Relevant bibliographies by topics / Participation in the referendum

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Academic literature on the topic 'Participation in the referendum'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2025
Last updated: 23 June 2025

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Journal articles on the topic "Participation in the referendum"

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Aksenov, I. V. "The Referendum as an Institution of Participation: Prospects for Its Use in Changing the Political Status of Regions." Discourse-P 21, no. 3 (2024): 76–91. https://doi.org/10.17506/18179568_2024_21_3_76.

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The article analyzes the prospects of employing referendums to change the political status of regions. The primary objective of this study is to generalize international experience regarding such referendums and to conceptualize their key characteristics at the regional level, distinguishing them from national votes. The article examines the unique features of disputed institutionalized regions in the post-Soviet context and the utilization of referendums to address political conflicts concerning their status. It is argued that the referendum is a generally recognized instrument for political participation, employed to resolve significant political issues at the national level. However, its implementation at the regional level is fraught with a number of challenges. The a nalysis of regional experiences is conducted through historical examples and an examination of policy implications. Notably, the article identifies the first historical precedent for a referendum to determine a region’s political status as Norway’s independence vote. Additional case studies include Iceland, Mongolia, East Timor. The author summarizes the most significant referendums conducted from 2006 to 2021, concluding that numerous instances have occurred where voting was organized without regulatory frameworks for such actions at the national level. Cases are also presented in which referendums were facilitated in conditions of armed conflicts and foreign military presence. These factors did not appear to undermine the legitimacy of referendum results, or organizational aspects of referendum’s execution. Instead, the international response to these decisions is shaped by mere political reasons – the ability to substantiate the outcome through imposing control over the region.
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Gudz, Liudmyla. "Local referendums in the European Union and Ukraine: comparative characteristics." 33, no. 33 (June 28, 2022): 44–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.26565/2075-1834-2022-33-04.

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Introduction. The article formulates proposals to improve the effectiveness of legal regulation of the institute of local referendum and involvement of citizens in the implementation of local self-government on the basis of comparative legal analysis of the legal regulation of local referendum in the European Union and Ukraine. Summary of the main research results. In EU countries, unlike national referendums, local referendums are held on the territory of a subject of the federation, autonomous entity, or administrative-territorial unit. Such referendums address issues of local importance. The procedure for legislative consolidation of the local referendum in the EU countries is possible at three levels: constitutional, national legislation, and local. In Ukraine, the normative regulation of local referendums is carried out at two levels: constitutional and legislative levels. Currently, holding local referendums in Ukraine is impossible due to the lack of a special law in this area. The main types of referendums are characterized. Conclusions. As a result of the analysis, it is proposed that in order to improve the effectiveness of legal regulation of the institute of the local referendum and eliminate the "legal vacuum" in this area, it is necessary to adopt a separate Law "On Local Referendum". Draft Law No. 5512 "On Local Referendum", which was registered in the Parliament on May 19, 2021, needs to be improved, namely, to regulate the possibility of holding a local referendum both at the municipal (local) level and at the regional level, that is, at the level of the region, district and the Autonomous Republic of Crimea to address issues of common interest to these communities; not all local referendums should be mandatory; the division of local referendums into mandatory and consultative ones may depend on the quorum of participation, for example, if the turnout is 50% percent or more - mandatory, consultative - if the turnout is less than 50%; to solve the problem of financing local referendums, to provide a mechanism for partial compensation of expenses from the state budget
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Hartliński, Maciej. "Inter-Party Divisions and the Effectiveness of Political Parties’ Appeals in Nationwide Referendums in Poland between 1996 and 2023." Teoria Polityki 10 (2024): 227–51. https://doi.org/10.4467/25440845tp.24.012.20604.

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This paper, based on a quantitative and qualitative approach, examines and compares the attitudes of political parties and their electorates in six national referendums held in Poland in the years 1996–2023. Multidimensional models of inter-party divisions with regard to participation in referendums and responses to individual referendum questions were proposed and applied. Trends in the positions and declarations of individual political parties, as well as declarations made by their voters were analysed. Based on the results of the research, it can be said that political parties do not play a leading role in initiating nationwide referendums. In each referendum, inter-party divisions follow different patterns, but there is a correlation between the positions and declarations made by political parties and the voting tendencies of citizens.
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Kużelewska, Elżbieta. "How Far Can Citizens Influence the Decision-Making Process? Analysis of the Effectiveness of Referenda in the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary in 1989–2015." Baltic Journal of European Studies 5, no. 2 (2015): 171–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjes-2015-0019.

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AbstractThis article explores the political role of a referendum in Central European countries, in particular in Hungary, Slovakia, and the Czech Republic. In this article, political effectiveness is understood as a possibility to influence the decision-making process by citizens through a referendum. The transformation of political systems in Central European states from socialist/communist to democratic ones resulted in increasing interest in the notion of referendum, one of the common forms of direct democracy. However, most referenda have been abused for political purposes. The focus of this article is a referendum used at the national level. This study examines the use of a referendum in Central European states from 1989 to 2015. The database presents, country by country, the subject matter of voting, people’s participation and the results in order to show the citizens’ opportunity (or lack of it) to express their opinions and to contribute to policy-making by circumventing the standard legislative process. The aim of this paper is to analyze referenda in the selected countries and to verify two hypotheses. Firstly, the weak use of a referendum and a small size of complementation of representative democracy. Secondly, the citizens’ belief in a referendum as an element of communication and consultation between authorities and society.
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Demalija, Rifat. "Local Referendums; As a Tool for Promoting Democracy and Respect for Human Rights in Albania." International Journal of Sciences Volume 3, no. 2014-12 (2014): 41–46. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3348823.

