Journal articles: 'Parliamentary speeches'

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Lin, Nick, and Moritz Osnabrügge. "Making comprehensible speeches when your constituents need it." Research & Politics 5, no. 3 (July 2018): 205316801879559. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168018795598.

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Parliamentary speech is a prominent avenue that political elites can use in parliament to communicate with the electorate. However, we have little understanding of how exactly Members of Parliament craft their speeches to communicate with the districts they represent. We expect that Members of Parliament adapt the comprehensibility of their speeches to their constituents’ linguistic skills since doing so facilitates effective communication. Using parliamentary speeches from the German Bundestag, we reveal that Members of Parliament tend to make their speeches less complicated when their constituents are relatively poor, less educated, and come from an immigration background. Our findings have important implications for the study of political representation and communication strategies.

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Cranmer, Frank. "Parliamentary Report." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 13, no. 2 (April 26, 2011): 216–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x11000081.

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How liberal democracies can accommodate tenaciously-held religious views within the wider framework of human rights legislation and balance the resulting conflicts is a conundrum that confronts governments throughout Europe and was the theme of three major speeches delivered at the end of the period under review.

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David McCooey and David Lowe. "Autobiography in Australian Parliamentary First Speeches." Biography 33, no. 1 (2010): 68–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/bio.0.0159.

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Hjorth, Frederik. "Intergroup Bias in Parliamentary Rule Enforcement." Political Research Quarterly 69, no. 4 (August 6, 2016): 692–702. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912916658553.

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Political actors are often assigned roles requiring them to enforce rules without giving in-groups special treatment. But are such institutional roles likely to be successful? Here, I exploit a special case of exogenously assigned intergroup relations: debates in the Danish Parliament, in which Parliament chairmen drawn from parliamentary parties enforce speaking time. Analyzing 5,756 speeches scraped from online transcripts, I provide evidence that speech lengths are biased in favor of the presiding chairman’s party. On average, speakers of the same party as the presiding chairman give 5 percent longer speeches and are 5 percent more likely to exceed the speaking time limit. The paper contributes to the extant literature by demonstrating political intergroup bias in a natural setting, suggesting that group loyalties can supersede institutional obligations even in a “least likely” context of clear rules, complete observability, and a tradition of parliamentary cooperation.

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Cromartie, A. D. T. "The Printing of Parliamentary Speeches November 1640–July 1642." Historical Journal 33, no. 1 (March 1990): 23–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x0001308x.

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‘No member of this House’, proclaimed Bulstrode Whitelocke in February 1642 ‘ought to publish any speech or passage of this House, though it be very frequent.’ Very frequent it was; by this stage of the Long Parliament more than 100 purported speeches of named members were in printed circulation. Orations attributed to 45 M.P.s had been published, at a time when only ‘75 M.P.s made the motions, spoke to the issues, and delivered the reports of conferences and committees’. Printed speeches must have become a familiar genre to the customers of London booksellers. Invariably they were quarto in format; typically a pamphlet consisted of a single address, between three and eight sides in length and carelessly printed. Titles were informative and unpretentious: Mr. Thomas Pury his Speech upon the clause, the which concerns Deans and Chapters is a representative example. Most gave the date, or alleged date, of delivery, and the name of the printer responsible. There was nothing surreptitious, in other words, about the phenomenon. The chronological Thomason catalogue shows that speeches were significantly more numerous than any other kind of ephemeral tract, at least until March 1642, and that during the first session they were the only source of printed information about parliamentary debates. After March 1642 the flow of publication dried up. Large-scale publication of individual parliamentary speeches is therefore unique to a particular fifteen month period. Their importance, as historical sources, hardly needs stressing. The purpose of this article is primarily to explain the nature, and limitations, of the evidence this material can provide.

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Konstantinova, Anna, Svetlana Anufrienko, Asiyat Botasheva, Olga Totskaya, and Natalya Tkacheva. "Public parliamentary discourse in Russia and Germany: speech and genre specifics." SHS Web of Conferences 69 (2019): 00008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20196900008.

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In the article the approaches to the problem of political discourse speech genres differentiation are discussed based on the comparative analysis of the German and Russian public parliamentary speech authentic samples. The special status of the public speech phenomenon in parliamentary communication and its conditionality by parliamentary regulations are discussed. The communicative roles of plenary sessions’ participants in Germany and Russia are described. In both parliaments, public parliamentary speech is exercised in a dialogue form, managed and controlled by the president of the Bundestag / presiding plenary session. The existence of common political goals of German and Russian public parliamentary communication proves the expediency of its comprehensive comparative study, taking into account extralinguistic and linguistic characteristics of public parliamentary speeches. The statements, representing the German and Russian public parliamentary speech, form a set of institutional genres, the emergence and functioning of which are predetermined by the parliamentary regulations. In both parliaments, they include a report, a statement, a question, and a reply, presented in several intragenre varieties, with specific national variants. Each of these genres is characterized by the use of specific methods of language expression, emotional utterances, rhetorical and polemical techniques.

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Jurewicz, Magdalena. "Cultural context in parliamentary discourse with examples of parallel speeches in the polish Sejm and the German Bundestag – reflections from a translator’s perspective." Lingua Posnaniensis 60, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 49–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/linpo-2018-0004.

