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1
Zhurba, О. I., and Т. F. Lytvynova. "NARRATIVIZATION OF THE UKRAINIAN PAST IN THE LATE 19TH – EARLY 21ST CENTURY: IS OVERCOMING POSSIBLE?" Вестник Пермского университета. История, no. 3(50) (2020): 27–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2020-3-27-41.
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The basic strategies for constructing the framework of the Ukrainian national historical and historiographic narratives in the late 19th and early 20th centuries are analyzed in the first part of the paper. The nationalization of Ukrainian history and historical writing and the decisive role in forming the Ukrainian project of the pre-modern Little Russian nation are shown. The main mechanisms of the process are revealed, such as the historiographic expansion of the Little Russian intellectual range, the consolidation and ethnicization of regional history of the metropolises, the building of linear, teleological constructions, and the anthropologization of the ethnic community. Attention is paid to the technology of forming images of neighbors as contouring enemies. The authors demonstrate the methods for implementing the basic principles of constructing a national narrative in the practice of historical writing. Three competing strategies for creating large Ukrainian national histories that have had a decisive influence on the algorithms of modern didactic, affirmative and analytical historiography are presented. In the second part of the paper, contemporary approaches to the modernization of the traditional national narrative determined during the discussion of 2012−2014 are identified: 1) the deconstruction of national narrative, the rejection of the «tyranny» of asynchronous territoriality, and the development of dual research optics (the methodology of regional history and the integration of national history into the contexts of large cultural communities); 2) the decorative updating of the national narrative through the implementation of a multinational approach; 3) the middle position of «pluralistic indifference», consistent with the arguments of the extreme parties. It is noted that the current socio-political situation has formed an increased demand for the modernization of the ethno-national narrative of the early 20th century, which threatens to discard Ukrainian historiography to the standards of historiography at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries.
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Saktaganova, Z., B. Omarova, K. Ilyassova, Z. Nurligenova, B. Abzhapparova, A. Zhalmurzina, and Zh Mazhitova. "The Alash Party: Historiography of the Movement." Space and Culture, India 7, no. 4 (March 29, 2020): 208–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.20896/saci.v7i4.791.
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This research presents a short historiographical review of the Alash movement. It reflects the researchers’ own version of periodisation of the history of the first Kazakh national party Alash that belonged to the liberal democratic wing. The researchers identify four stages in the history of the movement connected with the main landmarks of its short, yet significant existence. The periods of Alash history are determined based on changes in strategy and tactics, as well as the evolution of its organisational forms (a movement— a party during elections to the Constituent Assembly — the ruling party in the Alash Autonomy and Alash Orda government). A conclusion is made that national parties set forth the conditions and ways of modernisation in the most acceptable forms and combinations for each corresponding nation; possible parallels in the development pathways followed by other national parties in 1918–1920 are pointed out.
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Ihnatolja, Miroslav. "THE STORY OF ONE METAPHOR: «LITTLE WAR» IN SLOVAK AND HUNGARIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY." Scientific Herald of Uzhhorod University. Series: History, no. 1 (44) (June 27, 2021): 128–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2523-4498.1(44).2021.232611.
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The article is devoted to the role of the Slovak-Hungarian «Little War» in Slovak and Hungarian historiography. The author draws attention to the beginning of research on the «Little War» in national historiographies. The difference in the approach to the events of that time on the part of Slovak and Hungarian historians has been considered. The characteristic features of research on this problem have been emphasized and described. An attempt has been made to answer whether it is possible to talk about interethnic historiographical discussions on this issue? The author tries to trace what chronological periods in the study of the topic can be identified. The work was based on a comparative analysis of the Slovak and Hungarian researchers` texts written in the last thirty years since the actualization of the "Little War" theme in the historiographical space of both countries. As a result of the study, some important conclusions have been which open new perspectives for further research. Firstly, the «Little War» issue is presented in the national historiographies of Slovakia and Hungary very unevenly and disproportionately. An evident intellectual tradition was built around the events of March 1939 in Slovakia with all the features of a national historiographical myth about a heroic complex defensive war against a stronger enemy, while Hungarian scholars practically ignored this issue. The author emphasizes that it is problematic to talk about any historiographical Slovak-Hungarian dialogue but rather about the active participation of Hungarian scholars in Slovak scientific discussions. In particular, the most important of them is the so-called Deak-Chefalvai discussion closely connected with the terminological definition of the «Little War» and the assessment of the political and military goals of the hostile parties. The emphasis is placed on the leading role of Slovak historical opinion in the study of the «Little War», which becomes a model for historiographies of other countries. The attention is drawn to the tendencies of recent years to focus on specific issues, mainly if the Hungarian attack on Slovakia in March 1939 was a carefully thought-out plan? How accurate are the modern chronological frameworks of the «Little War»? What impact do the events under study have on the present and the politics of national memory?
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Suzdaltsev, Ilya. "Modern English Historiography of the Communist International: A General Overview." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2021): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640013465-9.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the 21st-century English-language historiography of the Communist International. Contemporary historians are showing increasing interest in the study of this international organization. Three available conceptual approaches to this topic (“traditionalist”, “revisionist”, and “post-revisionist”) are considered and characterized, the works of historians from Great Britain, the USA, Canada, Ireland, Australia, New Zealand are analyzed. The article demonstrates an increase in research interest in the Communist International. In a fairly large volume of studies, there are monographs and articles devoted to the organization both directly (the historiography of the Comintern, the activities of its sections around the world, etc.) and indirectly, i.e., to related issues such as the history of communism, in particular, and the left forces, in general, international relations of Soviet Russia, the communist movement in individual countries, etc. These studies touch on the period of the Comintern's activity from 1920 to the end of the 1930s, including several controversial issues: the impact on the policy of the national communist parties of the “The Twenty-one Conditions”, united front tactics, Bolshevization, Stalinization, and the Popular Front. The author believes that most of the studies (especially those published in the first decade of the 21st century) are based on studies published long before the 2000s, however, archival materials are being used in increasing volumes, which makes modern research more objective. This gives grounds for a conclusion about the revision of the historiographic tradition of the Comintern that existed in the 20th century: new approaches (“revisionist” and “post-revisionist”) entailed a change in emphasis and a revision of some established points of view. Authors adhering to these approaches rely mainly on modern literature (including Russian) and a wide source base represented by materials from both national archives and the Russian State Archives of Social-Political History.
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Dakhin, Andrey V., Olga A. Kostina, and Artem A. Fomenkov. "POST-SOVIET HISTORIOGRAPHY OF PREREVOLUTIONARY ACTIVITIESOF POLITICAL PARTIES IN NIZHNY NOVGOROD REGION." Bulletin of the Moscow State Regional University (History and Political Science), no. 3 (2018): 30–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.18384/2310-676x-2018-3-30-39.
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Ostrowski, Donald. "Beyond the Church Parties Model: A Reply." Russian History 47, no. 3 (March 30, 2021): 195–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763316-12340005.
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Abstract The historiography of sixteenth-century Church parties may have arisen from historians’ misinterpreting the use of the terms “band of Josephian monks” (cheti Osiflianskikh mnikhov) and the “non-possessor way of life” (nestiazhatel’noe zhitel’stvo) by the author of The History of the Grand Prince of Moscow. But he does not juxtapose these terms against each other. Those monks who live the non-possessor way of life are, instead, directly contrasted with those who love possession (liubostiazhatel’nye), but neither they nor the Josephians are described as a Church party, let alone one that had an “ideology”. The monks in The History who loved possessions are not identified with the Josephians, nor are the monks who follow the non-possessor way of life identified with the Trans-Volga elders. Another attempt to find the antecedent of the Church parties model were historians who cite the use by Zinovii Otenskii of the term nestiazhatel’ in relation to Vassian Patrikeev, but he too was not using the term in the sense of a Church party. These attempts are examples of “thick interpretation”; that is, imposing on the source testimony an outside construct that is not contained within it.