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Despite all the efforts after twenty years, Albania is still considered a transitional government or hybrid regime (Freedom House, 2013). Direct participation of citizens in decision making through referendums is a tool to raise the level of public awareness and encourage critical debate of local community concerns among different actors of the society. Local referendums have the advantage to increase critical mass debate about the concern question raised. However, it is often argued that referendums are problematic because they weaken representative democracy. The notion of referendum implies the coexistence of representative institutions such as local councils and the procedures for the intervention of direct participation of the citizens. Seeing the fact that our representatives are far from representing citizens interests and also the fact of the citizens' apathy, this paper argues that local referendums help to develop local democracy, promoting direct participation and human rights values.Read Complete Article at ijSciences: V3201411602
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Mondal, Sonu, Rohit Rana, Lina Pawar, Akanksha Vishwakarma, and Prashant S. Lokhande. "Referendum Poll System: A Blockchain-Based Solution for Direct Democracy." International Journal of Blockchain Technologies and Applications 1, no. 1 (2023): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.18178/ijbta.2023.1.1.1-8.

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The project, “Referendum Poll System,” aims to enforce referendums and enable people to express their opinions directly, re-engaging them with politics and democracy. The current representative democracy fails to provide direct participation of people in the decision-making process. Online voting/polling systems can encourage active participation and prove to be cost-efficient and accessible to both state and voters. However, traditional voting systems pose challenges such as time-consuming processes and physical presence requirements. Vote tampering also poses credibility issues, and the risk of getting hacked or submitting to an authority with administrator access to the system exists. The blockchain technology used in the Referendum Poll System distributes authoritative power and provides data confidentiality, integrity, and voter anonymity. The voters can read and pass judgement on every clause in a policy and approve or reject the policy as a whole or just the clauses. The “policy flaw detection feature” helps identify problematic clauses in policies, and real-time poll results add transparency. Overall, the Referendum Poll System provides an opportunity for direct and secure participation of the public in the decision- making process, and the blockchain technology used in the system addresses several challenges posed by traditional voting systems.
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Wuttke, Alexander, Andreas Jungherr, and Harald Schoen. "More than opinion expression: Secondary effects of intraparty referendums on party members." Party Politics 25, no. 6 (2017): 817–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068817745729.

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As political parties expand opportunities for intraparty participation, understanding the effects of participatory events on party actors becomes ever more important. In this study, we investigate the consequences of an intraparty referendum in a state branch of Germany’s Christian Democratic Union on beliefs and attitudes of party members. We use longitudinal survey data bracketing a nonbinding issue referendum on the party’s stance on same-sex marriage. Our analysis shows that the referendum had secondary effects that went beyond the referendum’s primary goal of delivering an informal opinion poll to the party leadership. The experience of having a say in an important policy decision fostered members’ sense of party-specific efficacy. Furthermore, the referendum provided party members with information on elite positions and stimulated leadership evaluation based on issue congruency. Altogether, involvement in intraparty decision-making promotes beliefs and behaviours among the rank and file that are relevant to uphold a vivid and empowering party life.
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Balodis, Ringolds. "The Procedure for Amending the Satversme of the Republic of Latvia and the Substance of Restrictions Established by It." Journal of the University of Latvia. Law 14 (2021): 21–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/jull.14.02.

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The article is dedicated to the mechanism for protecting the Satversme [Constitution] of the Republic of Latvia (hereafter – the Satversme) – procedure for amending it and elements thereof – restrictions (quotas of participation, approval, readings, etc.), examining the amendments to the general and basic articles, as well as the theory of core. The parliament and the people may amend the Satversme in a referendum, therefore the article also turns briefly to the institution of the people’s vote or plebiscite or referendum (Latin – referendum). The article aims to elucidate the effectiveness of the procedure for amending the Satversme and provide answers to the following questions: (1) Whether the procedure for amending the Satversme ensures protection of the national constitutional order on sufficient level and does not permit introduction into the Satversme of ill-considered or antidemocratic proposals; (2) Whether the legislator, aiming to ensure constitutional stability, has not set the exaggeratedly high quorum of voters’ participation in the referendum for all articles of the Satversme and whether the mechanism of referendum in Latvia has not become incapable of functioning? In the framework of the article, the author also will try to reach concrete proposals that would improve the procedure for amending the Satversme, would increase citizens’ involvement in the matters of public administration, which, in turn, would reinforce the people’s trust in their State. In considering the proposals, the author will focus also on the issue of national security because amendments to the Satversme and referendums, clearly, may be used as factors for destabilising the State.
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Musiał-Karg, Magdalena, and Elżbieta Lesiewicz. "Brytyjskie i greckie referenda a groźba Brexitu i Grexitu." Przegląd Europejski, no. 3-2015 (January 31, 2016): 110–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.3.15.6.

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The people’s participation in decision-making process is a significant part of Europe’s and the European Union’s history. The institution of referendum plays important role in this context. The main aim of this article is to answer the question of how and in what circumstances referenda are used to decide on a possible resignation from the membership in the European Union (as in the case of the UK referendum) or indirectly – a possible exit from the euro zone (as in the case of the Greek vote on the adoption of financial bailout). An important task in this context is to consider the consequences of such referenda – both for individual countries and for the European Union as whole (also in the context of its flexibility).
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Ușvat, Laviniu Florin. "Local Referendum – mechanism of the participative democracy." European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 11, no. 2 (2017): 205. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v11i2.p205-217.

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In this study we have theoretically and practically approached the institution of the local referendum. Therewith, the European life of Romania has compelled us to view aspects of the institution within the legislation and practice of other European states, such as France and Italy. We have found as appropriate this analysis due to the fact that the local referendum, whose involvement in the local or regional communities’ life is more and more visible. In our country the local referendum benefits from a thorough regulation, even if the legislative frame in which the institution is framed is perfectible. In practice, in the last years a multiplication of the local referendums may be observed, in its forms prescribed by law, which proves that the young Romanian democracy has learned to use this mechanism of the participative democracy. The performed compared law analysis has allowed us to also make a comparison, outlined in the conclusions of the study, between what happens to the referendum in other European states, and how the Romanian people understood, through its legislator, to legislate the local referendum and especially how to apply it.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Participation in the referendum"

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Chevilley-Hiver, Carole. "La participation directe des citoyens aux decisions locales." Besançon, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999BESA0003.