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Abstract The article presents examples of cultural references made by Polish MPs speaking in the Polish Sejm and German MPs speaking in the German Bundestag. The term “cultural context” will be used as defined by Boniecka (1994). There will be presented two examples of parliamentary speeches given in the Polish Sejm and the German Bundestag from a larger corpus of collected data for the purpose of the research on the appellative function of the word “wish”. The starting point for compiling texts was the minutes of the parliamentary debates of the Polish Sejm which contained the word “życzyć” (“wish” in Polish) and the minutes of parliamentary debates in the Bundestag which contained the word “wünschen” (‘wish” in German) in the first person singular and plural. The topic of the speeches had a secondary meaning. On the basis of the examples it discussed will be shown that parallel texts of MP’s speeches are a valuable teaching material in specialised language lessons.

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Giannetti, Daniela, and Andrea Pedrazzani. "Rules and Speeches: How Parliamentary Rules Affect Legislators' Speech-Making Behavior." Legislative Studies Quarterly 41, no. 3 (May 11, 2016): 771–800. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lsq.12130.

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Pearson, Mark, and Camille Galvin. "The Australian Parliament and press freedom in an international context." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 13, no. 2 (November 1, 2019): 139–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v13i2.910.

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The article reports on a study using grounded theory methodology to track the contexts in which Australian parliamentarians used the expressions 'press freedom' and 'freedom of press' over the ten years from 1994 to 2004. It uses Parliamentry Hansard records to identify the speeches in which discussions of press freedom arose. Interestingly, the terms were used by members of the House of Representativies or Senate in just 78 speeches out of more than 180,000 over that decade. Those usages have been coded to develop a theory about the interface between press freedom and the parliament. This article reports just one aspect of the findings from the larger study—the way parliamentarians have contrasted the value of press freedom in Australia with press freedom in other countries. It is one step towards building a broader theory of press freedom in the Australian parliamentary context.

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Dawidziak-Kładoczna, Małgorzata. "Zagajenia marszałka sejmu — ewolucja wzorca gatunkowego od XVI wieku do dziś." Język a Kultura 26 (February 22, 2017): 163–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1232-9657.26.13.

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Opening speeches of the Speaker of the Sejm — evolution of the genre pattern from the 16th century till todayAn opening speech is avariant of aparliamentary speech delivered by the Speaker of the Sejm at the beginning of each day of parliamentary debate. It differs from other types of parliamentary speeches, because typically the latter represents the rhetoric style, whereas an opening speech combines rhetoric and official styles. The former style predominated until the 19th century, while after 1861 atypically official style begins to predominate. It has always been amulti-segment text, but the number of segments and their character have evolved with time. Thus, the number of elements of the composition is limited and the degree of their mandatory nature varies, which results from, e.g. external determinants context. When illocutions are concerned, their general aims never change, contrary to detailed aims, even though since the times of the Diet of the Kingdom of Galicia relative stability may be observed in this respect. The stylistic aspect is the most significant. Although a feature of the opening speech is its openness, its form is schematic allowing for certain modifications. Two phenomena may be observed here — restricting the repertory of means petrification, standardisation and enriching the texts with etiquette formulas

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Euchner, Eva-Maria, and Elena Frech. "Candidate Selection and Parliamentary Activity in the EU’s Multi-Level System: Opening a Black-Box." Politics and Governance 8, no. 1 (February 13, 2020): 72–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i1.2553.

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Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) have a multitude of parliamentary duties and, accordingly, have to prioritize some parliamentary activities over others. So far, we know comparably little about this prioritization process. Based on principal–agent theory, we argue first, that MEPs’ parliamentary activities are systematically determined by the “visibility” and usefulness of parliamentary instruments for their key principal; second, we expect the exclusiveness of candidate selection procedures of an MEP’s national party—the nomination and the final list placement—to determine her/his key principal (i.e., elites or members of national parties). Combining multi-level mixed effects linear regression models and expert interviews, we show that MEPs who are nominated and whose final list placement is decided by an exclusive circle of national party elites prioritize speeches, whereas MEPs who are nominated or whose final list placement is decided by more inclusive procedures prioritize written questions and opinions or reports. In other words, speeches seem particularly useful to communicate with national party elites, while other activities are used to serve larger groups of party members. These findings open up the black-box of the “national party principal” and illustrate how a complex principal–agent relationship stimulates very specific parliamentary activity patterns in the EU’s multi-level system.

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Bader, Yousef, and Sohad Badarneh. "The Use of Synonyms in Parliamentary Speeches in Jordan." Arab World English Journal For Translation and Literary Studies 2, no. 3 (August 15, 2018): 43–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.24093/awejtls/vol2no3.4.

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Abrahamyan, Samvel. "Linguocultural Peculiarities of British Parliamentary Discourse." Armenian Folia Anglistika 12, no. 2 (16) (October 17, 2016): 123–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.46991/afa/2016.12.2.123.

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Peculiarities of British parliamentary discourse are largely conditioned by context models of its participants, which influence the style and linguistic forms of their speeches. As context models are culturally predetermined, linguistic means used in parliamentary discourse have also certain linguocultural peculiarities. Centuries-old traditions of British parliamentary system find their reflection in the language and form an essential part of British parliamentary discourse. The adherence to these communicative norms, including different rituals, ceremonies and traditions peculiar to British political life and British political discourse, has a special symbolic meaning and is aimed at maintaining stability of the political system, respect for the state power and its authority.

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Szechi, D. "III The Diary and Speeches of Sir Arthur Kaye 1710-21." Camden Fourth Series 44 (July 1992): 322–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068690500002920.

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Written ‘to supply the defect of an ill memory’, Sir Arthur Kaye's manuscript diary is one of the few early eighteenth-century accounts of Parliamentary politics that have survived to the present day. It is also one which scholars in the field have found very useful. As Geoffrey Holmes, the doyen of early eighteenth-century British history, has put it: ‘no contemporary material illustrates more vividly the negative side of the country member's prejudices’. The Parliamentary speeches also preserved amongst Kaye's papers are less well known but in their own way are just as valuable, hence the publication of the two in conjunction.