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Trubchyk, P. A. "Historiography of studying the liberal parties and their departments on the territory of Belarus at the beginning of the XX century." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of Belarus, Humanitarian Series 65, no. 2 (May 18, 2020): 172–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.29235/2524-2369-2020-65-2-172-180.
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An objective and comprehensive analysis of the course, results, significance and prospects of studying the history of liberal parties and their departments in Belarus at the beginning of the 20th century was carried out. When determining periods in the development of historiography of the study of political parties, pre-revolutionary, Soviet, and modern (or newest) historiography is distinguished. It is concluded that Russian and Belarusian historiography thoroughly, from different conceptual and methodological positions, studied the liberal movement of the early 20th century, noting almost all possible points of view on its role and place in the country’s social and political life. Further prospects for a scientific search on this issue lie on different planes: the identification and study of those factors of the socio-political development of Belarus that made impossible a historical compromise between the authorities and liberals; a more detailed study of political biographies and belief systems of representatives of the liberal movement, not only leaders, which has already been partially done, but also “simple” participants, as well as factors that influenced their worldview; a detailed study of the sociocultural environment in Belarus, in which liberal values were formed. The methodological apparatus of historical research requires updating: the use of macro- and micro-approaches of the new social history, psychohistory, semiotics; research problems must be solved by means borrowed from different fields of knowledge.
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Guillemot, François. "The Lessons of Yên Bái, or the “Fascist” Temptation: How the Đại Việt Parties Rethought Anticolonial Nationalist Revolutionary Action, 1932–1945." Journal of Vietnamese Studies 14, no. 3 (2019): 43–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/vs.2019.14.3.43.
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To fully understand the complexity of ideological commitments in Vietnam between 1945 and 1975, it is useful to return to the 1930s, when the attraction of the Vietnamese nationalists for the Fascist European regimes led a number of them to publicly celebrate the figure of Adolf Hitler. Within the context of the Popular Front in France and a certain political openness in Indochina, the intellectual and organizational turmoil of the nationalist parties gave substance to a doctrine nourished by Western models but that nevertheless remained uniquely Vietnamese. This article addresses the question of the “fascist temptation” of the prewar nationalist Đại Việt parties, which is rarely addressed by historiography.
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Nalbantian, Tsolin. "Lebanese Power Struggles and Fashioning “Armenian” Space, 1957-1958." Review of Middle East Studies 47, no. 2 (2013): 218–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2151348100058134.
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In 1957 and 1958, Lebanese Armenian political parties, through the medium of their newspapers, rearranged the Armenian neighborhoods of Bourj Hamoud and Corniche al-Nahr as Armenian territories, separate from, and often in opposition to, the Lebanese state. These Armenian parties, in vying with one another for authority over this territory, fashioned Armenian enemies of one another. The internal Armenian enemy of the Armenian nation was constructed from within the national space of Lebanon. The power struggle within the Armenian community in Lebanon challenges the placement of Armenians in the historiography of Lebanon, which considers them as refugees and therefore non-Lebanese or temporary residents of Lebanon as well as passive, impossible political actors.
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Šubrt, Jiří. "Historical Consciousness in the Focus of Sociological Enquiry." Slovak Journal of Political Sciences 14, no. 2 (March 1, 2014): 174–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/sjps-2014-0008.
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Abstract Historical Consciousness in the Focus of Sociological Enquiry. This article attempts to elaborate a theory of historical consciousness which could apply to the area of empirical sociological enquiry. Its essential idea is that it is possible to view historical consciousness as an "entity" shaped by the interplay of four components: a) lived historical experience (lived personally, eventually transmitted through interpersonal contact), b) ideology, particularly state ideology and ideology of political parties, c) knowledge produced by historiography and historical science, d) collective memory
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Ribeiro, Daniel Valle. "Nero: Política externa e defesa do império." Classica - Revista Brasileira de Estudos Clássicos 2, no. 1 (February 3, 2018): 35–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.24277/classica.v2i1.622.
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Néron, le moins belliqueux des empereurs romains du premier siècle, s’est trouvé aux prises avec des problèmes militaires. L’historiographie moderne étudie et analyse de nouveaux aspects de son gouvernement, que l’antique historiographie. appuyée sur des textes de Tacitus. Dion Cassius et Suetonius, n’a pas compris. En Orient, les partes envahissent l’Arménie et causent des problèmes jusqu’à ce que Rome arrive à les pacifier. En Occident, la guerre de Bretagne a causé plus de cinquante mille morts. En même temps, en Germanie, les barbares ne sont pas du tout tranquilles. En outre, les relations entre les juifs et les romains sont très dlfficiles: la domination est oppressive; les extorsions, fréquentes; et les juifs se soulèvent.
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Martines, Vicent. "La Cançó de la croada contra els albigesos (1r quart del s. XIII) i el Tractat de Meaux-París (1228). Mimesi literària i constància jurídica de la desposessió d’Occitània." SCRIPTA. Revista Internacional de Literatura i Cultura Medieval i Moderna 15 (June 10, 2020): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.7203/scripta.15.17552.
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Resum: En aquest article analitzem els mecanismes de la construcció del relat (oficial), des de diversos punts de vista, de la Croada contra els albigesos i l’expoli d’Occitània per França en el transcurs d’aqueixa cruel campanya militar (1r terç del segle XIII). Analitzarem dues fonts textuals que són testimonis d’excepció dels fets i de la construcció i la narració d’aqueix relat, a través de la mimesi historiogràfica en un cas, la Cançó de la Croada contra els albigesos, i, en l’altre, del formalisme d’un text jurídic (document històric, pròpiament dit) del més alt rang, el Tractat de Meux-París (1229), signat pels màxims representants de les dues contraparts. I també analitzarem qui es beneficia (i per què), en primera instància, dels efectes del Tractat.
Paraules clau: Cançó de la Croada contra els albigesos, Tractat de Meaux-París (1229), Batalla de Muret, Pere el Católico, Alfons de Poitiers, Lluís IX de França, Ramon VII de Tolosa, Historiografia medieval.
Abstract: In this article I analyze the technic behind the construction of the (official) story, from different points of view of the Crusade against the Catars and the dispossession of Occitania by the French Crown during the course of that cruel military campaign (1st third of the 13th century). I analyze two textual sources that are added value witness of the facts in order to make and to tell that story, through the historiographic mimesis in one case, the Song of the Crusade againts the Catars, and, in the other, the formalism of a legal text (historical document, proper) of the highest rank, the Treaty of Meux-Paris (1229), signed by the highest representatives of the two parties. And Il also analyze who benefits (and why), in the first instance, from the effects of the Treaty.
Keywords: Song of the Crusade againts the Catars, Treaty of Meaux-Paris (1229), Battle of Muret, King Peter The Catholic of Aragon, Alphons de Poitiers, King Louis IX of France, Raymund VII of Toulouse, Medieval Historiography
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Judd, Steven C. "Ghaylan al-Dimashqi: The Isolation of a Heretic in Islamic Historiography." International Journal of Middle East Studies 31, no. 2 (May 1999): 161–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800054003.