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Depuis la fin du siecle dernier, le referendum local alimente un debat juridique et politique saccade, ponctue par une pratique communale significative en dehors de toute existence legale de la procedure. S'il importe de s'interroger sur la compatibilite du referendum local avec les textes constitutionnels et legislatifs, la question de l'opportunite d'introduire un mode de gestion directe des affaires locales par les citoyens fut determinante dans l'issue du debat referendaire. De fait, le legislateur a sans aucun doute souhaite clore ce debat et menager les elus locaux, en instituant une procedure purement consultative par les lois du 6 fevrier 1992 et du 4 fevrier 1995. Les electeurs communaux peuvent donc etre consultes sur les decisions des autorites municipales, de meme que les electeurs des communes membres d'un etablissement public de cooperation intercommunale peuvent etre invites a se prononcer sur les projets d'amenagement relevant de la competence de l'epci. Mais le dispositif etabli peche par de nombreux exces contraires. Trop strict pour conduire a un reel renforcement de la democratie locale, il presente inversement des lacunes trop importantes pour lui permettre d'encadrer efficacement les pratiques locales abusives de la consultation<br>Since the end of the last century, the local referendum sustain a hatting political and legal debate punctuate with a significative community exercise apart from any legal procedure if it appears necessary to wonder about the compatibility af the local referendum with the constitutional ans legal contents, the problem of the timeliness of introducing a direct management of local matters by citizens has been the deciding factor in the outcome of this discussion. There is no doubt that the lawmaker wished to close the debate and treat tactfully the local councillors by instituting a strictly advisory procedure by both laws of february the 6th of 1992 and february the 4th of 1995. Nevertheless, the mechanism has a lot of shortcomings. To strict to permit a real intensification of local democracy, it is to weakness to surround efficiently the abuses of the local consultation practice
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Pinto, Érica Maria Garcia. "Instrumentos de participação democrática direta: o plebiscito e o referendo." Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2134/tde-05022014-114205/.

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Diante do descontentamento do povo com seus representantes, nota-se a existência de uma possível crise democrática. Percebe-se haver uma falta de identificação entre as leis vigentes e políticas públicas adotadas com as reais necessidades populares o que gera descrença no sistema e nos políticos, levando o povo, cada dia mais, a se afastar das decisões políticas. A máxima democrática de que todo poder emana do povo e deve ser exercido em seu nome, não vem sendo demonstrada no histórico brasileiro, pois, após a eleição, alguns representantes acabam exercendo o poder em benefício próprio, e pior, muitas vezes contra o anseio popular. A Constituição da República de 1988, seguindo tendência democrática atual, buscou contornar o problema prevendo instrumentos que propiciassem a participação popular de forma direta, sem, contudo, alijar a representação. Todavia, mais de vinte anos após a promulgação da Constituição, esses mecanismos têm sido pouco utilizados. Assim, o presente estudo tem por objetivo analisar, em especial, os instrumentos da democracia direta que traduzem a vontade popular manifestada nas urnas, quais sejam: o plebiscito e o referendo. A partir de uma análise histórica da democracia, busca-se entender o porquê da escassez dessas consultas populares, bem como avaliar os meios de que dispõem para conformar o ideal do cidadão às políticas governamentais adotadas por seus representantes.<br>Over time there has been an increasing schism between elected officials and the electorade, this causing a crisis of our democracy. This schism strengthens the view among citizens that public policy and enacted laws and regulations do not address popular needs. The result is growing disenchantment with politics itself, leading to distrust of political system, government, and, of course, politicians. This leads to the failure of our democratic system, specifically, lack of plebiscite and referendum. The principle that all power emanates from the people and must be exercised on their name has never been a reality in Brazilian history. Although such a concept may be abstract and difficult to implement, the primary reason for the failure of its implementation is the lack of accountability of politicians to their electorate. Instead, what our democratic society has seen, or at least has perceived, is that politicians do not act to address popular needs; rather, politicians act to address special interests for themselves personally and for persons with the ability to influence political decisions. The Constitution, enacted in 1988, sought to address some of these representation failures by providing mechanisms that would encourage, and enable, public participation in a more direct way with their representatives. Almost twenty-five years after the promulgation of the Constitution, it has become obvious that mechanisms have done little to address representation. The purpose of this thesis is to identify and provide a better understanding of why these representative failures occur and to examine certain instruments of direct democracy that better reflect the popular will expressed and polls by electorate.
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Reilly, Shauna. "Meaningful choices? understanding and participation in direct democracy in the American states /." unrestricted, 2009. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-04162009-185959/.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Georgia State University, 2009.<br>Title from file title page. Richard N. Engstrom, committee chair; William Downs, Sean Richey, Stephen N. Nicholson, committee members. Description based on contents viewed Aug. 13, 2009. Includes bibliographical references (p. 230-243).
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Ekelund, Ana. "Abstention as a Legacy of Violence : An investigation into enduring impacts of violence on politicalparticipation in the Colombian peace referendum of 2016." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-383308.

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The Peace referendum of 2016 was an attempt by the Colombian government under president Juan Manuel Santos to seek popular ratification for the newly signed peace agreement with left-wing guerilla group FARC, after more than half a decade of hostilities. When the ballots closed, however, it was with a record high abstention, and a small majority of votes for the No-side. Despite enjoying a decrease of violence and being in the national and international spotlight, conflict areas displayed a particularly high abstention - largely missing from the ballots were the victims of the conflict themselves. Through a mixed method approach, this field study inquires into the potential role enduring effects of violence played, building on Ojeda’s psychological theories of political participation and the substantial scholarly body on mental health outcomes of violence. Challenging the dominating theory of contemporary violence as the cause for abstention, it finds support for an enduring impact of past violence on political participation on an aggregated level. This is partly contradicted by the answers given by inhabitants of Colombian municipalities Valdivia and El Retiro, where interviews and surveys were conducted in the winter of 2018. Nonetheless, the answers of the residents provide important and noteworthy implications, as the effects of violence appear to transform depending on the milieu in which its victims are situated.
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Ngô, Văn Thìn. "La participation du citoyen vietnamien à la vie politique." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014BORD0028.