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Calzada Pérez, Maria. "Five turns of the screw." Journal of Language and Politics 16, no. 3 (April 12, 2017): 412–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.15020.cal.

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The present paper proposes a CADS-based analysis of European Parliament speeches, by merging (C)DA theoretical constructs (inspired by Laclau and Mouffe 1985) and CL tools. In this fashion, the European Comparable and Parallel Corpus of Parliamentary Speeches Archive (ECPC) is examined along synchronic and diachronic, quantitative and qualitative lines, in an inductive study that commutes from the micro-text to the macro-context.

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Yildirim, Tevfik Murat, Gülnur Kocapınar, and Yüksel Alper Ecevit. "Staying active and focused? The effect of parliamentary performance on candidate renomination and promotion." Party Politics 25, no. 6 (November 9, 2017): 794–804. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068817740338.

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A large body of literature has focused on potential causes and consequences of candidate nomination procedures. One of the received wisdoms in this literature is that loyalty to the party leadership in centralized systems and personal vote-earning attributes in decentralized systems rank in priority for representatives’ career prospects. However, the determinants of candidate nomination in countries with centralized nomination procedures have been significantly undertheorized, due in part to the implicit assumption that party loyalty outweighs any other factor in determining career decisions. We close this gap by analyzing nomination and promotion decisions in Turkey, a closed-list PR system with highly centralized nomination procedures. We argue that representatives’ parliamentary performance such as parliamentary activeness and issue concentration influence parties’ nomination and promotion decisions. Utilizing original data sets of biographies of 1100 MPs who served in parliament between 2002 and 2011, and over 18,000 parliamentary speeches and 1040 bill cosponsorships, we estimate empirical models that are explicitly derived from the underlying theoretical model and find evidence that party leaderships favour incumbents who make more speeches and who display higher issue concentration, while penalizing electorally safe incumbents who seek legislative influence through private members’ bills (PMBs). Results offer important implications for the study of intraparty politics and parliamentary behaviour in general, and candidate nomination in particular.

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Jurewicz, Magdalena. "Wishes as bene- and malefactive speech acts. On the basis of discrediting parliamentary speeches in the Polish Lower House." Scripta Neophilologica Posnaniensia, no. 18 (February 7, 2019): 35–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/snp.2018.18.03.

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What will be analysed in the paper, from the pragmalinguistic perspective, is the specificity and the positioning of wishes in an MP’s speech as a particular type of text. In my research, I would like to shed some light on the multifunctioning of such speech acts in the public performances, to which parliamentary speeches belong, which stems from the multitude of their addressees. I will be particularly interested in the change of the illocutionary force of wishes which, thanks to the influence of the irony that they contain, may serve the opposition politicians to mock the ruling party’s MPs. This, in turn, can indirectly lead to the disparagement of the latter. In a broader sense it can also be the result of a general persuasive function of all political speeches. The marking of irony is very specific for a given culture or even the idiolect of particular MPs. The precise knowledge of the possible indirect readings of some MPs’ utterances, and the techniques for deciphering ironic expressions would be very valuable for interpreters who have just recently begun their work in e.g. the European Parliament, where the speeches of MPs are interpreted simultaneously.

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Calzada-Pérez, María. "Researching the European Parliament with Corpus-Assisted Discourse Studies." Specialised Translation in Spain 30, no. 2 (December 31, 2017): 465–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/resla.00003.cal.

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Abstract Parliaments are important and complex institutions. However, they are notably under-researched within linguistics and related fields. This is certainly the case with the European Parliament (EP). Drawing both on Corpus-Assisted Discourse Studies (CADS) and prior, manual research on parliamentary communication, this paper proposes and applies an analytical protocol to examine EP speeches. Although these are disseminated in various forms and through dissimilar means (e.g., live at the EP; the audiovisual format via streaming or recorded videos; or published as parliamentary proceedings), here we focus on proceedings – one of the EP’s main sources of official representation. Following the EP’s (unique) practice, where official proceedings do not distinguish between original and translated speeches but consider all texts of equal (legal) status, this study delves into all speech production in English, without separating source and target texts. In the most orthodox of CADS traditions, analysis proceeds from micro and macro-levels of texts into the macro-context (unlike other academic approaches, in which it proceeds in the opposite direction). This direction forces us to move from tangible, specific data to the enveloping setting in which these data are exchanged.

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Truan, Naomi. "Talking about, for, and to the People: Populism and Representation in Parliamentary Debates on Europe." Zeitschrift für Anglistik und Amerikanistik 67, no. 3 (September 25, 2019): 307–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zaa-2019-0025.

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Abstract This paper contributes to the discussion on the reference to ‘the people’ in contemporary politics. Illuminating the tension raised by representation, this corpus-assisted analysis investigates how Members of Parliament discursively construct the necessity to represent and involve the people while being at the same time the ones holding the floor. Close analysis of British, German, and French parliamentary debates on Europe reveals that parliamentary talk relies on a twofold dynamic: enacting the people’s voice and making parliamentary debates accessible. These patterns are represented in the speeches of all parliamentary groups. This shows that none of these discourse strategies are, per se, a prerogative of populist movements, thus shedding light on the necessity to think the articulation between populist style and populist ideology.

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Bulut, Alper T., and Emel İlter. "Understanding Legislative Speech in the Turkish Parliament: Reconsidering the Electoral Connection under Proportional Representation." Parliamentary Affairs 73, no. 1 (December 5, 2018): 147–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsy041.

