit Studies 7, no. 1 (2020): 34–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-00701003.

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The trial and execution of the Jesuit John Ogilvie in 1615 is located within diverse political contexts—Reformation and Counter-Reformation; British state formation; and the contested control of the Scottish Kirk between episcopacy and Presbyterianism. The endeavors of James vi and i to promote his ius imperium by land and sea did not convert the union of the crowns into a parliamentary union. However, he pressed ahead with British policies to civilize frontiers, colonize overseas and engage in war and diplomacy. Integral to his desire not to be beholden to any foreign power was his promotion of religious uniformity which resulted in a Presbyterian backlash against episcopacy. At the same time, the Scottish bishops sought to present a united Protestant front by implementing penal laws against Roman Catholic priests and laity, which led to Ogilvie being charged with treason for upholding the spiritual supremacy of the papacy over King James. Ogilvie’s martyrdom may stand in isolation, but it served to reinvigorate the Catholic mission to Scotland.

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Giménez Martínez, Miguel Ángel. "Los inicios de la diplomacia parlamentaria en España durante la Legislatura Constituyente (1977–1979) = The beginnings of parliamentary diplomacy in Spain during the Constituent Legislature (1977–1979)." Espacio Tiempo y Forma. Serie V, Historia Contemporánea, no. 26 (May 12, 2014): 403. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/etfv.26.2014.10847.

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Goldoni, Marco. "Parliamentary Diplomacy in European and Global Governance , edited by S.Stavridis and D.Jancic (Leiden: Brill/Nijhoff, 2017, ISBN 9789004326460); xvii+393pp., €149.00 hb." JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies 56, no. 1 (2017): 200–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jcms.12695.

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Fonck, Daan. "Parliamentary Diplomacy and Legislative-Executive Relations in EU Foreign Policy: Studying the European Parliament's Mediation of the Macedonian Political Crisis (2015-17)." JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies 56, no. 6 (2018): 1305–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jcms.12742.

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Aldrich, George H., and Christine M. Chinkin. "A Century of Achievement and Unfinished Work." American Journal of International Law 94, no. 1 (2000): 90–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2555233.

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The Hague Conferences that produced the Conventions of 1899 and 1907 closed the nineteenth century and opened the twentieth. They established an agenda for negotiation, in the parliamentary-diplomatic mode, for the next hundred years; elevated the development of mechanisms of dispute resolution to new prominence; tried to order many areas of armed conflict with new international law; and, perhaps unintentionally, set parameters for the future diplomacy of international conferences.Subsequent international lawmaking efforts grappled with many of the themes debated at The Hague, even as the political landscape of international law was completely transformed by the breakup of empires and the advent of almost two hundred new states; the founding of international organizations and regional organizations that could scarcely have been imagined in 1899, and the establishment of a truly permanent international judicial institution, followed by the creation of many other judicial institutions with more focused jurisdictions. Despite these changes, much of the style of the Hague Conferences left a deep imprint on international law. The mixture of lofty rhetoric, prophetic international legal vision, and narrow political interest of the Hague Conferences became a characteristic, even an expected feature, of collective international lawmaking efforts in this century.

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Alvarez, José E. "International Organizations: Then and Now." American Journal of International Law 100, no. 2 (2006): 324–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002930000016687.