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Dans une société démocratique, il faut que la relation entre l’État et ses citoyens soit égale, et que laparticipation du citoyen à la vie politique soit envisagée non seulement comme le critère d’évaluationdu niveau de démocratie d’un pays, mais encore comme la condition de légitimité du pouvoir desgouvernants. En bref, dans un État de droit, le peuple doit être le centre et l’origine des pouvoirspublics. Les organes essentiels de l’appareil d’État doivent être, directement ou indirectement,désignés par le peuple. Les problèmes les plus importants du pays doivent être consultés par le peuple,avant la prise de décisions définitives par l’autorité. Le droit de vote, d’éligibilité et le droit departicipation aux consultations populaires sont des droits politiques fondamentaux du citoyen. Enréalité, pour différents motifs, la mise en oeuvre de ces droits n’est pas respectée dans plusieurs pays.Comment ces droits sont-ils exercés et garantis au Vietnam ? Quelles sont les solutions appropriées àrenforcer pour une meilleure garantie de ces droits est donc le thème de notre étude qui répondra à unesérie de questions : la participation du citoyen vietnamien à la vie politique est un droit acquis ou droitdonné ? Dans quelles circonstances et pourquoi y participe-t-il ? Quelles sont les restrictions envers saparticipation ? Les cadres juridiques sont-ils suffisants pour sa participation ? Quelles sont lesinfluences issues de sa participation sur le Parti communiste toujours au pouvoir ? Que faut-ilentreprendre pour faciliter et garantir une vraie participation du citoyen dans l’avenir ? La pratique dela démocratie directe et la tendance du renforcement de la démocratie locale vers un État de droit sontilscompatibles avec le régime moniste ? Une participation active du citoyen à la vie politique dansl’avenir contribue-t-elle à changer en quelque sorte son statut actuel dans sa relation avec l’État ?...etc.Nous donnerons au lecteur les réponses adéquates à ces questions, pour qu’il puisse mieuxcomprendre le statut du citoyen au Vietnam dans les différentes périodes de l’histoire<br>In a democratic society, it is necessary that the relationship between the State and its citizens is equal.Citizen participation in political life should be considered not only as the criterion for assessing thelevel of a country's democracy, but also as the condition of the legitimacy of the power of rulers. Inshort, in the rule of law, the people must be the center; the origin of government. Vital organs of theState apparatus must be directly or indirectly appointed by the people. The most important problems ofthe country must be consulted by the people before the authorities make any final decisions. The rightto vote, eligibility and the right to participate in popular consultations are the basic political rights ofcitizens. But in reality, for various reasons, these rights are not respected in many countries. How theserights are they exercised and guaranteed to Vietnam, what are the appropriate solutions to strengthenfor a better guarantee of these rights is the theme of our thesis, which answers a series of questions: Isthe participation of a Vietnamese citizen’s political life an acquired right or a given right? Under whatcircumstances does a citizen participate? What are the restrictions to a citizen’s participation? Are thelegal frameworks adequate to encourage participation? What are the influences from its participationin the Communist Party in power? In the current context, what should be done to facilitate and ensuregenuine participation of citizens in the future? Are the practice of direct democracy and the tendencyof strengthening grassroots democracy enough to build a rule of law that is compatible with the Party-State system? Active participation of citizen in political life in the future could help to change hiscurrent status in the relationship with the State? We hope to give the reader adequate answers to thesequestions, so they may better understand the status of Vietnamese citizen throughout different periodsof history
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Stroo, Hans Daniel. "Explaining Ballot Initiative Contest Outcomes in California, Oregon, and Washington." Thesis, Portland State University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1553932.

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<p> What explains the outcomes of ballot initiative contests? What factors determine the passage or rejection of an initiative? This paper describes and evaluates three approaches to explaining ballot initiative contest outcomes. The first approach involves using the expenditures of <i>Yes</i> and <i>No</i> campaigns as the causal factor in explaining why passage or defeat is the respective outcome of a given contest. The second explanatory approach emphasizes the logic of collective action problems. The third approach incorporates the larger constellation of policymaking institutions in which each ballot initiative process exists. Specifically, in what ways is the process shaped by the larger system of partisan attachments that structures electoral politics? </p><p> This paper contains a set of three analyses which speak to each of the three respective explanatory approaches to explaining initiative contest outcomes. The results provide evidence of the importance of a contest's early competitive dynamic in determining the amount of resources made available for a campaign to spend. Left unaccounted for, this strategic financing of initiatives distorts estimates of the effectiveness of spending. </p><p> The second analysis, inspired by insights into collective action problems, finds the initiative arena to be a policymaking site where there is a competitive advantage for broadly diffused interests, especially when they challenge other broad interests. Moreover, broad-based <i>Yes</i> groups achieved relatively high passage rates with relatively low levels of campaigns expenditures. </p><p> Finally, the third analysis provides evidence of a consistently high level of correlation between <i>Yes</i> voting and alignment with a particular party. The lowest levels of correlation were still fairly high from a measured social science perspective. In many instances, county-level party attachment mapped almost seamlessly over initiative decision making. This suggests that ballot initiatives politics do not operate outside party politics, as has been suggested in the past.</p>
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Wakabi, Wairagala. "A critical analysis of the coverage of Uganda's 2000 referendum by The New Vision and The Monitor newspapers." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002947.

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On July 29 2000, Uganda held a referendum to decide whether to continue with the ruling Noparty Movement system or to revert to the Multi-party platform. This research entails a qualitative content analysis of the role the media played in driving debate and understanding of the referendum and its role in the country’s democratisation process. The research is informed by Jurgen Habermas’s public sphere paradigm as well as the sociological theory of news production. The research covers Uganda’s two English dailies – The New Vision and The Monitor, examining whether they provided a public sphere accessible to all citizens and devoid of ideological hegemony. It concludes that the newspapers were incapable of providing such a sphere because of the structural nature of Ugandan society and the papers’ own capitalistic backgrounds and ownership interests. The research concludes that such English language newspapers published in a country with a low literacy rate and low income levels, can only provide a public sphere to elite and privileged sections of society. A case is then made that multiple public spheres would be better suited to represent the views of diverse interest groups.
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Girault, Quentin. "Essai de proposition d'un modèle de référendum d'initiative populaire dans l'ordonnancement constitutionnel de la Vème République." Thesis, Pau, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PAUU2018/document.