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The meaning and significance of accusations of heresy are difficult to ascertain, regardless of the religious setting or historical milieu in which they appear. Scholars studying medieval European religious history have described heresy as opposition to the Christian church's doctrinal authority, emphasizing that heretics were not only religious but also political dissenters. They questioned church doctrine per se, but also, perhaps more significantly, challenged the church's authority to determine doctrine. In early Islamic history, concepts of heresy and orthodoxy are somewhat more difficult to define. After the Rashidun, there was no dominant religious voice in the community. Instead, a variety of opposing parties struggled for the right to define doctrine. In such circumstances, there could be no orthodoxy, since none had sufficient moral authority or coercive power to impose their views to the exclusion of all others. Consequently, there could be no heresy either, because heretics are simply those whom the dominant religious authority deems to be outside the bounds of orthodoxy. Only after proponents of a particular set of views gained sufficient power to impose their views on others could heterodoxy become heresy.
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Gruzinski, Serge. "Les mondes mêlés de la Monarchie catholique et autres «connected histories»." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 56, no. 1 (February 2001): 85–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s039526490000007x.
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RésuméComment échapper aux héritages des historiographies nationales et aux reproches d’européocentrisme? L’exploration des mondes de la Monarqu´ıa católica — l’ensemble des royaumes placés sous le sceptre des Habsbourg d’Espagne de 1580 à 1640 — peut éclairer les interactions qui s’amorcent alors entre les différentes « parties du globe ». Une série de paramètres semble définir cette aire au sein de laquelle « local » et « global » s’articulent de multiples façons. Les sociétés de la Monarchie catholique ont également en commun d’être des mondes mêlés, souvent fortement métissés et soumis à une même domination politique. Tels sont les premiers jalons d’une enquête qui envisage d’approfondir les rapports du métissage et du politique dans un cadre transcontinental où s’ébauche une première globalisation.
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Kuhutiak, Mykola, Ihor Raikivskyi, and Oleh Yehreshii. "Halychyna. Journal of Regional Studies: Science, Culture, and Education. Twenty Years of Publishing Activity." Journal of Vasyl Stefanyk Precarpathian National University 4, no. 2 (October 30, 2017): 134–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.15330/jpnu.4.2.134-138.
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This is a review of the twenty-year-long publishing activity of Halychyna. Journal of Regional Studies: Science, Culture and Education, one of the first Ukrainian journals for historians, philologists, art critics that appeared in the independent Ukraine. In Halychyna, there has been published the works by well-known scholars of Vasyl Stefanyk Precarpathian National University and many other higher educational establishments of Ukraine. The Journal can boast an array of sections – archaeology, history, ethnology, political science, historiography, source studies, documents and materials, culturology, art criticism, historical biography studies, and others. Most of the studies published in Halychyna focus on the issues of the modern and contemporary history of Ukraine, ethnology. A special attention is given to the issues of the Ukrainian national liberation movement in the 20th century, the Ukrainian national revival in the 19th–20th century, the activity of the political parties in Galicia in the late 19th–early 20th century, source studies and historiography in Ukraine, historical regional studies, the problems of modern state formation in Ukraine, and others
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Soutou, Georges-Henri. "Cold War History between Revision and New Insights, and their Consequences for Military History." International Bibliography of Military History 34, no. 1 (June 30, 2014): 13–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22115757-03401004.
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This overview of the academic literature on the Cold War argues that current historiography is characterised by a combination of classical historical approaches and political science methodology. Military history alone cannot explain the phenomenon; it has to reach out into political, economic, and ideological fields. Towards the end of the Cold War, revisionist approaches blaming the West to a large extent for the international tension after 1945, seemed to gain ground, but after the opening of the former Eastern Bloc archives, they lost credibility. Recently, based on cultural history approaches, they appear to be gaining ground again. Recent historiography also looks at the rifts within the Communist world, both the tensions between states in the Soviet orbit, and at the role of Western Communist parties. In many ways, the crisis years of 1958–1962 emerge as the pivotal period of the Cold War (Berlin, Cuba, etc.). Finally, the way the origins of the Cold War are interpreted has a direct impact on how its eventual termination is explained. Was it due to cultural factors, to nato cohesion, or to German Ostpolitik?
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Rolland, Jean-Noël. "Penser l’évêque au haut Moyen Âge selon une dimension régionale : le cas particulier de l’Austrasie. Bilan, perspectives et champs de recherches." Temps et espaces. Perspectives sur les échelles d’étude du passé 35, no. 1 (October 24, 2017): 85–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1041620ar.
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L’Austrasie est une échelle régionale pour l’historien du haut Moyen Âge. Or, ce royaume du Nord-Est de la Gaule issu des partages et des conflits qui suivirent la mort de Clovis († 511) est très fuyant tant dans les sources que dans ses limites changeantes. En lien avec l’épiscopat franc, qui, tout comme l’élite aristocratique, serait le liant principal de cet espace éphémère, cette contribution propose un bilan historiographique ainsi que des pistes de recherche.
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Calhoun, Charles W. "Political Economy in the Gilded Age: The Republican Party's Industrial Policy." Journal of Policy History 8, no. 3 (July 1996): 291–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030600005261.
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The nature of party contention and public discourse in the late nineteenth century is one of the least understood and most elusive subjects in American history and historiography. In the period itself many critics condemned the intense partisanship of the two major parties as a sham battle, aimed more at filling offices than fulfilling ideals, and all too often tainted with corrupt motives and methods. In the classic formulation of Englishman James Bryce, “neither party has any principles…. [P]oints of political doctrine … have all but vanished …. All has been lost except office or the hope of it.”
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Muhammad, Salmah J. N., Che N. C. Puteh, and Normaliza Abd Rahim. "Malay Epic and Historiography Literature Students’ Perception Towards Interactive Online Interaction." Asian Social Science 15, no. 5 (April 30, 2019): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v15n5p23.
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Technology is a need among modern community that ensures new knowledge and can be shared and utilized together. In teaching and learning, technology usage can be considered as a tool that can improve students’ cognitive, psychomotor and effective, also can interconnect with each other. Without technology, the learning world can be classified as a backward era. Therefore, through the interactive connection, learning can be more interesting and effective. Thus, the effectiveness of students’ needs will be measured either interactive connection that attracts students’ interest or vice-versa. Therefore, the objectives of the study are to determine the response towards online teaching interactive, also to analize and summarize UPM students online interactive connection by using the Technology Acceptance Model (TAM). This research applied online questionnaire by using the Monkey Survey website. About 94 Univeriti Putra Malaysia students from BBK 3311 Malay Epic and Historiography Literature course were choosen as research samples. The results of the study showed that majority of the samples are satisfied with the technology interactive method that had been introduced in this subject through Putramooc Malay Art platform. It is hoped that this research can help to identify the technology interactive connection through the most dominant multimedia and can be applied by the parties involved.
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Ivanov, Denys. "The Foreign Historiography of the British Foreign Policy Process (1990-2010)." European Historical Studies, no. 10 (2018): 82–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2018.10.82-102.
