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1

Igusa, Kiyoshi, 1949- editor of compilation, Martsinkovsky, A. (Alex), editor of compilation, and Todorov, G. (Gordana), editor of compilation, eds. Expository lectures on representation theory: Maurice Auslander Distinguished Lectures and International Conference, April 25-30, 2012, Woods Hole Oceanographic Institute, Quissett Campus, Falmouth, MA. Providence, Rhode Island: American Mathematical Society, 2014.

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2

India) International Congress of Mathematicians Satellite Conference on Algebraic and Combinatorial Approaches to Representation Theory (2010 Bangalore. Recent developments in algebraic and combinatorial aspects of representation theory: International Congress of Mathematicians Satellite Conference on Algebraic and Combinatorial Approaches to Representation Theory, August 12-16, 2010, National Institute of Advanced Studies, Bangalore, India : Conference on Algebraic and Combinatorial Approaches to Representation Theory, May 18-20, 2012, University of California, Riverside, CA. Edited by Chari, Vyjayanthi, editor of compilation and Conference on Algebraic and Combinatorial Approaches to Representation Theory (2012 : Riverside, Calif.). Providence, Rhode Island: American Mathematical Society, 2013.

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3

Falcoff, Mark. Chile: Prospects for Democracy. New York: Council on Foreign Relations, 1988.

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4

Hans, Keman, and Budge Ian, eds. Party government in 48 democracies (1945-1998): Composition, duration, personnel. Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 2000.

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5

Sang-in, Chŏn, ed. Hanʼguk hyŏndaesa: Chinsil kwa haesŏk. Kyŏnggi-do Pʻaju-si: Nanam Chʻulpʻan, 2005.

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6

Bueno, Otávio, and Steven French. Scientific Representation and the Application of Mathematics. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198815044.003.0003.

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In this chapter, we show how the partial structures framework can be used to give an account of how scientific models represent systems, and in a way that pays due regard to the relations between the relevant mathematics and such models. In particular, both the open-ended nature of these developments and the transfer of relations between one structure and another can be accommodated within the partial structures account. Finally, the expansion of the framework to include partial homomorphisms holding between structures also allows us to accommodate the fact that typically not all of the mathematics is used in a particular application, leaving surplus structure that can be subsequently exploited.
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7

Horing, Norman J. Morgenstern. Thermodynamic Green’s Functions and Spectral Structure. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198791942.003.0007.

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Multiparticle thermodynamic Green’s functions, defined in terms of grand canonical ensemble averages of time-ordered products of creation and annihilation operators, are interpreted as tracing the amplitude for time-developing correlated interacting particle motions taking place in the background of a thermal ensemble. Under equilibrium conditions, time-translational invariance permits the one-particle thermal Green’s function to be represented in terms of a single frequency, leading to a Lehmann spectral representation whose frequency poles describe the energy spectrum. This Green’s function has finite values for both t>t′ and t<t′ (unlike retarded Green’s functions), and the two parts G1> and G1< (respectively) obey a simple proportionality relation that facilitates the introduction of a spectral weight function: It is also interpreted in terms of a periodicity/antiperiodicity property of a modified Green’s function in imaginary time capable of a Fourier series representation with imaginary (Matsubara) frequencies. The analytic continuation from imaginary time to real time is discussed, as are related commutator/anticommutator functions, also retarded/advanced Green’s functions, and the spectral weight sum rule is derived. Statistical thermodynamic information is shown to be embedded in physical features of the one- and two-particle thermodynamic Green’s functions.
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8

Impett, Jonathan. Making a mark The psychology of composition. Edited by Susan Hallam, Ian Cross, and Michael Thaut. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199298457.013.0037.

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This article discusses the psychology of composition. Composition is a reflexive, iterative process of inscription. The work, once named as such and externalizable to some degree, passes circularly between inner and outer states. It passes through internal and external representations – mostly partial or compressed, some projected in mental rather than physical space, not all necessarily conscious or observable – and phenomenological experience, real or imagined. At each state-change the work is re-mediated by the composer, whose decision-making process is conditioned by the full complexity of human experience. This entire activity informs the simultaneous development of the composer's understanding of the particular work in its autonomy, of their own creativity, and of music more broadly. While the urge to compose – to invent, structure, and define sound and musical behaviour – may be to some degree innate, modes of conceiving, representing, and realizing are the product of a situated process. Even if some or all of that activity is so well assimilated personally or culturally that it remains hidden from experimental view, it remains a behaviour in respect of an emerging object.
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9

Bäck, Hanna, and Gissur Ó. Erlingsson. Introduction. Edited by Jon Pierre. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199665679.013.43.