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Abstract We aim to address two weaknesses of the growing literature on legislative debate and legislative behaviour. First, most studies on legislative speech focus on the role of party unity and individual dissent on speech-making behaviour and largely ignore the role of legislators’ own calculations regarding their electoral vulnerability. Secondly, research on legislative behaviour that studies mechanisms other than legislative speech usually explores the role of electoral incentives where there is Single Member District (SMD) or open list system, and largely neglects closed list proportional representation systems with multi-member districts. We suggest that, similar to SMD and single transferable vote systems, the electoral vulnerability of individual legislators provides incentives to nurture a personal reputation and signals their efforts to their constituents and party leadership. Using a novel dataset of parliamentary speeches in the Turkish Parliament (2007–2011), we demonstrate that legislators who are electorally more vulnerable participate more in legislative debate, and are more likely to deliver constituency-related speeches.

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Sofizade, Jessica. "The “Debate” about Poland." Politeja 16, no. 6(63) (December 31, 2019): 215–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.16.2019.63.14.

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This paper examines two speeches made by Janusz Lewandowski and Ryszard Antoni Legutko in the European Parliamentary debate entitled “The situationof the rule of law and democracy in Poland” on 15/11/2017. In particular, it analyses their representations of Poland and the EU, and aims to determine whether they can be considered as “populist” according to J.-W. Müller’s criteria of populism. It is suggested that Legutko’s speech can be labelled populist according to Müller’s criteria, whilst Lewandowski does not face this charge to the same extent, even though his speech uses similar linguistic methods.

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Dawidziak-Kładoczna, Małgorzata. "Language Signals of Reception Speeches in Parliamentary Diaries and Shorthand Reports." Prace Naukowe Akademii im. Jana Długosza w Częstochowie. Językoznawstwo 11 (2015): 19–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.16926/j.2015.11.02.

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Gromyko, S. A. "Gastronomic Metaphor in the Russian Pre-Revolutionary Parliamentary Discourse (based on Speeches by Right-Wing Deputies)." Nauchnyi dialog, no. 5 (May 30, 2020): 25–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2020-5-25-37.

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The results of a study of the semantics and functioning of the gastronomic metaphor in the Russian parliamentary discourse are presented in the article. Based on the material of the parliamentary discussion of the early twentieth century, the features of the functioning of metaphors, which are based on the associative similarity between political activity and food, the eating process are established. The author dwells in detail on the use of gastronomic metaphors by nationalist deputies in the course of discussions unfolding at meetings of the State Duma. The results of the classification of metaphors identified on the indicated material belonging to the “Food” sphere are presented. It was established that they can be divided into three groups according to the figurative component: metaphors with the literal meaning of absorbing or eating something, metaphors with the value of the quality of food consumed, metaphors with the value of the digestion process. It is concluded that in the semantic aspect, the gastronomic metaphor in the Russian parliamentary discourse expresses a persistent negative assessment, since it is associated with the semantics of extermination, destruction, deception ( to give a stone instead of bread ), abnormal physiological phenomena (hunger, overeating, indigestion). It is emphasized that in the functional aspect, the negative appraisal of the gastronomic metaphor made it possible to use it in parliamentary discourse as a means of political struggle with the aim of lowering the political assets of opponents.

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Bartłomiejczyk, Magdalena. "Parliamentary impoliteness and the interpreter’s gender." Pragmatics. Quarterly Publication of the International Pragmatics Association (IPrA) 30, no. 4 (November 26, 2019): 459–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/prag.18064.bar.

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Abstract Impoliteness is a common phenomenon across various democratically elected parliaments. However, in multilingual legislative bodies such as the European Parliament speakers have to rely on interpreters to transfer pragmatic meaning, including face-threatening acts and impoliteness. The existing research in the field of Interpreting Studies offers much evidence of the filtering effect that interpreting may have on impoliteness, through facework strategies introduced by interpreters. The main question here is whether female interpreters tend to mitigate grave, intentional impoliteness to a greater degree than male interpreters. My analysis of a large corpus composed of English-Polish interpretations of speeches by Eurosceptic MEPs shows that mitigation of impoliteness by interpreters is a widespread phenomenon. The illocutionary force of original statements is often modified by means of diverse interpreting strategies. However, the quantitative analysis of interpreter facework does not reveal a statistically significant gender-based difference in the distribution of approaches towards impoliteness.

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Moilanen, Mikko, and Stein Østbye. "Doublespeak? Sustainability in the Arctic—A Text Mining Analysis of Norwegian Parliamentary Speeches." Sustainability 13, no. 16 (August 21, 2021): 9397. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13169397.

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This paper contributes to the recent literature on sustainability in the Arctic as a political concept. Parliamentary proceedings have increasingly been recognized as an important source of information for eliciting political issues. In this paper, we use unsupervised text mining techniques to analyze parliamentary speeches for Norway from the period from 2009 to 2016 to answer whether political coalitions talk differently about sustainability in the Arctic depending on being in opposition or government. We find that the difference between being in government and opposition, controlling for political label (left-right), is far more important than the difference between left and right, controlling for role (opposition-government). The results suggest that in the trade-off between political preferences and election success, the balance is tilted in favour of the latter. Our interpretation is that opportunistic behavior seems to dominate partisan behavior in the politics related to sustainability in the Arctic.

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van Dijk, Teun A. "War rhetoric of a little ally." Journal of Language and Politics 4, no. 1 (June 8, 2005): 65–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.4.1.04dij.

