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Cummings, Hannah Jane. "The politics of participatory performance : capitalism and identity." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/21922.
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This thesis is located within the discourse of contemporary, participatory performance. It offers a cultural materialist reading of the relationship between neoliberal capitalism and identity, and its adjunct community, to consider the extent to which participatory performance might challenge the individualistic aspects of the neoliberal ideology. The thesis questions what it means to participate in capitalist democracy in the contemporary moment, interrogates how one might exercise participatory agency both within and outside the theatre space and contemplates the function of participatory performance in a period of democratic discontent. I argue that the case-studies contribute to creating communities of individuals thinking about how to develop capitalist democracy in a more egalitarian direction. The thesis primarily employs close performance analysis of nine case-studies that all occurred in the period 2013-2014. These analyses occur across three chapters that each address a differing form of participation. Chapter One considers the significance of the re-presentation of performer acts of participation within demarcated theatre spaces, challenging the concept of the successfully, aspiring neoliberal identity. Chapter Two focuses on acts of audience participation invited within conventional theatre auditoriums to defamiliarise one’s motivations for acting or not. And Chapter Three centres on immersive performance experiences in which the audience member becomes the art object, inviting them to recognise their indebtedness to others. The thread that coheres this broad cross-section of participatory performance practices is their desire to use the act of participation and the platform of performance to reconceive of what it means to do politics by using artistic and cultural means. Collectively, the case-studies advocate the need for continued co-operation with others and the on-going co-creation of meaning, which eliminates knowing, outcome and end-result, to challenge instrumental understandings of political progress. The thesis conclusion asserts this point by considering the shared theatrical techniques employed across the case-studies that destabilise binary modes of thinking to enhance their ethico-political potential. It also reflects on this argument in light of the election of a majority Conservative (neoliberal) government in 2015.
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Gault, Timothy D. "The Christian's responsibilites to a participatory democracy." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1995. http://www.tren.com.
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Yutzy, Christopher B., and Christopher B. Yutzy. "Insurgent, Participatory Citizens: (Re)Making Politics in Northeastern Brazil." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/624488.
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This dissertation combines ethnography and history to study the co-evolution of participatory governance and clientelism in a context of urban poverty and re-democratization in the city of Fortaleza, capital of the Northeastern state of Ceará, Brazil. Government sponsored participatory governance mechanisms have been employed in Brazil since the 1980s to re-incorporate civil society into such processes of government as budgeting and city planning. With an emphasis on citizen participation, participatory governance represents a new form of mediation between the state and society, one that provides an alternative to traditional forms of state-society relationships such as clientelism, a mainstay of Brazilian politics. Despite a large body of research on Brazil’s participatory programs, little attention has been paid to the use of participatory social policy by the military regime (1964-1985) and the impacts of participation’s authoritarian origins on contemporary state-society relations. Three inter-related questions guide the analysis. First, how has participatory governance, originally employed in Fortaleza by the military government, shaped how the urban poor organize and exercise their political citizenship today? Second, how has clientelism adapted to participatory institutions? Do participatory mechanisms aid the urban poor in overcoming existing societal and political power structures? Finally, how have grassroots (non-state sponsored) participatory organizations shaped local conceptions of politics and civic engagement? The main contribution of this dissertation is to bring anthropological discussions on participatory governance in Brazil to bear on discussions surrounding political clientelism and political participation, in a context of democratization in poor urban communities.
The analysis, developed in three appended articles, is based on data from twelve months of ethnographic fieldwork in Fortaleza involving participant observation, in-depth interviews, and a review of archival data from city participatory planning offices and local universities. The data provides evidence that the institutionalization of civil society’s engagement with the state led to new expressions of and limitations to citizenship among Fortaleza’s urban poor. I argue that the authoritarian origins of participatory social policy in Fortaleza led to the fragmentation of strong civic mobilization in the 1980s and consolidated new forms of urban clientelism. Contemporary participatory governance programs have diversified urban political networks, which lessons the power of traditional clientelist patrons, but some patrons have adapted by institutionalizing methods of exchange within participatory programs and local organizations. Recent informal participatory mechanisms have emerged to assert localized or alternate governmentalities. These grassroots forms respond to the paradoxical and contested nature of participation in participatory programs in Fortaleza’s peripheries; that they often fail to achieve long-term solutions to local issues through sustained civic mobilization.
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Nold, C. "Device studies of participatory sensing : ontological politics and design interventions." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2017. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1569340/.