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This introduction to the section on the party system in Sweden starts with the premise that political parties are essential for the upholding of legitimacy in parliamentary democracies. Four chapters make up the section. The first focuses on the changing Swedish party system, where Social Democrats historically have held an exceptionally strong position, which has weakened during recent years. The second analyzes the parties’ internal organizational structure, suggesting that although Swedish parties have become more professionalized, and the ‘mass party’ has faded away, this does not imply they have become internally less democratic. The third chapter focuses on representation, arguing that Swedish parties today face a more complex environment than before, with more diversity among representatives. The concluding chapter suggests that some features of Swedish cabinets stand out in a comparative perspective, with many single-party minority governments, where the Social Democrats have ruled with the help of ‘support party coalitions’.
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10

Deruelle, Nathalie, and Jean-Philippe Uzan. The kinematics of a point particle. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198786399.003.0020.

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This chapter discusses the kinematics of point particles undergoing any type of motion. It introduces the concept of proper time—the geometric representation of the time measured by an accelerated clock. It also describes a world line, which represents the motion of a material point or point particle P, that is, an object whose spatial extent and internal structure can be ignored. The chapter then considers the interpretation of the curvilinear abscissa, which by definition measures the length of the world line L representing the motion of the point particle P. Next, the chapter discusses a mathematical result popularized by Paul Langevin in the 1920s, the so-called ‘Langevin twins’ which revealed a paradoxical result. Finally, the transformation of velocities and accelerations is discussed.
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11

Pruysers, Scott, William P. Cross, Anika Gauja, and Gideon Rahat. Candidate Selection Rules and Democratic Outcomes. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198758631.003.0009.

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Using data from the Political Party Database, this chapter analyses the impact of the internal structures and rules of political parties on women’s representation (conceptualized as the number of female candidates nominated). It examines the impact of candidate selection methods (inclusive/exclusive, centralized/decentralized), gender quotas, the presence of intra-party women’s organizations, reserved positions in party institutions, and candidacy requirements. The multivariate analysis reveals that state-level gender quotas have a significant positive effect on the number of women nominated, as does the presence of women in positions of authority, such as in parliament and on party executives. Interestingly, the authors find that the formal rules adopted by parties concerning candidate selection (including candidate selection rules) do not make a significant difference when considering representational outcomes.
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12

Bueno, Otávio, and Steven French. Conclusion. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198815044.003.0010.

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This final chapter considers two sets of criticisms of our overall approach. The first is that there may be cases where the special circumstances constructed via idealizations simply do not arise and thus such cases lie beyond the reach of our approach. We examine one such possible case, the discovery of the Omega-Minus particle, and conclude that it presents no particular obstacle to our account. The second concerns the role of the partial structures framework in capturing scientific practice, and here we emphasize that we see it as a meta-level representational device that, we argue, suits the purposes of philosophers of science when considering this practice.
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13

Allern, Elin Haugsgjerd, and Tània Verge. Still Connecting with Society? Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198758631.003.0005.

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How parties structure their interaction with social groups is a key determinant of their capacity to provide linkage between the institutions of government and the public at large. This chapter investigates the extent to which modern political parties use formal measures to connect to relevant societal interests and strengthen their anchorage in society. The analysis centres on parties’ use of formal rules governing affiliation and representation to link with externally organized interests and parties’ establishment of sub-organizations with representation rights within the party. The chapter authors develop and test several hypotheses concerning cross-country and within-country sources of variation in formal linkage and test them empirically. In addition, they examine whether formal status and representation rights shape parties’ ability to represent descriptively the associated latent social interests focusing on the case of women and ethnic minorities.
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14

Buchler, Justin. Conclusions. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190865580.003.0008.