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In this paper we examine some of the properties of the speeches by former Prime Minister José María Aznar held in Spanish parliament in 2003 legitimating his support of the USA and the threatening war against Iraq. The theoretical framework for the analysis is a multidisciplinary CDA approach relating discursive, cognitive and sociopolitical aspects of parliamentary debates. It is argued that speeches in parliament should not only be defined in terms of their textual properties, but also in terms of a contextual analysis. Besides an analysis of the usual properties of ideological and political discourse, such as positive self-presentation and negative other-presentation and other rhetoric devices, special attention is paid to political implicatures defined as inferences based on general and particular political knowledge as well as on the context models of Aznar’s speeches.

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Al Baghal, Tarek. "Usage and impact metrics for Parliamentary libraries." IFLA Journal 45, no. 2 (February 1, 2019): 104–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0340035218821391.

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Parliamentary libraries are important in supporting informed decision-making in democracies. Understanding Members’ information needs is important, but the usage and impact of these libraries have been less explored. A particular example of the United Kingdom’s House of Lords Library is studied, collecting and analysing data using techniques from the field of data science. These techniques are useful in extracting information from existing sources that may not have been designed for the purpose of data collection. A number of data sources available at the Lords Library are outlined and an example of how these data can be used to understand Library usage and impact is presented. Results suggest that Member usage varies significantly and that there is a small but significant relationship between usage and making speeches in the chamber. Further work should explore other indicators of impact, but these methods show promise in creating library metrics, particularly in Parliamentary settings.

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Goet, Niels D. "Measuring Polarization with Text Analysis: Evidence from the UK House of Commons, 1811–2015." Political Analysis 27, no. 4 (April 29, 2019): 518–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pan.2019.2.

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Political scientists can rely on a long tradition of applying unsupervised measurement models to estimate ideology and preferences from texts. However, in practice the hope that the dominant source of variation in their data is the quantity of interest is often not realized. In this paper, I argue that in the messy world of speeches we have to rely on supervised approaches that include information on party affiliation in order to produce meaningful estimates of polarization. To substantiate this argument, I introduce a validation framework that may be used to comparatively assess supervised and unsupervised methods, and estimate polarization on the basis of 6.2 million records of parliamentary speeches from the UK House of Commons over the period 1811–2015. Beyond introducing several important adjustments to existing estimation approaches, the paper’s methodological contribution therefore consists of outlining the challenges of applying unsupervised estimation techniques to speech data, and arguing in detail why we should instead rely on supervised methods to measure polarization.

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Zyubina, I. A., G. G. Matveeva, and M. V. Lesnyak. "Manipulative-semantic complications of utterance syntax based on the British parliamentary speeches." Proceedings of Southern Federal University. Philology, no. 4 (2015): 107–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/1995-0640-2015-4-107-114.

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Kunert, Irene. "Prospektives versus retrospektives Argumentieren." Linguistik Online 97, no. 4 (August 11, 2019): 49–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.13092/lo.97.5595.

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This study aims to investigate the linguistic differences between an argumentation referring to a potential future action (prospective argumentation) and one justifying a past action (retrospective argumentation) in the parliamentary arena. It is based on the analysis of German and French speeches taken from the protocols of the plenary sessions of the European Parliament. In a plenary session, parliamentary votes are preceded by a general debate. During this debate, speakers may give reasons supporting their own choice in an upcoming vote, but they may also try to persuade other Members of Parliament to vote the same way. This argumentation is prospective. After the vote, Members may give an oral or written explanation of vote designed to justify their decision. The argumentative orientation in this case is retrospective. In an exemplary approach, 50 speeches per language (German/French) and communication situation (prospective/retrospective) will be analyzed. The study argues that the macrostructure of the speeches is influenced by the orientation of the conclusion: In a prospective argumentation, speakers tend to first present their arguments before coming up with their conclusion, the conclusion being a declaration of one’s own intent to vote or a recommendation for other Members of Parliament. In a prototypical explanation of vote, the conclusion precedes the arguments. Special attention is given to the analysis of argument and conclusion markers. The study tries to show that conclusion markers are relatively more frequent in prospective argumentation, while retrospective argumentation makes broader use of argument markers.

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Sorace, Miriam. "Legislative Participation in the EU: An analysis of questions, speeches, motions and declarations in the 7th European Parliament." European Union Politics 19, no. 2 (February 16, 2018): 299–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116518757701.

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Which legislative activities in the European Parliament are ‘pluralistic’ – i.e. undertaken by all Members of the European Parliament, irrespective of legislative and electoral status? What type of parliamentary activity – if any – is dominated by party leaderships or vote-seekers in the European Union? This study will advance our knowledge of legislative politics in the EU by determining whether its legislature conforms to expectations from the legislative behaviour literature. This study compares the participation patterns in the EP7 (2009–2014) parliamentary questions, speeches, motions and written declarations via multilevel negative binomial regression. It makes use of a dataset on activity levels and demographics of 842 individual Members of the European Parliament serving between 2009 and 2014. The findings highlight that highly procedurally constrained activities, such as speeches and oral questions, are dominated by frontbenchers and vote-seekers, while procedurally ‘freer’ activities – written questions in particular – are very representative of the population of Members of the European Parliament. The analysis finds that there are both ‘pluralistic’ and vote-seeking activities in the ‘second order’ EU legislature, and that participation patterns broadly conform to patterns found in other established representative democracies.

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Martocchia Diodati, Nicola, Bruno Marino, and Benedetta Carlotti. "Prime Ministers unchained? Explaining Prime Minister Policy Autonomy in coalition governments." European Political Science Review 10, no. 4 (May 21, 2018): 515–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773918000085.