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The paper deals with the analysis of the foreign historiography of the British foreign policy during 1990-2010. The author analyses the main aspects of British European politics that attracted attention of foreign researchers, as well as the British-American special relations and British position towards the regional conflict management. The political events from the U.K. accession to the European Economic Community (1973) to the retirement of the Gordon Brown’s cabinet (2010) have been revised for better understanding of general political trends. The study investigates the works analysing of the Britain’s European policy, its specific features and the correlation between Atlanticism and Europeanism in the British foreign policy. It as well formulates a number of analytical conclusions related to the formation of the U.K.’s position towards the regional conflicts from the Bosnian War (1992-1995) to the Russian-Georgian conflict (2008). The events associated with the referendum on Brexit (2016) highlight the importance of a study of the British foreign policy process. In this regard, it seems expedient to study such aspects as the foreign policy decision-making mechanisms, the definition of their motivations and the influence of democratic institutions such as political parties and nongovernmental organizations thereupon. The study of this issue will contribute to the formation of a scientific concept for the development of Ukrainian democratic institutions.
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Abidin, Sainal. "Andi Selle dalam Pergolakan Bersenjata di Sulawesi Selatan (1950-1964)." Yupa: Historical Studies Journal 1, no. 1 (August 11, 2017): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.26523/yupa.v1i1.16.
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This paper describes the background, role and impact of the involvement of Andi Selle in the throes of armed in South Sulawesi. This research is both a descriptive analysis using historical methods, through stages: heuristic, interpretation, criticism, and historiography. The involvement of Andi Selle in the throes of armed internal conflict caused by the TNI in the body. Armed upheaval since before independence until the period of independence Andi Selle was involved in a series of conflicts with some of the parties. The upheaval affect ethnic hatred caused his soldiers are considered acts of violence hurt the people's Rail, as well as the monopoly of trade in the region.
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A., Sainal. "Andi Selle dalam Pergolakan Bersenjata di Sulawesi Selatan (1950-1964)." Yupa: Historical Studies Journal 1, no. 1 (December 19, 2019): 26–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.30872/yupa.v1i1.88.
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This paper describes the background, role and impact of the involvement of Andi Selle in the throes of armed in South Sulawesi. This research is a descriptive-analytic nature by using the historical method through phases of heuristics, critique, interpretation, and historiography. The involvement of Andi Selle in the throes of armed caused by internal conflict on TNI. Andi Selle was involved in a series of conflicts with several parties from the time of independence until the period before independence. The upheaval affects ethnic hatred caused by acts of violence and the monopoly of trade in the region committed soldiers, so that hurt the people of Mandar.
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Mamedova, Nailya. "Three attempts of the creation of an anti-Ottoman’s alliance by the Sefevid state at the beginning of the 16th centure (based on French-language historiography)." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, no. 12-3 (December 1, 2020): 259–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202012statyi75.
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The article is devoted to the relationship of the Azerbaijan state of the Safavids with the Western European states at the beginning of the 16th century on the basis of French historiography, with the aim of creating an anti-Ottoman union. The goal of the Western European states was to keep these two powerful states of the Middle Ages in a state of war and conflict - the Ottoman Empire and the Safavid state. In turn, the Safavids tried to get firearms from the West and enlist the support of the leading Western European states. Each of the parties simultaneously pursued its trade and economic interests and goals.
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Ulfiyah, Khoirul Murti. "From Kyai to Politicians: The Intellectual-Political Journey of K.H. Abdurrahman Chudlori 1943-2011." Journal of Nahdlatul Ulama Studies 2, no. 1 (January 30, 2021): 47–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.35672/jnus.v2i1.47-66.
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K.H Abdurrahman Chudlori is the caretaker of the Tegalrejo Islamic Boarding School Boarding School, Magelang. K.H Abdurrahman Chudlori became one of the influential figures in Magelang, especially in Tegalrejo. K.H Abdurrahman Chudlori also played an active role in society. In addition, K.H Abdurrahman Chudlori is also active in political parties, even being one of the founders of the PKNU Party. In this research, the author uses historical research methods that include collecting sources in written and oral, source criticism, interpretation or interpretation, and writing history or historiography. The results of this study are; (1) K.H. Abdurrahman Chudlori is a persistent learning person, a figure who becomes a role model for the community because he cares for the community very high, always prioritizes the welfare of the community (2) K.H. Abdurrahman Chudlori is the caretaker of the large Islamic Boarding School Magelang Islamic Education Dormitory, Kyai who has a charismatic figure, (3) K.H. Abdurrahman Chudlori is active in the NU Ormas, he is also active in three political parties and is one of the founders of the PKNU Party.
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Vanderbok, William, and Richard Sisson. "Parties and Electorates from Raj to Swaraj: An Historical Analysis of Electoral Behavior in Late Colonial and Early Independent India." Social Science History 12, no. 2 (1988): 121–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200016084.
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Fascination with elite recruitment, ideology, and political strategy in the Indian nationalist movement has given rise to a wide range of scholarly studies about these phenomena. An extraordinarily rich literature has also developed dealing with provincial political movements during both the nationalist and postindependence periods. More recently a literature concerning local, “peoples’” history has started to develop and flourish, the most influential genre being the self-styled subaltern studies (see Guha, 1984–86; also Guha, 1983). Missing in the historiography of this vast and complex region are studies of those institutions that constituted the core of successive nationalist demands made for political reform—elections and representative institutions. Our study is a preliminary venture into the world of elections to provincial legislative institutions in late colonial and early independent India. The place of elections is not only important in understanding the decolonization process in India; it is of broad comparative interest in enhancing understanding of the democratization of regimes.
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Manchester, Laurie. "The Secularization of the Search for Salvation: The Self-Fashioning of Orthodox Clergymen's Sons in Late Imperial Russia." Slavic Review 57, no. 1 (1998): 50–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2502052.
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In recent decades, historians of prerevolutionary Russia have emphasized the diverse and complex nature of the group of educated Russians that has traditionally been referred to as the “intelligentsia.” In the existing historiography, there have been numerous investigations into various subgroups of the intelligentsia, including studies of noble intellectuals, students, women radicals, religious thinkers, ethnic elites, and members of political parties and of specific professions. The subgroup that contributed more to Russian professions and political movements than any other non-noble subgroup in both quantitative and qualitative terms is also the only prominent subgroup that has been neglected. The members of this neglected subgroup are Russian Orthodox clergymen's sons, referred to throughout this article by the Russian term popovichi?
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D'Elia, Nicola. "Historiography as a political battlefield (1956–1989): Italian left-wing historians on early German Social Democracy." Modern Italy 20, no. 2 (May 2015): 199–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2015.1025375.
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The debate surrounding German Social Democracy during the era of the Second International represents an important chapter in the historiography of post-Second World War Italy. At the same time, it also marks some crucial moments in the political and intellectual life of Republican Italy. This article aims to show the close relationship between the investigation of the past and the ongoing political struggle that has characterised research on this issue. Study of the topic was practically monopolised by left-wing historians, who, in dealing with the history of German Social Democracy, aimed also to direct the political strategy of workers’ parties. Considering the studies appearing after the 1956 crisis and in the mid-1970s, such a goal seems evident. It was only during the 1980s that the research opened itself to different perspectives – no longer influenced by ideological controversies.
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Orsina, Giovanni. "The Republic after Berlusconi: Some reflections on historiography, politics and the political use of history in post-1994 Italy." Modern Italy 15, no. 1 (February 2010): 77–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940903488713.
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The Italian political crisis of 1993–1994 and the new political dynamics to which it gave rise, and which persist today, have strongly shaped both public debate and historiographical reflection on the Italian Republic. This article assesses the impact of the political changes of the post-1994 period (and notably Berlusconi's entry into politics) on the debate over the so-called First Republic, with regard to: Italian national identity in the post-Fascist period; the functioning of the political system, especially in relation to the role of the political parties; anti-Fascism and its internal divisions; communism and anti-communism.