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Le référendum d’initiative populaire est souvent mentionné dans les réformes envisageables pour répondre à la « crise de la représentation ». Régulièrement utilisée dans quelques États occidentaux dont le régime est par ailleurs représentatif, cette procédure est donc assez bien connue. Pour autant, elle n’existe toujours pas en droit interne, et la tentative d’instauration envisagée lors de la révision constitutionnelle de 2008 s’est soldée par un échec puisqu’elle n’a abouti qu’à l’introduction d’un nouveau référendum « d’en haut ». L’objet de la thèse est de prendre au sérieux la question de l’incorporation d’un processus d’initiative populaire dans l’ordonnancement constitutionnel de la Ve République. Pour ce faire, elle vise à établir une proposition qui pourrait servir de modèle, au sens où elle serait susceptible d’inspirer une éventuelle intégration. Une telle démarche permet de mettre en évidence les interrogations que peut soulever l’introduction d’une telle procédure dans nos institutions et, en s’efforçant d’y répondre, de souligner qu’elles peuvent être résolues. Evidemment, la proposition ne fonctionne que dans les limites de l’hypothèse qui en fournit le cadre. Pour qu’elle conserve malgré tout son intérêt, elle est établie à partir du droit positif. Le droit interne fournit l’essentiel de la substance, il soutient l’ossature de toutes les hypothèses retenues et ce quel que soit le degré de transformation dont il fait l’objet. Le droit étranger permet les alternatives, les atténuations et les créations. La démarche peut contribuer à conférer un certain réalisme au résultat obtenu, et se présente comme un facteur de sa cohérence. La circonstance qu’elle ait été possible appuie le postulat général de la thèse selon lequel la transposition du droit existant à l’encadrement de l’initiative populaire favorise son institutionnalisation<br>Popular initiative is often mentioned as one of the potential answers of the “crisis” of representative democracy. Frequently used in some western states even though their political regime is representative democracy, the initiative process is consequently well-known. Such initiative process does not exist already in french constitutionnal law, and the last attempt was a failure since it came down to the implementation of a top-down procedure. The purpose of this thesis relates to the instauration of an initiative process in the french constitution. As a postulate, it allows to establish a proposal which could be used as a model, an inspiration source for a potential real instauration. Such approach makes possible to highlight all the questions marks that an introduction of a popular initiative may arise. Trying to answer those questions, we may enlighten the fact that it could be resolved. Obviously, the proposal operates only in the limits of the assumption that it is at its origin. In order to keep its interest, it is going to be based on the positive law. The internal law gives to the proposal its basis, the others coutries’s law is used to adapt the intern law to the initiative’s own dynamic. This method may help to hold the proposal into a realistic framework. The fact that it is possible to follow this path accentuates the value of the general postulate on which the thesis relies
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Schott, Stéphane. "L’initiative populaire dans les États fédérés allemands : contribution à la connaissance d’une institution démocratique." Thesis, Avignon, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009AVIG2019.

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À partir d’une étude systématique du droit positif des seize Länder de la République Fédérale d’Allemagne, il s’agit de montrer que l’initiative populaire ne relève pas de la démocratie dite directe ou immédiate. Contrairement à la conception communément admise, cette institution démocratique qui permet à un nombre limité de citoyens non élus de participer à l’élaboration de la loi et au contrôle des organes de l’État, s’inscrit bien dans la démocratie médiate. Par l’élaboration d’une typologie des procédures d’initiative populaire en Allemagne, il est alors possible de remettre en question la conception classique tendant à identifier l’initiative populaire au « référendum d’initiative populaire ». Cette approche est en effet réductrice, car elle ne permet pas de rendre compte de la coexistence et de la spécificité des deux types d’initiative populaire mis au jour : l’initiative populaire décisionnelle – qui peut conduire à un référendum, si le Parlement du Land n’adopte pas la demande formulée par les citoyens – et l’initiative populaire propositive – une procédure à vocation non référendaire. Pour démontrer que l’initiative populaire relève de la démocratie médiate, le recours au concept de potentiel populaire permet d’une part de souligner la spécificité théorique de l’initiative populaire par rapport au référendum qui renvoie classiquement à la notion de puissance populaire. D’autre part, cette idée de potentiel populaire permet de redonner à l’initiative populaire une unité conceptuelle, au-delà de la variété des procédures et des types d’initiative populaire, identifiés par l’analyse des droits positifs des seize États fédérés allemands. La proposition de définition du potentiel populaire combine enfin les deux éléments de définition de la démocratie médiate : tout d’abord, le potentiel populaire peut être défini comme l’ensemble des limites juridiques constitutives de l’initiative populaire, ce qui renvoie à l’idée de démocratie représentée, mise en forme et donc nécessairement limitée par le droit qui constitue dès lors le medium de la participation démocratique ; ensuite, ces limites constitutives permettent à la minorité populaire de représenter une possible volonté générale, ce qui permet de justifier la conception de l’initiative populaire, medium d’une volonté générale potentielle, comme institution de la démocratie représentative<br>Offering a systematic study of positive law in all sixteen Länder of the Federal Republic of Germany, this thesis intends to show that popular initiative does not partake of direct, or immediate, democracy. Contrary to what is commonly thought, this democratic institution, which allows a limited number of non-elected citizens to participate in the elaboration of the law and in the controlling of State organs, does belong squarely in the realm of mediated democracy. By establishing a typology of the different procedures of popular initiative in Germany, one may therefore question the classical conception, which tends to identify the popular initiative with a “referendum by popular initiative.” Such an approach is indeed reductive since it cannot account for the coexistence and the respective singularities of two kinds of popular initiatives: the decision-making popular initiative – which can lead to a referendum if the Parliament of the Land does not grant the citizens’ demand – and the propositive popular initiative – which is not meant to lead to a referendum. In order to demonstrate that popular initiative partakes of a mediated democracy, this thesis resorts to the concept of popular potential, which allows first to underline the theoretical specificity of the popular initiative compared to the referendum, which classically relies on the notion of popular power. Second, with the idea of popular potential, popular initiative can once again be conceived of as a unified concept, beyond the variety of existing procedures and the different kinds of popular initiative in the sixteen federated States of Germany. Finally, the proposed definition of the popular potential combines the two defining elements of mediated democracy: first, popular potential can be defined as the set of legal limits that are constitutive of the popular initiative, which harks back to the idea of a represented and formalized democracy, thus necessarily limited by the law which therefore constitutes the medium for democratic participation; and second, these constitutive limits may allow the popular minority to represent possible the general will, which justifies to conceive of popular initiative, the medium of a potential general will, as one of the institutions of representative democracy
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Sägesser, Thomas. "Das konstruktive Referendum /." Bern : Stämpfli, 2000. http://www.ub.unibe.ch/content/bibliotheken_sammlungen/sondersammlungen/dissen_bestellformular/index_ger.html.