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The personalization of politics has become a central concern in political science. This is also true for parliamentary governments, where the Prime Minister has allegedly acquired an increasing relevance. Nonetheless, a key question remains unanswered: How can we estimate the Prime Minister Policy Autonomy (PMPA) in parliamentary governments? Moreover, what are the determinants of this autonomy? This article aims to answer these questions by proposing a novel and easily replicable index of PMPA, based on data from an analysis of Prime Ministers’ and members of Parliament’s parliamentary speeches, and specifically from cosine similarity analysis. In this article, we explore PMPA by focussing on two most different cases of coalition governments, Italy and Germany between 1994 and 2014. A multilevel regression analysis shows that coalition-related factors strongly influence PMPA, party-related factors are somewhat relevant, and the Prime Minister-related factor (its selectorate) does not have a significant impact on such autonomy.

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Tsakona, Villy. "Irony beyond criticism." Pragmatics and Society 2, no. 1 (May 23, 2011): 57–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ps.2.1.04tsa.

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Taking into account recent pragmatic and sociolinguistic approaches to irony, the present study investigates irony as a discursive resource Greek parliamentarians employ to fulfill their institutional roles and to negotiate verbal rules of conduct in highly institutionalized and confrontational debates. It is suggested that, besides criticism, parliamentary irony is used to sharpen attacks against the Opposition, to elicit vivid reactions from the audience and disaffiliate from, or align with, participants, to restore parliamentary order, and to establish cohesive ties between successive parliamentary speeches. Moreover, the recorded reactions to irony reveal that irony is considered a common and ‘legitimate’ discursive practice in the Greek parliament and is not negatively evaluated by Greek MPs. Such findings highlight the significance of contextual parameters for the sociolinguistic analysis of pragmatic phenomena and lead to a critical evaluation of those previous results which are based on the study of decontextualized and/or fictional ironical utterances and exchanges.

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Iancu, Alexandra. "Questioning Anticorruption in Postcommunist Contexts. Romanian MPs from Commitment to Contestation." Südosteuropa 66, no. 3 (September 25, 2018): 392–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2018-0030.

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Abstract The outbreak of corruption scandals involving elected officials has raised criticism concerning the quality of parliamentary representation in Romania. The public image of the legislature rapidly became that of a ‘reactionary gathering of criminals’, persons who use public office in order to cover abuses of power and office. The core contestation of the legislature aimed above all at the usage by parliament of its constitutional privileges and immunities in order to postpone / impede criminal investigations against members of the legislative. Starting from the analysis of the parliamentary speeches of the members of parliament (MPs) under criminal investigation on corruption charges, this paper focuses on the evolving dynamic of acceptance and contestation with respect to the implementation of anticorruption policies. The paper highlights, based on the analysis of the justifications put forward on the occasion of parliamentary hearings, the gradual configuration of a trans-partisan division within the legislature, promoting countervailing, ‘anti-anticorruption’ discourses, which pit ‘anticorruption’ and democratic representation against each other.

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Mortensen, Peter Bjerre, Christoffer Green-Pedersen, Gerard Breeman, Laura Chaqués-Bonafont, Will Jennings, Peter John, Anna M. Palau, and Arco Timmermans. "Comparing Government Agendas." Comparative Political Studies 44, no. 8 (April 28, 2011): 973–1000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414011405162.

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At the beginning of each parliamentary session, almost all European governments give a speech in which they present the government’s policy priorities and legislative agenda for the year ahead. Despite the body of literature on governments in European parliamentary democracies, systematic research on these executive policy agendas is surprisingly limited. In this article the authors study the executive policy agendas—measured through the policy content of annual government speeches—over the past 50 years in three Western European countries: the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, and Denmark. Contrary to the expectations derived from the well-established “politics matters” approach, the analyses show that elections and change in partisan color have little effect on the executive issue agendas, except to a limited extent for the United Kingdom. In contrast, the authors demonstrate empirically how the policy agenda of governments responds to changes in public problems, and this affects how political parties define these problems as political issues. In other words, policy responsibility that follows from having government power seems much more important for governments’ issue agendas than the partisan and institutional characteristics of governments.

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Hamzah, Raseeda, Nursuriati Jamil, and Rosniza Roslan. "Development of Acoustical Feature Based Classifier Using Decision Fusion Technique for Malay Language Disfluencies Classification." Indonesian Journal of Electrical Engineering and Computer Science 8, no. 1 (October 1, 2017): 262. http://dx.doi.org/10.11591/ijeecs.v8.i1.pp262-267.

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<p>Speech disfluency such as filled pause (FP) is a hindrance in Automated Speech Recognition as it degrades the accuracy performance. Previous work of FP detection and classification have fused a number of acoustical features as fusion classification is known to improve classification results. This paper presents new decision fusion of two well-established acoustical features that are zero crossing rates (ZCR) and speech envelope (ENV) with eight popular acoustical features for classification of Malay language filled pause (FP) and elongation (ELO). Five hundred ELO and 500 FP are selected from a spontaneous speeches of a parliamentary session and Naïve Bayes classifier is used for the decision fusion classification. The proposed feature fusion produced better classification performance compared to single feature classification with the highest F-measure of 82% for both classes.</p>

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Howlett, Michael. "Predictable and Unpredictable Policy Windows: Institutional and Exogenous Correlates of Canadian Federal Agenda-Setting." Canadian Journal of Political Science 31, no. 3 (September 1998): 495–524. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900009100.