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Rocchi, Tony. "The Russian Black Hundreds Movement and its Place in the Past and Present of European Populist Parties and Movements: an Exercise in Comparative analysis." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 102 (March 1, 2020): 316–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2020-0-1-316-334.
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The history of the prerevolutionary Russian Black Hundreds movement is an integral part of the general European history of populist parties and movements, especially of the far-right type. However, the European context of the Black Hundreds is not reflected in Russian and foreign historiography. This absence of a broader context for the study of the Black Hundreds constitutes a huge blank spot in our understanding of this complex and often contradictory political phenomenon. This article examines the groundbreaking possibilities of studying the Black Hundreds phenomenon in a European context of the history of populist parties and movements. A comparative approach to the study of the Black Hundreds movement would help us to understand many complexities of its history. By doing a comparative analysis of the Black Hundreds with other European far-right populist movements, we can trace elements of similarities and differences and determine elements of Russian uniqueness. The comparative approach helps us to avoid incorrect conclusions about the essence of the Black Hundreds movements. Incorrect conclusions include identifying the Black Hundreds with traditionalist counter-revolutionary movements from the time of the French and other democratic revolutions between 1770 and 1850 or with fascism, National Socialism and related ideologies in the 20th century. Instead, in many ways, the Black Hundreds movements were the forerunners of today’s mass European far-right populist parties and movements and even centrist and leftist populist parties. Populist parties are protest movements against traditional parties across the political spectrum. It is time to explore the Black Hundreds movement as part of the history of populism. Also through the comparative approach, one can determine the place of the Black Hundreds in the European-wide context of the history of European revolutionary, antirevolutionary, and counterrevolutionary movements, nationalism, the consolidation of ethnic and political nations, questions about the identity of individuals, strata, and societies, and the development of nationalist, separatist, autonomist, and regionalist parties and movements. Studying the Black Hundreds in a broad context has a huge current relevance and helps us to sort through the elements of mythmaking in the history of the Black Hundred phenomenon from its origins to the present day.
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Salata, Oksana. "INFORMATION CONFRONTATION OF NAZI GERMANY AND THE USSR IN HISTORIOGRAPHY." Kyiv Historical Studies, no. 1 (2018): 52–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2524-0757.2018.1.5262.
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The second world and its constituent German-Soviet wars became the key events of the 20th century. Currently, the study of domestic and foreign historiography in the context of the disclosure of the information policy of the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany, the information confrontation of the Nazi and Soviet systems of information and psychological infl uence on the enemy population is relevant. Thanks to the work of domestic and foreign scholars, the attraction of new archival materials and documents, the world saw scientifi c works devoted to various aspects of the propaganda activities of Nazi Germany, including in the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine. Among them are the works of Ukrainian historians: A. Podolsky, Y. Nikolaytsya, P. Rekotov, O. Lysenko, V. Shaikan, M. Mikhailyuk, V. Grinevich; Russian historians M. I. Semiaryagi, E. Makarevich, V. I. Tsymbal and G. F. Voronenkova. An analysis of scientifi c literature published in Germany, England and the United States showed that the eff ectiveness and negative eff ects of German information policy are revealed in the works of German historians and publicists O. Hadamovsky, N. Muller, P. Longerich, R. Coel, et al. Along with the works devoted to armed confrontation, one can single out a study in which the authors try to show the information technologies and methods of psychological action that were used by the governments of both countries to infl uence the consciousness and the moral and psychological state of their own population and the enemy’s population, on the results of the Second World War. Most active in the study of Nazi propaganda and information policy of the Third Reich, in general, were the German historians, in particular E. Hadamovskie , G. Fjorsterch and G. Schnitter, and others. The value of their work is to highlight the process of the creation in 1933–1945 of the National Socialist Party in Germany of an unprecedented system of mass manipulation in the world’s history, fully controlled by the Nazi leadership of the information space. Thus, an analysis of the works of domestic and foreign scholars shows that the information confrontation between Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union was extremely powerful, since both warring parties possessed the most up-to-date information and ideological weapon. Unfortunately, today there is no comprehensive study of this problem that could reveal all aspects of the information confrontation in the modern information world.
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Winitzer, Abraham. "The Reversal of Fortune Theme in Esther: Israelite Historiography in Its Ancient Near Eastern Context." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 11, no. 2 (2011): 170–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921211x603940.
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Abstract This paper examines the idea of reversal in Esther, arguably the most basic thematic constituent of that work, in an attempt to understand its background and meaning. It posits for it a historical context based on a reaction to contemporary ancient Near Eastern intellectual currents. Specifically this centers on Babylonian divination, astrology in particular, whose recognition as a serious branch of scientific reasoning in the ancient world was undeniable—or so it seems. The Book of Esther, which, as this paper demonstrates, manifests an unmistakable familiarity with this divinatory lore, itself partakes in the broader conversation. But, in accordance with its overring theme, it comes down on the matter with a reverse verdict.
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Albera, François. "1945 : trois « intrigues » de Georges Sadoul." Cinémas 21, no. 2-3 (August 11, 2011): 49–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1005584ar.
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Le grand historien du cinéma Georges Sadoul a longtemps joui d’une réputation qui dispensait d’examiner son entreprise avec un oeil critique. Jacques Deslandes inaugura ce réexamen avec sévérité s’agissant du premier tome de l’Histoire générale du cinéma, puis la « nouvelle histoire du cinéma », issue du Congrès de Brighton de 1978, marqua son commencement par le rejet dans un même ensemble indifférencié des « historiens classiques » — dont Sadoul — que Comolli avait quelques années plus tôt entrepris d’aborder sous l’angle idéologique. La réflexion historiographique ne peut cependant se contenter de tels partages, qui ont fini par araser la singularité de démarches historiennes fort différentes que sont celles de Ramsaye, Pasinetti, Sadoul, Toeplitz, Mitry et bien d’autres. On s’efforcera ici de donner un aperçu de la complexité de l’entreprise sadoulienne par l’examen de trois « objets historiques » traités par l’historien dans l’immédiat après-guerre, trois objets dont la dominante appartient pour chacun à un champ distinct : historique (l’invention), langagier (l’école de Brighton), critique (le réalisme poétique). Cet article entend par là contribuer à définir le travail de Sadoul dans l’ordre de ce que Michel de Certeau a appelé l’« opération historiographique ».
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Capperucci, Vera. "Alcide De Gasperi and the problem of reconstruction." Modern Italy 14, no. 4 (November 2009): 445–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940903237540.
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Starting with a quick overview of the historiography of Italy from Fascism to the Republic, this article looks at Alcide De Gasperi's establishment as a leader within both the Italian political system and within his Party–the Christian Democrats–casting new light on three aspects of his political activity: (1) his relationship with the Church and the Catholics’ new modes of participation in political life; (2) the reasons inspiring the definition of the Republican State's institutional architecture; and (3) alliance strategy in government formation and in relationships with the other parties. The originality of De Gasperi's political activity can be defined in terms of these issues, together with the development of a distinctive political leadership, for too long overlooked, that would play a critical role in carrying Italy through its postwar reconstruction.
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Deaconu, Adela, and Crina Ioana Filip. "Gold Mining Stakeholders: Diversity and Influence. Roșia Montană Case Study." Journal of East European Management Studies 26, no. 1 (2021): 117–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0949-6181-2021-1-117.