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Books on the topic "Participation in the referendum"

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M, Pedro Alfonso Hernandez. Los mecanismos de participación ciudadana: (Ley 134 de 1994). Escuela Superior de Administración Pública, 1994.

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Itō, Mamoru. Demokurashī rifurekushon: Maki-chō jūmin tōhyō no shakaigaku = Democracy reflection. Riberuta Shuppan, 2005.

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González, José Luis López. El referéndum en el sistema español de participación política. Universitat Politècnica de València, Serv. de publicaciones, 2005.

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Montalván, Olivia Elizabeth Álvarez. Formas de participación ciudadana en el siglo XXI: El referendum en México. Ediciones Eón, 2013.

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Imai, Hajime. Jūmin tōhyō: Kankyaku minshu shugi o koete. Iwanami Shoten, 2000.

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Hamon, Francis. Le référendum: Étude comparative. L.G.D.J., 1995.

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Vreese, C. H. de 1974-, ed. The dynamics of referendum campaigns: An international perspective. Palgrave Macmillan, 2007.

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T, Denver D., ed. Scotland decides: The devolution issue and the 1997 referendum. Frank Cass, 2000.

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Barrientos, Francisco Soto. El desafío de la participación: Referendo e iniciativa legislativa popular en América Latina y Europa. LOM Ediciones, 2013.

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Stéphane, Duroy, ed. Les Procédés de la démocratie semi-directe dans l'administration locale en Suisse. Presses universitaires de France, 1987.

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Book chapters on the topic "Participation in the referendum"

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Trechsel, Alexander H. "E-voting and Electoral Participation." In The Dynamics of Referendum Campaigns. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230591189_8.

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Kriesi, Hanspeter. "The Participation in Swiss Direct-Democratic Votes." In The Dynamics of Referendum Campaigns. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230591189_6.

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Barry Brown, Vikki. "“It Just Feels Weird” – Irish External Voting and the ‘Brexit Irish’." In IMISCOE Research Series. Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-25726-1_9.

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AbstractIreland is a country with a generous citizenship offering but restricted external voting rights. The first (or emigrant) generation lose the right to vote eighteen months after departure; other non-resident citizens, including those in Northern Ireland (NI) are currently ineligible to vote. In November 2020 the Irish Government committed to holding a referendum which if passed, would give all Irish citizens, resident and non-resident the right to vote in Presidential elections. This chapter, based on interviews with people born in the UK and Northern Ireland who acquired Irish passports following the UK’s referendum to leave the European Union considers the topic of Irish external voting through the lens of these new passport holders, exploring their relationship to political participation in the Republic of Ireland.
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Di Nucci, Maria Rosaria, and Andrea Prontera. "Nuclear Waste Governance in Italy: Between Participation Rhetoric and Regionalism." In Energiepolitik und Klimaschutz. Energy Policy and Climate Protection. Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-40496-3_3.

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AbstractItaly has abandoned its nuclear power ambitions in the aftermath of the Chernobyl disaster and following the decision of the popular referendum held on 8 November 1987. However, nuclear waste from four permanently shut down nuclear plants, various research reactors, reprocessing and fuel fabrication facilities represents a pressing problem. The nuclear waste governance in Italy is characterised by a complex, intertwined relationship and interaction between the different political-territorial levels from the national, the regional to the local. Recently, after a long period of incoherent stop and go nuclear research and industrial policies, local opposition and a subsequent deadlock, the mandatory search for a national site has started taking shape. The national map of potentially suitable area released in 2021 was followed by a series of consultations to which several institutional and civil society actors participated. In January 2022, the public consultation was concluded and in March 2022 the proposed National Map of Suitable Areas (NACI) was submitted to the Ministry of Ecological Transition for approval. The final site search process should lead to the location of a site, which should initially house 78,000 cubic metres of intermediate and low-level waste as well as 17,000 cubic metres of HLW. The latter should be stored for a maximum of 50 years to be then placed in a deep geological repository about which nothing has been revealed at the moment. This challenges institutional actors, like the Ministry of Ecological Transition, the regulator and the operator to adopt inclusive and decentralised forms of decision making. The process is therefore expected to be slow and cumbersome and will require more democratic approaches to nuclear waste management.
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Dinger, Maike. "The Missing Voices of “indyref”: Media Representations, (Dis)empowerment and Participation During the 2014 Scottish Referendum Campaign." In Silenced Voices and the Media. Springer Nature Switzerland, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-65403-9_13.

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Maes, Christophe, Brecht Deseure, and Ronald Van Crombrugge. "Pulling the curtain on the national sovereignty mythSovereignty and referendums in Belgian constitutional doctrine." In Sovereignty, Civic Participation, and Constitutional Law. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003039525-14.