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Several puzzles remain unresolved by the unified model. The first is why legislators have noncentrist preferences in the first place. The unified model, because it begins with a legislative session, takes preferences as initial conditions, so it is unsuited to explaining this puzzle. Second, while the model focuses on explaining polarization in the House of Representatives, the Senate too has become more polarized. Finally, it remains to be seen what will happen to the divisions among congressional Republicans as the legislative agenda shifts back to an agenda under unified government. Moving forward, spatial models of elections must consider the institutional rules of the office being sought, and explore alternative structures. Party scholars must also rethink the role of parties in representation if their primary purpose is to prevent responsiveness to legislators’ constituents.
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15

Baker, David John. The Philosophy of Quantum Field Theory. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199935314.013.33.

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This is an opinionated survey of some interpretive puzzles in quantum field theory. The problem of inequivalent representations is sketched, including its connections with competing accounts of physical equivalence. The controversy between variant formulations of the theory, algebraic versus Lagrangian, is given a conciliatory resolution. Arguments against particles are addressed, demarcating clearly between different forms of particle interpretation. Field interpretations are then considered, including wavefunctional, spacetime state realist and Heisenberg operator realist interpretations. Ruetsche’s coalesced structure interpretation is presented and juxtaposed with an alternative, more traditional view of the theory’s laws and state space. Finally, the CPT theorem is discussed, together with its implications about the nature of spacetime.
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16

Poguntke, Thomas, Susan E. Scarrow, and Paul D. Webb. Political Party Organizations. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.013.227.

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How political parties organize directly affects who is represented and which policies are prioritized. Political parties structure political choice, which is one of the main functions generally ascribed to them. Their roles as gatekeepers for policies and political careers are closely linked to their nature as membership-based organizations, and to the extent to which they empower members to directly or indirectly influence these crucial choices. Parties also play a crucial role as campaign organizations, whose organizational strength influences their electoral success. The literature often summarizes differences in how parties organize and campaign by identifying major party types, which can be regarded as “classic models” of party organization. Yet, actual parties must adapt to changing environments or risk being supplanted by newer parties or by other political actors. For instance, in recent years one popular adaptation has involved parties opening their decision-making processes by introducing party-wide ballots to settle important questions. Changes like these alter how parties act as intermediaries in representation and political participation. Thanks to the increasing availability of comparable data on party organizations in established and new democracies, and in parliamentary and presidential systems, today’s scholars are better equipped to study the origins and impacts of parties’ organizational differences.
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17

Herbert, Kitschelt, ed. Post-communist party systems: Competition, representation, and inter-party cooperation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999.

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18

Scarrow, Susan E., and Paul D. Webb. Investigating Party Organization. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198758631.003.0001.

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Political parties in democratic countries use very different procedures to make their most important decisions, and they follow different approaches to mobilizing their supporters. What, if any, are the political consequences of these differences? This chapter argues that we should answer this question by systematically testing causal links in mid-level theories. To this end, the authors present a framework that divides parties’ organizations into three key dimensions: structures, resources, and representational strategies. They further divide these dimensions into sub-dimensions that have been identified as politically relevant by previous research, and show how they relate to specific hypotheses about the impact of parties’ organizational differences. These hypotheses are the basis of key research questions examined in the other chapters of this book. This chapter also introduces the new data source that will be used for all the analyses in this volume, the Political Party Database.
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19

Bueno, Otávio, and Steven French. Explaining with Mathematics? Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198815044.003.0009.

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In this chapter, we examine the role of idealization, specifically with regard to explanation, and the broad criteria of acceptability that any such explanatory account should meet. Our case study is the phenomenon of ‘universality’, and, in particular, the role of the renormalization group, which has been held up as another example of mathematics playing a significant explanatory role. Again, we argue that once we have a clear framework for understanding representation, and an equally clear understanding of what is required of any explanation, such claims cannot be sustained. Contrary to Bob Batterman’s proposal, our inferential account can accommodate the cases he presents without the relevant mathematics itself playing an explanatory role. By articulating our account within the partial structures approach, we can accommodate the nature and significance of the phenomena involved, and thereby offer an understanding of them within a unitary account of scientific practice.
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20

Webb, Paul D., Thomas Poguntke, and Susan E. Scarrow. Conclusion. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198758631.003.0013.