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Using historiography, online information and the stakeholders’ theory, this study focuses on the interested parties involved in a highly controversial gold mining project in Romania’s Roșia Montană area. The study documents the emergence and influence of different stakeholders (and the relationships between them). The research result suggests that company management and project investors (in this case involving the State as minority owner and regulator and a Canadian company as the majority owner) need to be aware of the objectives of a range of stakeholders including the general public, environmental campaigners and cultural agencies. They should identify shared stakeholder objectives and take these objectives into account when assessing the prospects of a mining project. Ultimately, these findings could be a lesson in political conduct for stakeholders involved in similar projects in other East European countries.
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D. Dienaputra, Reiza. "DINAMIKA PENGGUNAAN BANTENG DALAM LAMBANG PARTAI-PARTAI POLITIK (1955-1999): KAJIAN SEJARAH VISUAL." Patanjala : Jurnal Penelitian Sejarah dan Budaya 4, no. 2 (June 1, 2012): 214. http://dx.doi.org/10.30959/patanjala.v4i2.138.
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AbstrakKajian ini bertujuan untuk merekonstruksi penggunaan banteng sebagai elemen visual dalam lambang partai-partai politik yang berhasil meraih kursi DPR dalam Pemilu 1955 hingga Pemilu 1999. Berbagai permasalahan berkaitan dengan keberadaan banteng dalam lambang partai-partai politik diungkap, seperti dinamika visualisasi banteng, eksplanasi sejarah dan budaya, serta pengaruh sistem politik terhadap visualisasi banteng dalam lambang. Untuk menjawab permasalahan tersebut, digunakan metode sejarah, yang di dalamnya meliputi tahapan heuristik, kritik, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Sebagai sebuah kajian sejarah visual, sumber utama yang digunakan adalah lambang partai-partai politik. Selanjutnya, untuk menganalisispenggunaan banteng dalam lambang partai-partai politik digunakan pendekatan seni dan disain, pendekatan politik dan pendekatan kebudayaan. Hasil penelitian memperlihatkan bahwa pengunaaan banteng sebagai elemen visual dalam lambang memiliki akar sejarah yang panjang. Secara budaya banteng pun merupakan binatang yang akrab dzengan banyak suku bangsa di tanah air. Sebagai elemen visual, penggunaan banteng dalam lambang partai politik pada umumnya hanya digunakan oleh partai-partai politik beraliran nasionalis. Namun demikian, representasi visual banteng dalam lambang mengalami dinamika yang menarik, tidak hanya karena kebutuhan partai politik tetapi juga disebabkan pengaruh sistem politik yang berlaku. AbstractThis study aims to reconstruct the use of bulls as visual element in the symbols of political parties that were voted in the legislative (DPR) during 1955-1999 general election. The author reveals many dynamic use of bulls in political parties, including its visualization, historical and cultural explanation, and political system that influenced bull visualization on the symbols. The author conducts history method, covering critique, interpretation, and historiography. As a study of visual history, the research objects are the symbols of political parties. We approach the problem from many angles, including art and design, as well as political and cultural ones. The result finds that the use of bull as visual element in the symbol of political parties has a long root in the history of this country. Culturally, bulls are very familiar to many ethnic group in Indonesia, and generally they are used by nationalist parties. Nevertheless, visual representation of bulls has experienced an interesting dynamics: using bulls as symbol is not only for the benefit of certain political parties but it is also influenced by the political system applied at a certain time.
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Bergunder, Michael. "Contested past." Historiographia Linguistica 31, no. 1 (July 30, 2004): 59–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.31.1.05ber.
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Summary During the British colonial regime in the 19th century Western Indologists and missionaries, with the participation of the indigenous scholars who controlled traditional systems of knowledge, formed models for the description of early religious history which was especially inspired by linguistic ideas whose central concept was the so-called ‘Aryan immigration’ into Northern India. This Orientalist historiography concerning events that lay back several thousand years found its way into political and religious discourse in one form or another. These projections developed into highly significant ingredients of the various political, ethnic, and religious movements and parties, such as the Dravidian Movement or the Nationalist Hindu groupings. The present paper tries to map out the corner stones of modern-day discourses concerning Indian pre- and early history which has developed into something of a veritable battle about the past..
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Kudinov, Dmytro. "Ukrainian Historiography About the Solution of Agrarian Peasant Question in the Programs of Ukrainian Parties at the Beginning of 20th Century, 1991-2013." European Researcher 79, no. 7-2 (July 5, 2014): 1310–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.13187/er.2014.2.1310.
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Savich, Aleksandr A. "Historiography and New Sources about the Dissolution of the Communist Party of Western Belarus." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 65, no. 3 (2020): 962–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2020.316.
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The article is aimed at studying the Belarusian historiography on the dissolution of the Communist Party of Poland and its constituent part — the Communist Party of Western Belarus in 1938 by a decision of the Executive Committee of the Comintern on suspicion of penetration of enemy agents. On the basis of a wide range of historiographical sources, including archival documents, the author reveals the emergence and transformation of the approaches and critical views of historians of the BSSR on this topic, taking into account the positions of Russian and Polish scholars and the determination of the judgments of the researchers of the 1930s — the first half of the 1950s by the official Soviet version of the validity of the dissolution of the communist parties of Poland and Western Belarus as agents of Piłsudski. The political rehabilitation of the Communist Party of Poland in 1956 contributed to the intensification of the study into the history of the Communist Party of Western Belarus, but there was no significant extension of the topic of dissolution either in 1960–1980 or during the period of the Republic of Belarus. At the same time, the organizational status of the communist organizations in Western Belarus in the 1930s has not been explored, and no attempts have been made to systematically identify the contacts with the Polish police and the Polish security service. The research identifies archival documents of the Communist Party of Western Belarus and Polish state bodies, including the state police, which testify to the unsatisfactory state of the communist organizations, low party discipline, as well as secret contacts of ordinary party members and leading workers with the security service and the Polish police.
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Frings, K. Viviane. "Rewriting Cambodian History to ‘Adapt’ it to a New Political Context: The Kampuchean People's Revolutionary Party's Historiography (1979–1991)." Modern Asian Studies 31, no. 4 (October 1997): 807–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00017170.
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In the midst of Pol Pot's struggle for the control of the Cambodian Communist Party in the 1970s, the subject of the Party's history came to assume a crucial importance. In 1976, the date of the foundation of the Communist Party of Kampuchea (CPK) became so important an issue that veteran Party members who remembered that the Party had been founded at a date previous to that claimed by Pol Pot, were tortured and killed for that reason. History was rewritten to suit the interests of Pol Pot's faction and the political circumstances of the time. A particularly sensitive subject was the role played by the Vietnamese in the formation of the Khmer People's Revolutionary Party, the predecessor of the CPK in the 1950s. After the relations between the Vietnamese and Cambodian Parties turned sour in the mid-1970s, the CPK deleted all allusions to the Vietnamese role from its official Party History.
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Ryabov, V. V., and G. E. Kozlovskaya. "Influence of Western Political Theories on the Process of Forming a Party System in Russia in the Post-Soviet Period." Prepodavatel XXI vek, no. 1, 2020 (2020): 267–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.31862/2073-9613-2020-1-267-277.
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In the post-Soviet period of its political development, Russia faced an acute shortage of its own theoretical developments of party building and was forced to turn to the experience of Western technologies. These appeals were not always constructive. Often, foreign theories were only beautiful models that had nothing to do with Russian political reality. Not all of these Western borrowings have been useful for the political experience of Russia. Despite the fact that interest in many theories has already faded, their trace in the modern development of domestic political science can still be found today. Many concepts have been modified or rejected already in the course of the development of the political situation itself. The historiographic analysis of this issue indicates a certain selection of theoretical sources that were most in demand by the then political reality. The purpose of this article is to clarify the impact of these Western political theories on the formation of political parties in Russia in the last decade of the twentieth century.