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International organizations (or IOs)—intergovernmental entities established by treaty, usually composed of permanent secretariats, plenary assemblies involving all member states, and executive organs with more limited participation—are a twentieth-century phenomenon having little in common with earlier forms of institutionalized cooperation, including those in the ancient world. The story of how, shortly after the turn of the last century, the Euro-American lawyers that dominated the field of international law sought to transcend the chaos of war by “moving to institutions” has been told elsewhere and needs no repeating here. David Kennedy, Martti Koskenniemi, and David Bederman, among others, have described the disparate individuals, separated by nationality, juridical philosophy, and competing “idealist”/“realist” schools of thought, who nevertheless shared a messianic, quasi-religious, and coherent “internationalist sensibility” that sought to institutionalize multilateral diplomacy with a view to promoting civilization and progress. Kennedy locates the move to international organization in turn-of-the-century reformist aspirations for parliamentary, administrative, and judicial mechanisms that, in the Victorian language of the day, would convert “passion into reason.” By the time this Journal was established, the Congress of Vienna’s concert system had provided a model for an incipient (albeit only periodic) pseudo-parliament; diverse public administrative unions and river commissions suggested the possibilities for international administration and even the interstate pooling of funds; and the Permanent Court of Arbitration presaged an international judiciary.

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Lufi, Simon, and Marsel Nilaj. "The Kosovo War In The British Parliament Talks In 1999." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 12, no. 17 (2016): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2016.v12n17p24.

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The Kosovo War in the 1990s was one among a series of wars in the former Yugoslav federation. It was the final war that ended the dissolution which had started with Slovenia from1990 to 1991, Croatia and Bosnia - Herzegovina from 1992 to 1995 and the Kosovo War from 1998 to 1999. However, the Kosovo war happened during a different situation and period. It was at a time and in a position to cause the domino effect in the Balkans and an outbreak of wars in a large part of the Balkans. This fight could include Albania and Macedonia as nations with an ethnic Albanian population. It could also have a religious or cultural impact that threatened to involve other states such as Bosnia and Turkey on the one hand and Greece on the other. The interest of major countries in Europe, as well as the world, was focused on this war. A country among them was the UK. As one of the founding states of the European Union, United Nations, and NATO, the UK was quite involved in this war. The UK and the US were two countries that became the political and military leadership in this struggle since its beginning, while reaching a peak in 1999. This situation involved talks in the British Parliament in the UK, especially the House of Lords where the decision-making aspect of parliamentary politics is achieved. The war was also a major concern for the parliament. On the one hand, it was important to resolve the situation in Kosovo without worsening it with other massacres. On the other hand, this situation required caution in dealing with the Serbian people. The destiny of Kosovo refugees was important to them. However, the future of the Serbian people in Kosovo had to be guaranteed. The most important thing was to obtain full autonomy for Kosovo, but also to achieve a bilateral cooperation from both countries. The House of Lords and the interest of some lords in this war made the British policy, as a whole, a lot more responsible for accomplishing what it had started since diplomacy regarding weapons and the military intervention used to manage the situation of refugees in Kosovo had a huge impact in Europe. The British parliamentary sessions were very crucial in leading to an international level this whole historical phase for Kosovo.

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Pavlenko, Alexander. "The Development of Internal Political Processes in Kosovo (1999-2017)." Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, no. 26 (November 27, 2017): 325–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2017.26.325.

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Influence of Yugoslavia’s collapse, as well as of external factors on Kosovo’s separation from Serbia is explored in this article. Particular features of Kosovo’s internal policy development and problems with a full international recognition of its independence are also highlighted. The problem of Kosovo’s status within the diplomacy of “power poles” in modern international relations system in the context of NATO’s war against Yugoslavia in 1999 is underlined. Kosovo is a multi-party parliamentary representative democratic republic. The State is governed by legislative, executive and judicial institutions which derive from the Constitution adopted in June 2008, although until the Brussels Agreement, North Kosovo was largely controlled by institutions of the Republic of Serbia or parallel institutions, funded by Serbia. The legislative power in Kosovo is held by Parliament. The executive authority is vested in the Government, headed by Prime Minister. The President is Head of State and represents the unity of the people, elected every five years, indirectly by the National Assembly, in a secret ballot by a two thirds majority of all deputies of the Assembly. Key trends in Serbian policy towards Kosovo after the democratic transformation of its political system and in conditions of Serbia’s aspirations for European integration was examined. The process of Kosovo’s recognition has shown that Kosovo is an irreversible reality and an essential factor for peace and stability in the Balkan region. This could be best proved by the recognition of Kosovo among all neighboring countries (except Serbia), by the vast majority of the countries in the region and the Euro-Atlantic community.