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Kostadinov, Biljana. "Direct Participation of the People in Public Power—Advantages and Disadvantages of a Referendum, Croatian and European Perspective." In Rule of Law, Human Rights and Judicial Control of Power. Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-55186-9_6.

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Oh, Dayei, and Olli Castrén. "The UK: Brexit and Competing Populism." In Populism, Twitter and the European Public Sphere. Springer Nature Switzerland, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-41737-5_8.

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AbstractThe chapter discusses the political context and political communication environment in the UK during the 2019 EP election. Particular attention is given to the role of Twitter in the UK’s political communication and populism in the party field during the twenty-first century. The empirical Twitter analysis focuses on 7296 tweets sent from 966 Twitter accounts by various political actors in May 2019. The 2019 election was the UK’s last participation in the EP elections before the country left the EU following the 2016 Brexit referendum. As the two major political parties, Conservatives and Labour, refrained from the 2019 EP election debates, smaller Europhilic parties (e.g., Liberal Democrats, Change UK, SNP, Green, Cymru) and Eurosceptic parties (e.g., UKIP, Brexit Party) dominated the Twittersphere. Brexit and the EU were popular themes in the British tweets alongside tweets encouraging supporters to vote and attacking rival political parties. Topic modelling shows differences in the debates on the EU, Brexit, the populist construction of ‘the people’ and media, as well as economic and environmental issues between regions and across the Europhilic and Eurosceptic parties. Network analysis demonstrates that the British Twittersphere was clustered into two antagonistic camps divided by their stance on Brexit. In this, the UK represented a clear case of competing populism.
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Fujishige, Hiromi Nagata, Yuji Uesugi, and Tomoaki Honda. "East Timor: Adapting to “Integration” and Responding to “Robustness”." In Japan’s Peacekeeping at a Crossroads. Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-88509-0_6.

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AbstractIn this chapter, we will examine the Self-Defense Forces’ (SDF’s) participation in the UN missions in East Timor, or Timor-Leste in Portuguese. Here we pay special heed to the Japanese peacekeepers’ activities in the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor and the United Nations Mission of Support in East Timor from the early to mid-2000s. These United Nations Peacekeeping Operations (UNPKOs) aimed to support independence and statebuilding in East Timor by combining peacekeeping and peacebuilding. Similar to the case of Cambodia, the Japanese delegation put the greatest emphasis on engineering, which was a good fit with the goals of these UNPKOs. In East Timor, the Japan Engineering Groups engaged in civil engineering works, not only to support the UN missions but also as direct bilateral assistance to local residents in close collaboration with Japan’s ODA (the “All Japan” approach). Meanwhile, the strict constraints in the Peacekeeping Operations (PKO) Act were highlighted again, especially in terms of the protection of Japanese nationals, when the SDF rescued Japanese citizens during a 2002 riot. In addition to military deployment, civilian police personnel also contributed to the United Nations Mission in East Timor in preparation for the referendum on independence in 1999. Similar contributions were made to resume statebuilding assistance to the United Nations Integrated Mission in Timor-Leste after the recurrence of violence in 2006.
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Babeck, Wolfgang. "The Referendum." In Writing Constitutions. Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-94602-9_17.

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Conference papers on the topic "Participation in the referendum"

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Hampl, Filip. "Local referendum as a tool of direct participation of citizens in the decision-making of municipalities in the Czech Republic." In XXIII. mezinárodní kolokvium o regionálních vědách / 23rd International Colloquium on Regional Sciences. Masaryk University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p210-9610-2020-31.

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The local referendum is the only tool of direct democracy in the Czech Republic, allowing citizens to decide on issues falling within the independent competence of municipalities directly. The aim of the paper is to assess the use, voter turnout, binding force, and thematic focus of local referenda as a tool of direct participation of citizens in the decision-making on local issues in the Czech municipalities with respect to their size defined by the population in the period 2006-2019. To fulfil the aim, descriptive statistics, binary logistic regression, classification analysis and correlation analysis have been employed. A total of 288 local referenda were held in the examined period, 193 of them in the municipalities up to 1,999 inhabitants. The results do not indicate a statistically significant relationship between the municipality size and the holding of referenda. On the other hand, the results show a weakly negative correlation relationship between the municipality size and the turnout (the binding force, respectively). The referenda focused on territorial development, environment, alternative sources of power and infrastructure predominate in the municipalities up to 4,999 inhabitants. The referenda on municipal property and public order prevail in the municipalities with 5,000 and more inhabitants.
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Koniuszewska, Ewa. "Referendum for Self-Taxation as a Form of Participation of Commune Residents in the Shaping of its Revenues." In XVI International Scientific Conference "The Optimization of Organization and Legal Solutions concerning Public Revenues and Expenditures in Social Interest". Temida 2, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/oolscprepi.2018.44.

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Tomaš, Lukáš. "Komparatívne súvislosti miestneho referenda a regionálneho referenda (problémové aspekty)." In Metamorfózy práva ve střední Evropě 2024. University of West Bohemia, Czech Republic, 2024. https://doi.org/10.24132/zcu.metamorfozy.2024.329-343.

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In the submitted contribution, the author deals with the problematic aspects of the local referendum and the regional referendum. The first part of the article focuses on the comparison of the mandatory referendum and the optional referendum. The second part of the article is content-oriented on referendum ante legem and referendum post legem. In the third part of this work, the author processed the issues of recall (revocation of the mayor of the municipality and the chairman of the self-governing region). The last part of the article deals with the protection period of the results of the local referendum and the regional referendum.
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Latha, B., S. SarveshPriyan, and R. ShanmugaSundaram. "Distributed Online Referendum System." In 2022 1st International Conference on Computational Science and Technology (ICCST). IEEE, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/iccst55948.2022.10040304.

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"REFERENDUM: PROBLEMS OF POPULATION IN RUSSIA." In Russian science: actual researches and developments. Samara State University of Economics, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.46554/russian.science-2020.03-2-590/594.