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Imadudin, Iim. "PERDAGANGAN LADA DI LAMPUNG DALAM TIGA MASA (1653-1930)." Patanjala : Jurnal Penelitian Sejarah dan Budaya 8, no. 3 (May 5, 2017): 349. http://dx.doi.org/10.30959/patanjala.v8i3.14.
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This article aims to reveal the dynamics of the pepper trade in Lampung in three political systems. The study uses historical method consists of heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The struggle for influence in the region is created in the pattern of domination and subordination. Lampung as the pepper producer is under the influence of Banten, VOC, and the Dutch government. Thus, it is inevitable that there isthe economic exploitation in the relationship. The study shows that the dynamics of the pepper trade in Lampung cannot be separated from the various competing parties. The players are Sultanate of Banten, VOC, and the Dutch government. However, the role of local elites of Lampungis also taken into account. The waning of pepper trade, in addition to internal factors such as not optimal maintenance of pepper garden, also due to lower demand from the international market. The monopoly factor of the pepper trade by foreign powers also crushes the pepper trade system that has lasted long enough.
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CHERNOLUTSKAIA, E. N. "ENGLISH LANGUAGE HISTORIOGRAPHY ON POLITICAL TRANSFORMATIONS IN THE RUSSIAN FAR EAST IN THE 1990S – EARLY 2000S." Historical and social-educational ideas 10, no. 3/1 (July 16, 2018): 114–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.17748/2075-9908-2018-10-3/1-114-123.
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The modern political history of the Russian Far East is poorly covered in English language historiography. Of the last 30 years, Western experts subjected to a certain analysis the period of the 1990searly 2000s, when the Russian society underwent rapid transformations. Their scientific comprehension practically went in real time, that imposed restrictions on the formulation of problems, the depth of their analysis, the sources used. The issue of the power transformation in the Far East is considered mainly within the framework of the concept of center-peripheral relations. The works of R. Valliant, F. Chang, S. Davis, and others reveals Moscow's policy to control the region and tactics of regional leaders trying to reduce this control. The authors describe such relations in close connection with the development of federalism in the RF and its “asymmetry”. The publications reflect the evolution of the regional political elite, the change of types of governors – from “humanitarians” to “industrialists” and representatives of political parties, describe the political portraits of the Far Eastern governors, much attention is paid to the criminalization of power (R. Orttung, etc.). A special type of regional power is highlighted by experts in connection with the victory of three “resource oligarchs” in the 2000 gubernatorial elections, including R. Abramovich in Chukotka, that is estimated in the publications as an “administrative revolution”, the transition to corporate governance, in which all branches of power in the region are concentrated in the hands of representatives of a large resource corporation (N. Thompson, D. Anderson).
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Shaev, Brian. "Workers’ Politics, the Communist Challenge, and the Schuman Plan: A Comparative History of the French Socialist and German Social Democratic Parties and the First Treaty for European Integration." International Review of Social History 61, no. 2 (July 29, 2016): 251–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859016000250.
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AbstractThe Schuman Plan to “pool” the coal and steel industries of Western Europe has been widely celebrated as the founding document of today’s European Union. An expansive historiography has developed around the plan but labor and workers are largely absent from existing accounts, even though the sectors targeted for integration, coal and steel, are traditionally understood as centers of working-class militancy and union activity in Europe. Existing literature generally considers the role coal and steel industries played as objects of the Schuman Plan negotiations but this article reverses this approach. It examines instead how labor politics in the French Nord and Pas-de-Calais and the German Ruhr, core industrial regions, influenced the positions adopted by two prominent political parties, the French Socialist and German Social Democratic parties, on the integration of European heavy industry. The empirical material combines archival research in party and national archives with findings from regional histories of the Nord/Pas-de-Calais, the Ruhr, and their local socialist party chapters, as well as from historical and sociological research on miners and industrial workers. The article analyses how intense battles between socialists and communists for the allegiance of coal and steel workers shaped the political culture of these regions after the war and culminated during a mass wave of strikes in 1947–1948. The divergent political outcomes of these battles in the Nord/Pas-de-Calais and the Ruhr, this article contends, strongly contributed to the decisions of the French Socialist Party to support and the German Social Democratic Party to oppose the Schuman Plan in 1950.
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Truzzolillo, Fabio. "The 'Ndrangheta: the current state of historical research." Modern Italy 16, no. 3 (August 2011): 363–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2011.554805.
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This article surveys the state of the research undertaken to date on Calabrian organised crime, now known as the 'Ndrangheta. Using continuous reference to the historiography of the Sicilian Mafia, and prompted in particular by a preliminary review of various documentary sources, it also poses questions and develops theories that will need further study and reflection. The first section addresses the classic image of the 'Ndrangheta, as crime linked to the traditional values of the Calabrian rural world. It is suggested that the interweaving of this criminal phenomenon and traditional society is more complex than a relationship of identification between the two, and results from the deliberate pursuit of criminal objectives such as legitimisation and social control. Further problems are highlighted as attention is turned from issues regarding values to the socio-economic features of the ‘Picciotteria’, as the 'Ndrangheta was known prior to the 1950s. There is a discussion of the reasons for its success, the economic parasitism practised using positions of social intermediation, and the existence of formal structures distinct from traditional family bonds and community ties. The article's final section focuses on the relationship between the 'Ndrangheta and politics in the period after the Second World War. The paucity of research that specifically addresses the period between the war and the 1970s is highlighted; linked to this, approaches are suggested for investigating the nature of crime's penetration of politics, the relationship with the parties at the local level, and the ways in which the 'Ndrangheta was interpreted by these same political parties.
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Granata, Mattia. "The economic policies of Italian social democracy in the post-war period (1945–1962)." Modern Italy 20, no. 2 (May 2015): 137–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2015.1028347.
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In post-war Italy, ‘reformism’ has been ignored by many, wished for by some, and pursued by only a few. While it was a beacon for the major progressive political forces of Western countries, in Italy this idea was for a long time considered an ‘impossible’ vision. Even when there have been attempts to trace its development, explain the reasons for its failure, or reassess some of its merits, it has been sought everywhere except where it should actually be located: within those parties which defined themselves and considered themselves reformist, for example within the social democrat tradition. For a long period on the political level, Italian social democracy was squeezed between the formidable Catholic tradition and a powerful Communist culture. These pressures contributed to its negation, on both a historiographical and a political level, including a denial of the features of modernity in its development, or at the very least the obscuring of its achievements. Italian reformism, whether a ‘possible’ or ‘impossible’ option, has thus been removed from consideration, both in politics and in historiography.
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Bauerkämper, Arnd. "Transnational Fascism: Cross-Border Relations between Regimes and Movements in Europe, 1922-1939." East Central Europe 37, no. 2-3 (March 25, 2010): 214–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633010x534469.
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In recent debates about transnational and inter-cultural approaches in historiography, crossborder relations have usually assumed a positive connotation for mutually enriching the parties involved. However, research on bilateral relationships between Italian Fascism and German National Socialism and of fascist movements in other European states demonstrate that transnational exchange is normatively ambivalent, i.e. it can comply with our aims, wishes and expectations or not. This contribution will present evidence for the attractiveness of Italian Fascism and German Nazism throughout Europe in the 1920s and 1930s. Beyond high politics, cooperation between fascists extended to other areas, like recreation and public relations. Nevertheless, fascist movements and regimes appropriated foreign doctrines and policies selectively in order to avert the charge of copying foreign models. They also stressed their nationalist credentials. Yet hypernationalism was deeply ingrained in fascist ideology, too. Thus, cooperation between European fascists was continuously hampered by mutual antagonism. Altogether, fascist nationalism and transnationalism were interrelated rather than mutually exclusive. Nevertheless, cross-border cooperation between fascist movements should not be underestimated or reduced to wartime collaboration.