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AbstractThis article addresses the question of the applicability of John Kingdon's theory of agenda-setting to Canadian political life. It examines the extent to which agenda-setting in Canadian governments is routine or discretionary, predictable or unpredictable, and the extent to which it is influenced by events and activities external to itself. The study uses time series data collected on issue mentions related to Native affairs, the constitution, drug abuse, acid rain, the nuclear industry and capital punishment in parliamentary debates and committees between 1977 and 1992. It compares these series to other time series developed from media mentions, violent crime rates, unemployment rates, budget speeches and speeches from the throne, elections and first ministers' conferences over the same period in order to assess the impact of such events on public policy agenda-setting.

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Proksch, Sven-Oliver, Christopher Wratil, and Jens Wäckerle. "Testing the Validity of Automatic Speech Recognition for Political Text Analysis." Political Analysis 27, no. 3 (February 19, 2019): 339–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pan.2018.62.

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The analysis of political texts from parliamentary speeches, party manifestos, social media, or press releases forms the basis of major and growing fields in political science, not least since advances in “text-as-data” methods have rendered the analysis of large text corpora straightforward. However, a lot of sources of political speech are not regularly transcribed, and their on-demand transcription by humans is prohibitively expensive for research purposes. This class includes political speech in certain legislatures, during political party conferences as well as television interviews and talk shows. We showcase how scholars can use automatic speech recognition systems to analyze such speech with quantitative text analysis models of the “bag-of-words” variety. To probe results for robustness to transcription error, we present an original “word error rate simulation” (WERSIM) procedure implemented in$R$. We demonstrate the potential of automatic speech recognition to address open questions in political science with two substantive applications and discuss its limitations and practical challenges.

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Curini, Luigi, Airo Hino, and Atsushi Osaka. "The Intensity of Government–Opposition Divide as Measured through Legislative Speeches and What We Can Learn from It: Analyses of Japanese Parliamentary Debates, 1953–2013." Government and Opposition 55, no. 2 (July 27, 2018): 184–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2018.15.

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AbstractThrough the analysis of legislative speeches made by prime ministers and party representatives in parliamentary sessions in Japan from 1953 to 2013, we argue that it is possible to place parties according to a dimension that captures their confrontational nature within a parliamentary democracy and its evolution over time. Using this dimension extracted via a well-known scaling algorithm (Wordfish), we develop an index of the intensity of the government–opposition divide that is directly related to the dynamics of the electoral cycle of Japanese politics. We then show how this new index greatly facilitates the investigation of two important aspects of Japanese legislative politics (the survival rate of governments and the speed of passage of cabinet bills) compared to a situation in which we focus on more traditional measures capturing the ideological position of the parties alone.

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Lee, Seungwon, and Hyeon-Woo Lee. "Characteristics of Korean National Assembly Based on Analysis of Parliamentary Speeches of Party Leaders." OUGHTOPIA 35, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 91–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.32355/oughtopia.2020.06.35.1.91.

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Clayton, Amanda, Cecilia Josefsson, and Vibeke Wang. "Quotas and Women's Substantive Representation: Evidence from a Content Analysis of Ugandan Plenary Debates." Politics & Gender 13, no. 02 (July 13, 2016): 276–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x16000453.

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Despite the popularity of electoral gender quotas, the substantive impact of quotas on the plenary behavior of members of parliament (MPs) has yet to be thoroughly empirically explored, and in particular, there is a dearth of evidence from non-Western cases. Here we create a unique content analysis dataset from 14 years (1998–2011) of plenary debates, including the contents of more than 150,000 unique MP speeches recorded in some 40,000 pages of the Ugandan parliamentary Hansard to test how MP characteristics affect patterns of gender-related legislative speech. We find that female MPs speak about issues related to women's interests significantly more than male MPs. Further, we find no evidence of significant differencesbetweenfemale MPs elected with and without quotas, suggesting that, in the Ugandan case, gender is a more salient predictor of the tendency to “speak for women” than electoral pathway. To our knowledge, this is the first study that examines the effectiveness of quotas in promoting women's substantive representation in parliamentary debates across all policy domains over a significant time period. We discuss the implications of these findings in the Ugandan context, as well as how our evidence speaks to substantive representation through reserved seat quotas in semi-authoritarian regimes more broadly.

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Bhavan, Anjali, Mohit Sharma, Ramit Sawhney, and Rajiv Ratn Shah. "Analysis of Parliamentary Debate Transcripts Using Community-Based Graphical Approaches (Student Abstract)." Proceedings of the AAAI Conference on Artificial Intelligence 34, no. 10 (April 3, 2020): 13753–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1609/aaai.v34i10.7148.

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Gauging political sentiments and analyzing stances of elected representatives pose an important challenge today, and one with wide-ranging ramifications. Community-based analysis of parliamentary debate sentiments could pave a way for better insights into the political happenings of a nation and help in keeping the voters informed. Such analysis could be given another dimension by studying the underlying connections and networks in such data. We present a sentiment classification method for UK Parliament debate transcripts, which is a combination of a graphical method based on DeepWalk embeddings and text-based analytical methods. We also present proof for our hypothesis that parliamentarians with similar voting patterns tend to deliver similar speeches. We also provide some further avenues and future work towards the end.

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SLAPIN, JONATHAN B., JUSTIN H. KIRKLAND, JOSEPH A. LAZZARO, PATRICK A. LESLIE, and TOM O’GRADY. "Ideology, Grandstanding, and Strategic Party Disloyalty in the British Parliament." American Political Science Review 112, no. 1 (September 11, 2017): 15–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055417000375.