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Bláha, Petr. "Využití nástroje místního referenda v regionech České republiky v letech 2000–2020." In XXIV. mezinárodního kolokvia o regionálních vědách. Masaryk University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p210-9896-2021-74.

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This paper aims to explain the use of the local referendum (as a tool of direct democracy) in the Czech Republic at the regional level. Using interregional comparison and descriptive statistics, the paper explains the evolution and the use of this tool and shows in which years this tool of direct democracy was used most often. More specifically, the paper tries to analyse while there have been significant changes in use of local referendum in long-term. Furthermore, the paper focuses on the degree of usage of referendums and development in individual years. On this basis, it shows whether there have been any developments on the effectiveness of the use of the local referendum in the context of the usage. Finally, the individual regions are compared, but not in the number of referendums carried out, but in the number of binding referendums. This shows that in some regions the local referendums are used much less, as they are usually not successful here (the capital city of Prague and the Liberec Region). The paper shows that the use of local referendum differs significantly from region to region, but in general it can be stated that usage of the referendum instrument is very effective. And if referendums in each region fails, they future use significantly decreases.
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Ondrová, Júlia, and Michal Úradník. "Limity výkonu priamej demokracie formou referenda." In Naděje právní vědy 2022. University of West Bohemia, Czech Republic, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.24132/zcu.nadeje.2022.462-469.

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Democracy is created on the base of values and the people’s sovereignty realized by means of electing their deputies. Obviously, the institute of referendum is connected with the direct democracy execution, and besides that, its accomplishment signifies the level of the highly developed society. Therefore, the dealing with all society problematic topic sis most reliable when their resolving possesses the high degree of legitimacy which is predominantly guaranteed by the referendum voting. Nevertheless, the referendum has its own constitution limits which have to be respected by the legal state in order to safeguard the constitution conformity.
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Zaporojan, Livia. "Referendum – form of exercise of national sovereignty." In Conferința științifică națională cu participare internațională "Integrare prin cercetare și inovare", dedicată Zilei Internaționale a Științei pentru Pace și Dezvoltare. Moldova State University, 2025. https://doi.org/10.59295/spd2024s.41.

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Referendum is a form of direct exercise of sovereignty, which can be constitutional, legal or consultative. The most important, high and supreme issues of exercising sovereignty can be exercised through the constitutional referendum, which in the Republic of Moldova, according to the rules adopted by the Parliament through organic laws, allows the revision of the Constitution. Revision of the Constitution by referendum, in relation to the constitutional norms governing the revision of the Constitution, may raise issues regarding the constitutionality of such revisions. Sovereignty being a form of exercise of state power by the people, it can be political sovereignty, of the state, of the people, of the state organ, of state power, of law. National sovereignty in the Republic of Moldova, according to the constitutional norms, can be exercised directly and through the representative bodies.
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Lauka, Islam. "Catalonia’s referendum for independence and the “Kosovo precedent”." In University for Business and Technology International Conference. University for Business and Technology, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.33107/ubt-ic.2017.319.

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Antonakaki, Despoina, Dimitris Spiliotopoulos, Christos V. Samaras, Sotiris Ioannidis, and Paraskevi Fragopoulou. "Investigating the complete corpus of referendum and elections tweets." In 2016 IEEE/ACM International Conference on Advances in Social Networks Analysis and Mining (ASONAM). IEEE, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/asonam.2016.7752220.

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Reports on the topic "Participation in the referendum"

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Kayaoglu, Barin. Erdogan's referendum win no clean sweep. Al-Monitor: The Pulse of the Middle East, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.26598/auis_ug_is_2017_04_17.

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Kayaoglu, Barin. Ankara hardens opposition to KRG referendum. Al-Monitor, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.26598/auis_ug_is_2017_09_14.

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Vilkins, Samantha. Could polling feedback loop shape referendum result? Edited by Lachlan Guselli. Monash University, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.54377/0806-c264.

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Kayaoglu, Barin. Latest polls put 'yes' camp ahead in Turkey's referendum. Al-Monitor: The Pulse of the Middle East, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.26598/auis_ug_is_2017_04_13.

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Danielson, Gwendolyn. The 1972 cigarette tax referendum: a mass communication campaign. Portland State University Library, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.1556.

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Brummel, Lars. Referendums, for Populists Only? Why Populist Parties Favour Referendums and How Other Parties Respond. Association Inter-University Centre Dubrovnik, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.53099/ntkd4302.

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Populists are generally known as supporters of referendums and several populist parties have promoted direct democracy in recent years. To deepen our understanding of the populism referendum link, this study analyses how populist parties in Austria, Belgium, Germany and the Netherlands defend a greater use of referendums and how their non-populist counterparts respond to this populist call for referendums. An analysis of election manifestos shows that populist parties justify their referendum support by characterizing referendums as a purely democratic ideal, by presenting it as an alternative to decision-making by ‘bad’ political elites or by promoting referendums as a tool to realise their preferred policy decisions. Populist referendum support is thus related to people-centrism and ant-elitism, as elements of a populist ideology, but also to strategic considerations. These lines of argument are used by both populists on the right and the left, but anti-elitism is particularly prominent in manifestos of radical rightwing populist parties. Populists are not the only supporters of direct democracy – however, there is no evidence that non-populist parties did become more favourable towards referendums to adapt to the populist call for a greater referendum use.
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Hardi, Choman. The Kurdish referendum: Dream of independence and fear of dictatorship. The middle East Eye, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.26598/auis_ug_eng_2017_09_25.

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Kayaoglu, Barin. New poll gives Turkish opposition slight edga as referendum nears. Al-Monitor: The Pulse of the Middle East, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.26598/auis_ug_is_2017_03_27.

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Kayaoglu, Barin. AKP, CHP exchnage fire over coup as referendum ballots print. Al-Monitor: The Pulse of the Middle East, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.26598/auis_ug_is_2017_04_11.

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Kayaoglu, b. Turkish military sends anti-referendum message with exercises across border. Al-Monitor, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.26598/auis_ug_is_2017_09_18.

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