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This chapter briefly recaps the findings of this volume, then addresses more general questions concerning the types of organizational patterns that researchers should expect to find, and the most fruitful approaches to understanding the origins and implications of those patterns. The authors review the PPDB data in order to assess the empirical applicability of various well-known ideal-types of parties. They find that only a minority of the cases in the dataset fit into one of these ideal-type categories—even when the bar is set low for such classification. It is argued that the ideal-type approach, while it has its merits, is less useful as a practical guide for empirical research than analytical frameworks based on the key dimensions of party organization—resources, structures, and representational strategies. The chapter closes by emphasizing the very real consequences that the organizational choices made by parties can have for representative democracy.
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21

Mansfeldova, Zdenka, Radoslaw Markowski, Gabor Toka, and Herbert Kitschelt. Post-Communist Party Systems: Competition, Representation, and Inter-Party Cooperation (Cambridge Studies in Comparative Politics). Cambridge University Press, 1999.

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22

Mansfeldova, Zdenka, Radoslaw Markowski, Gabor Toka, and Herbert Kitschelt. Post-Communist Party Systems: Competition, Representation, and Inter-Party Cooperation (Cambridge Studies in Comparative Politics). Cambridge University Press, 1999.

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23

McCarty, Nolan. Polarization. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/wentk/9780190867782.001.0001.

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The 2016 election of Donald J. Trump invoked a time for reflection about the state of American politics and its deep ideological, cultural, racial, regional, and economic divisions. But one aspect that the contemporary discussions often miss is that these fissures have been opening over several decades and are deeply rooted in the structure of American politics and society. Nolan McCarty's Polarization: What Everyone Needs to Know® is an accessible introduction to polarization in America. McCarty takes readers through what scholars know and don't know about the origins, development, and implications of our rising political conflicts, delving into social, economic, and geographic determinants of polarization in the United States. While the current political climate makes it clear that extreme views are becoming more popular, McCarty also argues that, contrary to popular belief, the 2016 election was a natural outgrowth of 40 years of polarized politics, instead of a significant break with the past. He explains the factors that have created this state of affairs, including gerrymandered legislative districts, partisan primary nomination systems, and our private campaign finance system. He also considers the potential of major reforms such as instating proportional representation or single-transferable voting to remedy extreme polarization. A concise overview of a complex and crucial topic in US politics, this book is for anyone wanting to understand how to repair the cracks in our system.
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24

Palmieri, Sonia. Gender-Sensitive Parliaments. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.013.215.

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While women have succeeded in promoting a feminist agenda in some parliaments, the international research shows that this is not always possible, and accordingly, not a realistic expectation for women. Parliaments, like any institution, have specific cultural norms and practices, some of which actively work against the advancement of gender equality. Understanding the conditions under which female—and male—parliamentarians might succeed in promoting gender equality outcomes has become an important avenue for research and development practice. The focus on gender-sensitive parliaments allows for a framework to identify, and encourage the development of, those conditions.There are four key elements of a gender-sensitive parliament. First, it accepts that the responsibility to achieve gender equality, both as a policy outcome and as a process, rests with the parliament as a whole (its male and female members and staff) and with the organizations that drive substantial policy, procedural, and normative development (political parties). Second, a gender-sensitive parliament is guided by institutional policies and legal frameworks, which allow the parliament to monitor its achievements toward gender equality and allow follow-up and review. Third, a gender-sensitive parliament institutionalizes a gender mainstreaming approach through its representational, legislative, and oversight work to ensure that all the parliament’s outputs consider, and counteract, any potential discrimination against women or men, girls or boys. This element requires a reconsideration of the process and structures of the parliament, including the respective roles and capacities of members and parliamentary staff. Fourth, a gender-sensitive parliament constantly strives to eliminate institutional cultures that sanction and perpetuate discriminatory, prejudicial norms and attitudes in the workplace against women members and staff.
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25

1957-, Boston Jonathan, ed. New Zealand under MMP: A new politics? Auckland: Auckland University Press, 1996.

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26

Roberts, Nigel S., Stephen Levine, Elizabeth McLeay, and Jonathan Boston. New Zealand Under MMP: A New Politics. Auckland University Press, 1996.

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27

Valenzuela, Arturo, Mark Falcoff, and Susan Kaufman Purcell. Chile: Prospects for Democracy. Council on Foreign Relations, 1988.

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28

Woldendorp, J. J., H. Keman, and I. Budge. Party Government in 48 Democracies (1945-1998): Composition - Duration - Personnel. Springer, 2000.

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