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Jilkin, V. A. "Illegal Interference in Internal Affairs Sovereign States of the UN and in the Presidential Elections in Russia as Instrument of US Foreign Policy." Russian Journal of Legal Studies 5, no. 1 (2018): 34–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/rjls18346.

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Since signing of the UN Charter on June 26, 1945, that enshrined the principle of non-intervention in internal and external affairs of sovereign states, the United States, within the period from 1945 to 2000, committed over 100 acts of conscious unlawful intervention in the affairs of more than 60 states worldwide with the view of realizing the «colour revolution» scenarios, coups d’état and arranging social destabilization. The attempts of outside intervention in Russia’s internal affairs, in violation of the universally recognized norms of international law and the UN Charter, take place constantly, in fact from the moment of Russia’s proclaiming state sovereignty. The alleged grounds for intervention in the affairs of sovereign states are a special view about the US mission, predominant with the American elite, which is used for the politicians’ public argumentation on their «inalienable right». The main goal of Western intervention in Russia’s internal affairs and the elections is changing the foundations of the constitutional order and political course, violation of the territorial integrity, modifying the composition and structure of the Russian authorities, as well as inf luencing the Russian young people in order to make them a tool for erosion of the national political systems. To prevent the external threats to the sovereignty of the Russian Federation and the attempts to interfere in its purely internal affairs, Russia uses the whole potential of political and diplomatic measures and parliamentary diplomacy, adhering to the generally recognized norms of international law enshrined in the UN Charter, in particular, in Article 2 of the UN Charter, in the Declaration on the Inadmissibility of Intervention in Internal Affairs of States, as concerns protection of their independence and sovereignty, the provisions of international treaties and foreign experience of defending sovereignty and opposing intervention from outside.

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Ofitserov-Belskiy, D. V. "Russia and Poland: Problems of Inevitable Coexistence." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(39) (December 28, 2014): 18–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-6-39-18-28.

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Over the last quarter of the century relations between Russia and Poland are balancing between trying to understand the burden of mutual guilt and a desire to construct non-emotional pragmatic relations. Sources of tension vary. In particular, it is the desire of Poland to position itself as a valued player in NATO and the EU and the role distance between the two countries in IR system, which does not allow Russia to maintain an equal political dialogue with Poland. In fact, Poland is not afraid of a direct threat from Russia, but the worst scenario is the one in which Russia without changing the content of its imperial policy can be accepted as a full partner in the international community. The evolution of Russian statehood and national specifics of democracy is largely determined the assessment of the prospects of Russian politics in Poland. The mistake of Polish diplomacy last years was that it took no direct efforts to improve relations with Russia, but only tried to impose the dialogue on Russian authorities. Diplomatic methods were designed to hurt Russian interests and to create a topic for discussion. In response, after 2006 Russia chose the tactic of ignoring Poland. But, ignoring Polish authorities, Russian politicians acted similarly with other political forces. In Poland among influential political forces, there was and there is still no loyalty to Russia. For Russian interests it is no matter who are or will be in power in Poland. However as a rule, it is an important factor that foreign policy decisions are de facto within the competences of the President and the government, as well as experiencing a significant influence of the parliamentary forces. Recent trends show no tangible innovations in bilateral programme. But innovations appear in multilateral and conflict enough issues, such as deployment of US missile defense system in Poland or Polish supervision of "Eastern Partnership" programme. The main problem is low self-sufficiency of bilateral relations and excessive influence of third countries. Any efforts to normalize bilateral relations will be meaningless until the weight of bilateral relations really increases to each of the party.