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Mykolenko, Dmytro. "How did Ferdinand I of Saxe-Coburg‑Gotha become Frenchman?" Universum Historiae et Archeologiae 2, no. 2 (October 14, 2020): 224. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/26190217.
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The aim of the article is to reveal the image of the Prince/Tsar Ferdinand in the historiography of the Russian Empire and to identify the factors that influenced the interpretation of the activities of the Bulgarian monarch. Research methodology. The concept of “image”, which is considered as a form of representations of various aspects of life and work of the Bulgarian Prince/King Ferdinand in the works of Russian historians of the late XIX – early XX centuries, was important for achieving the goal set in the work. We can consider individual images created by different researchers as well as general one which was formed under the influence of all the above-mentioned researchers. It should be noted that the representations are subjective and do not correspond to the realities of the domestic and foreign policy of the Bulgarian monarch or partially coincide with them. Main results. The author outlined the circumstances of international situation in Europe and in the Balkans in particular, which in the last quarter of the XIX and in the first twenty years of the last century determined the assessments of the domestic and foreign policy initiatives of the Bulgarian monarch Ferdinand I Coburg made by Russian historians. Other factors that influenced the interpretations of researchers, including their political views and the affiliation to a particular state institution, are also revealed in the work. The author notes the desire of the university professorship to create more neutral images of the Bulgarian prince, in contrast to the scientists involved in political battles in the interests of certain parties. Scientific novelty. The author for the first time described the image of Ferdinand I in the historiography of the Russian Empire, and also clarified the factors that determined the assessments of the Bulgarian prince activities. The type of the article: empirical.
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Bickford-Smith, Vivian. "Black Ethnicities, Communities and Political Expression in Late Victorian Cape Town." Journal of African History 36, no. 3 (November 1995): 443–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700034496.
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In 1994 the National Party of Mr de Klerk defeated the African National Congress in only one of nine South African provinces, the Western Cape. The reason for this success lay in the support that the NP received from a large majority of Coloured South Africans in this region. Many were worried about the possibility of losing homes and jobs to ‘Africans’, and believed that the ANC was a specifically African party. These worries and beliefs were encouraged by Nationalist Party politicians. But the success of the latter's campaign was premised on the existence of more enduring self-identities, while simultaneously lending them new content.This article attempts to explain the emergence of different black ethnicities, and particularly the emergence of Coloured ethnicity, in the British Cape Colony, and its capital, Cape Town. Because of a low non-racial franchise and (theoretical) equality of all before the law, the Victorian Cape provided the possibility of formal black political expression – the establishment of parties, electioneering and political mobilization.The different black ethnicities that emerged were not the inevitable result of different ‘cultures’ or distant historical experiences. But nor were they simply created by élite Ethnic mobilizers in response to white racialization and discrimination, as was sometimes suggested in revisionist South African historiography of the Apartheid era. This historiography was understandably eager to challenge belief in the immutability of race and ethnicity that underpinned ‘separate development’ – a policy which itself served to reshape, perpetuate and reinforce perceptions of ethnic difference.Labels, like ‘Coloured’ or ‘Native’ may have been imposed by whites and used by black élites to challenge state policies or to demand resources. But the labels had to continue to make sense to those they wished to mobilize. The content of ethnicities could not be purely ‘imagined’ by élites.
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Eko W, Alphonsius Rodriquest, Kurniawati Kurniawati, M. Hasmi Yanuardi, and Maulani Maulani. "Dwifungsi ABRI Dalam Konflik Internal PDI 1976-1998." Criksetra: Jurnal Pendidikan Sejarah 9, no. 2 (August 13, 2020): 179–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.36706/jc.v9i2.11162.
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Abstrak: Penelitian ini mengkaji tentang pelaksanaan konsep Dwifungsi ABRI dalam konflik internal Partai Demokrasi Indonesia (PDI). Penelitian bertujuan untuk mengetahui keterlibatan militer dalam konflik internal PDI. Metode penelitian yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode sejarah, yakni terdiri dari pengumpulan sumber, verifikasi/ kritik sejarah, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Terlibatnya militer dalam kehidupan sosial-politik di Indonesia tidak lepas peran Jenderal A.H.Nasution. Puncak dari campur tangan ABRI dalam konflik internal PDI adalah dengan terjadinya Peristiwa 27 Juli 1996. Konflik yang melibatkan DPP PDI Megawati dan DPP PDI Soerjadi ini diduga juga melibatkan pihak eksternal partai, khususnya pemerintah dan ABRI. Dampak dari Peristiwa 27 Juli 1996 dirasakan semua pihak yang terlibat, baik pemerintah, ABRI, PDI dan bahkan masyarakat.Kata kunci: Dwifungsi, ABRI, PDIAbstract: This study examines the implementation of the dual concept of ABRI in the internal conflict of the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI). The research aims to determine the involvement of the military in the internal conflicts of the PDI. The research method used in this study is the historical method, which consists of collecting sources, verifying / critique history, interpretation, and historiography. The results showed that the involvement of the military in socio-political life in Indonesia could not be separated from the role of General A.H.Nasution. The peak of ABRI's interference in the PDI internal conflict was the 27 July 1996 incident. The conflict involving the Megawati PDP Megawati and the Soerjadi PDI was allegedly also involving external parties, especially the government and ABRI. The impact of the July 27, 1996 incident was felt by all parties involved, both the government, ABRI, PDI and even the communityKeywords: Dual Function, ABRI, PDI
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Mujiburrahman, Mujiburrahman. "Roles of the Crisis Management Initiative (CMI) in Aceh’s Reconciliation to Strengthen Indonesia’s National Integration After Tsunami in 2005." Journal of Maritime Studies and National Integration 2, no. 2 (February 1, 2019): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/jmsni.v2i2.4218.
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Crisis Management Initiative (CMI) is a National Government Organization that focuses on advocacy for sustainable security and conflict resolution. This organization was founded in 2000 by Martti Ahtisaari. Ge was the former president of Finland in 1994-2000. CMI was asked to facilitate negotiation between the Indonesian government and GAM (Free Aceh Movement), through personal contact between Farid Husain and Juha Christensen. Aceh conflict was a disintegration-oriented-conflict, so it was potential to threaten Indonesia’s sovereignty.This research used the historical method with heuristic, criticism or verification, interpretation, and historiography stages. The primary sources of data on this research were information in the media, both printed and electronic. Besides, this research also examined or reviewed the literary references that were related and relevant to the research topic. The study was to reveal how the background of CMI's involvement in Aceh peace in 2005, and how the strategic roles of CMI in resolving conflicts until the realization of Aceh peace in 2005 for Aceh remained a part of the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI).The role of CMI as a reputable international institution and getting the trust of both parties, was capable of providing intervention to the conflicting parties so that its role became very strategic in mediating the conflict. The success of CMI was seen from the negotiation held in Helsinki Finland, resulting in the execution of the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on August 15, 2005, as a peace agreement. After the signing of the Helsinki MoU, armed conflict stopped, and the social lives were back to normal, and the development process could resume usually.