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Strong party discipline is a core feature of Westminster parliamentary systems. Parties typically compel members of Parliament (MPs) to support the party regardless of MPs’ individual preferences. Rebellion, however, does occur. Using an original dataset of MP votes and speeches in the British House of Commons from 1992 to 2015, coupled with new estimations of MPs’ ideological positions within their party, we find evidence that MPs use rebellion strategically to differentiate themselves from their party. The strategy that MPs employ is contingent upon an interaction of ideological extremity with party control of government. Extremists are loyal when their party is in the opposition, but these same extremists become more likely to rebel when their party controls government. Additionally, they emphasize their rebellion through speeches. Existing models of rebellion and party discipline do not account for government agenda control and do not explain these patterns.

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Hindmoor, Andrew, and Allan McConnell. "Who saw it coming? The UK’s great financial crisis." Journal of Public Policy 35, no. 1 (February 21, 2014): 63–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x1400004x.

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AbstractWho foresaw the UK banking crisis? This paper addresses this issue through detailed empirical work on the content of the Chancellor of the Exchequer’s speeches, Bank of EnglandFinancial Stability Reports, Financial Service Authority reports and speeches by Bank of England officials, editorials in theTimesandFinancial Times, bank annual reports and financial statements, credit rating reports, share price movements, Parliamentary questions, Treasury select committee reports and the output of academic economists. We find that few people inside or outside government recognised the existence of significant financial vulnerabilities in the financial system in the years prior to the collapse of Northern Rock in September 2007. We use the conceptual lenses of individual, institutional and paradigmatic pathologies to provide explanations for this failure to detect looming crisis conditions. We argue ultimately that regulators and commentators were blinded by faith in market forces and the risk-tempering properties of securitisation.

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Healy, Simon. "Debates in the House of Commons, 1604–1607." Camden Fifth Series 17 (July 2001): 13–147. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960116300001731.

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Although the authors of the journals and speeches reproduced below all came from the East Midlands and were loosely related to each other, they offer three widely differing viewpoints of the proceedings of the House of Commons during the parliamentary sessions of 1604 and 1606–7. The Rutland manuscript concentrates on the privilege dispute over election returns which dominated the opening weeks of the 1604 session, while Sir Robert Cotton was chiefly concerned to record procedural precedents for use in subsequent Parliaments, and Sir Edward Mountagu focussed on the House's legislative activity.

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Akirav, Osnat. "A new approach to measuring legislators’ activity." International Political Science Review 41, no. 4 (August 16, 2019): 584–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512119860258.

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How do we measure the activity of legislators? I argue that, in addition to using measures such as how many bills they pass, we must also consider activities such as parliamentary questions, early day motions, motions for the agenda and one-minute speeches. One means for doing so is Akirav’s activity scale developed in Israel. I use this scale to measure legislators’ activity in two additional political systems – the United States and the United Kingdom. I also identify the characteristics shared by the most active legislators and the least active. The findings indicate that opposition, junior and committee chair legislators are more active than other representatives. While previous studies have investigated the cost–benefit analysis in which legislators engage regarding where and how to invest their time in their legislative work, this study is the first to conduct such an analysis about both their legislative and non-legislative activities. This more complete picture reveals their incentives for engaging fully in parliamentary work.

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de Campos, Luis M., Juan M. Fernández-Luna, and Juan F. Huete. "Profile-based recommendation: A case study in a parliamentary context." Journal of Information Science 43, no. 5 (August 1, 2016): 665–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0165551516659402.

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In the context of e-government and more specifically that of parliament, this paper tackles the problem of finding Members of Parliament (MPs) according to their profiles which have been built from their speeches in plenary or committee sessions. The paper presents a common solution for two problems: firstly, a member of the public who is concerned about a certain issue might want to know who the best MP is for dealing with their problem (recommending task); and secondly, each new piece of textual information that reaches the house must be correctly allocated to the appropriate MP according to its content (filtering task). This paper explores both these ways of searching for relevant people conceptually by encapsulating them into a single problem: that of searching for the relevant MP’s profile given an information need. Our research work proposes various profile construction methods (by selecting and weighting appropriate terms) and compares these using different retrieval models to evaluate their quality and suitability for different types of information needs in order to simulate real and common situations.

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Trimble, Linda. "Julia Gillard and the Gender Wars." Politics & Gender 12, no. 02 (April 22, 2016): 296–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x16000155.

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The Australian news media used the metaphor of the gender war(s) to describe Julia Gillard's political strategies and speech acts in the final nine months of her term as that nation's first woman prime minister. In particular, the metaphor was mobilized in response to Gillard's October 9, 2012, parliamentary speech on sexism and misogyny. Based on a critical discourse analysis of the gender wars allegory as it was applied to Gillard by three Australian newspapers, my article analyzes the meanings revealed by metaphoric constructions of the former prime minister's speeches as unusual and unjust forms of political warfare. I argue that the trope of the gender wars cast Gillard's political tactics as a violation of deeply held cultural norms about appropriate behavior on the so-called political battlefield, and it worked both to discipline Gillard for raising issues of sexism and gender inequality in politics and to bracket gendered power relations out of everyday understandings of political competition.

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Baumann, Markus, Marc Debus, and Jochen Müller. "Convictions and Signals in Parliamentary Speeches: Dáil Éireann Debates on Abortion in 2001 and 2013." Irish Political Studies 30, no. 2 (April 3, 2015): 199–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2015.1022152.

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Marcinkiewicz, Kamil, and Mary Stegmaier. "Speaking up to stay in parliament: the electoral importance of speeches and other parliamentary activities." Journal of Legislative Studies 25, no. 4 (October 2, 2019): 576–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572334.2019.1697048.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Parliamentary speeches'

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