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Padje, W. A. Van't. "Sir Alexander Malet and Prince Otto von Bismarck: an Almost Forgotten Anglo‐German Friendship." Historical Research 72, no. 179 (1999): 285–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00085.

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Abstract This article concentrates on Prince von Bismarck's relationship with England, with particular reference to his friendship with the British diplomat Sir Alexander Malet in the eighteen‐fifties, when Bismarck was Prussian representative to the German confederation at Frankfurt. Bismarck's love–hate relationship with England has been frequently described. He complained repeatedly about British Liberalism, the Reform Bill of 1832 and the parliamentary system. Thus, it is rather surprising that one of his closest and most intimate friends in this decade was Malet, a fact which is overlooked by most of Bismarck's biographers.

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Parsons, Anthony, Stanley Henig, Iain Hampsher-Monk, and Alan Carter. "Book Reviews: The Gulf Conflict 1990–1991: Diplomacy and War in the New World Order, The Cold War Legacy in Europe, The Shape of the Future: The Post-Cold War World, Essays on the Cold War, Thomas Hobbes: Critical Assessments, Volume I: Background: Texts and Context, Volume II: Ethics, Volume III: Politics and Law, Volume IV: Religion, Green Political Theory, A History of Modern Political Thought: Major Political Thinkers from Hobbes to Marx, beyond Individualism: Reconstituting the Liberal Self, Solidarity and Schism: ‘The Problem of Disorder’ in Durkheimian and Marxist Sociology, The Cambridge Companion to Heidegger, Essays on Heidegger and Others: Philosophical Papers, The Politics of Social Policy, Parliamentary Questions, The House of Lords at Work: A Study Based on the 1988–1989 Session." Political Studies 41, no. 3 (1993): 519–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1993.tb01655.x.

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Masters, Lesley. "SOUTH AFRICA'S EMERGING PARLIAMENTARY DIPLOMACY AND SOFT POWER." Strategic Review for Southern Africa 37, no. 2 (2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.35293/srsa.v37i2.244.

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This analysis considers the emergence of South Africa's parliamentary diplomacy, or the role of Parliament on the international stage, since 1994. The early discourse both within Parliament and in academic analysis, reflects an emphasis on the role of oversight and the role of Parliament in the foreign policy decision-making process. Recognition of the role of parliamentary diplomacy has been slow to develop, although Parliament is increasingly acknowledging its role as an international actor. This has seen the development of structures and policy to support this. The value of parliamentary diplomacy as part of a country's international relations, however, remains an area in need of further deliberation. This analysis begins by unpacking the concept of parliamentary diplomacy before addressing the emerging role and value of parliamentary diplomacy for South Africa, particularly through the linkages between parliamentary diplomacy and soft power in promoting foreign policy.

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Leibrandt-Loxton, Natalie. "South Africa’s Bilateral Parliamentary Diplomacy as a Soft Power Tool of Attraction: Successes and Challenges." Strategic Review for Southern Africa 42, no. 1 (2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.35293/srsa.v42i1.200.

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The South African Parliament has since 1994 actively participated in formal, informal, and ad hoc bilateral parliamentary diplomacy. Through the analysis of this form of diplomacy, this article explores practical examples of Parliament’s bilateral international participation to ascertain the impact thereof on the state’s soft power capacity. Joseph Nye (2008; 2011)’s soft power tool of attraction is used as the theoretical lens through which these examples are assessed. Supplementary insights from parliamentary officials and confidential interviews with selected Members of Parliament who consistently participate internationally enriched the analysis. The article presents evidence of parliament’s soft power of attraction among foreign legislative and executive actors, but also identifies challenges that hinder strategic soft power successes. As South Africa’s bilateral parliamentary diplomacy continues to evolve, these findings provide insights on the role of Parliament as an international actor, as well as the need for the strategic positioning of bilateral parliamentary diplomacy within the state’s overall diplomatic practice for policymakers and foreign policy stakeholders to consider.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Parliamentary Diplomacy'

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