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This study investigates how ubiquitous sensing technologies are being used to engage the public in environmental monitoring. The academic literature and mainstream media claim participatory sensing is contributing to science, improving the environment and cre- ating new forms of democratic citizenship. Yet there have been few studies that examine its material practices and impacts. This study addresses this gap via three ethnographic ‘device studies’ and an experimental design intervention. The methodology is based on post actor-network theory with a material-semiotic focus on the notion of the ‘device’ (Law & Ruppert 2013), in order to follow the sensing objects over their lifetime from de- sign, usage with participants and later outputs. The design intervention uses the notion of the device as a research method to materially intervene in one of the study sites as a public controversy. The findings show that despite claims in the literature to be an em- pirical knowledge practice, the subjects and objects of participatory sensing are continu- ally shifting and blurring. Instead, participatory sensing involves a ‘stringing together’ of hardware, participants and rhetorics to form new ontological entities and create publicity. However, this creates conflicts with actors for whom environmental pollution is a health concern, who want to organise collectively and want to engage with decision-making. Yet these studies have shown that it is possible to reconfigure sensing devices with situated ontologies. This led to the building of experimental design prototypes that show that par- ticipatory sensing can support pluralistic ontologies and build new connections towards decision-making. The contribution of this study is to identify the ontological politics (Mol 1999) of participatory sensing and demonstrate a ‘device study’ method that combines ethnography with material design to intervene and transform public controversies.
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Blühdorn, Ingolfur, and Michael Deflorian. "The Collaborative Management of Sustained Unsustainability: On the Performance of Participatory Forms of Environmental Governance." MDPI AG, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su11041189.
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n modern democratic consumer societies, decentralized, participative, and consensus-oriented forms of multi-stakeholder governance are supplementing, and often replacing, conventional forms of state-centered environmental government. The engagement in all phases of the policy process of diverse social actors has become a hallmark of environmental good governance. This does not mean to say, however, that these modes of policy-making have proved particularly successful in resolving the widely debated multiple sustainability crisis. In fact, they have been found wanting in terms of their ability to respond to democratic needs and their capacity to resolve environmental problems. So why have these participatory forms of environmental governance become so prominent? What exactly is their appeal? What do they deliver? Exploring these questions from the perspective of eco-political and sociological theory, this article suggests that these forms of environmental governance represent a performative kind of eco-politics that helps liberal consumer societies to manage their inability and unwillingness to achieve the socio-ecological transformation that scientists and environmental activists say is urgently required. This reading of the prevailing policy approaches as the collaborative management of sustained unsustainability adds an important dimension to the understanding of environmental governance and contemporary eco-politics more generally.
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Masaki, Katsuhiko. "The politics of the policy process : 'participatory' river control in Nepal." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.270762.
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Powis, Benjamin. "Penetrating localities : participatory development and pragmatic politics in rural Andhra Pradesh, India." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2012. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/43090/.
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This research sets out to explore the interface between the new politics of localisation and the political process in India. Governments and donors have increasingly emphasised the locality as the primary unit of development and politics. This new trajectory has been manifest in the increase of community-based organisations and mechanisms of participatory governance at the local level. From the late 1990s, the south Indian state of Andhra Pradesh emerged as one of the most important examples of this new developmental politics and this research sets out to explore how local dynamics changed as a result. Political economy approaches tend to focus on state-periphery relations in terms of interest groups or vote banks. By contrast, this research found the village to be an enduring unit in the political system through which political identity manifests itself through three features. First, participation in local elections is driven by common forces of politics of parties, caste and corruption but its outcome is dependent on the specific context at the village level. Second, new participatory institutions created through state policy were found to merge with informal practices at the local level and produce a complex interplay between the new local and state identities. Third, analysis of leadership found evidence of a well-defined system of organisation within party groups at the village level, which were shaped not by party institutions but by the inner workings of village politics. These findings give cause to reassess the way in which we understand policy and political change. I do so by expanding on Skocpol's polity approach, which focused attention on the dynamic interplay of policy and social structure. Drawing on elements of the 'political development' theory, the concept of a ‘developing polity' approach is elaborated on, to better explain the complex interplay between local and higher level politics. These findings have implications for understanding both political change in India and development strategy. The macro-perspective on the decay of political institutions is contrasted with a local perspective that finds evidence of the vitality of party politics at the village level. This has a number of important implications for development, both in terms of the way in which we analyse participation and the way in which participatory development can be translated into political change
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Das, Priya Duttashree. "Politics of participatory conservation : a case of Kailadevi Wildlife Sanctuary, Rajasthan, India." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2011. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/14566/.
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Kim, Sungmoon. "A post-confucian civil society liberal collectivism and participatory politics in South Korea /." College Park, Md.: University of Maryland, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/7648.
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Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2007.<br>Thesis research directed by: Dept. of Government and Politics. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.
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Kelshaw, Todd Spencer. "Public meetings and public officials : officeholders' accounts of participatory and deliberative democratic encounters with citizens /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/6169.
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Flores, Lopez Jesus Arturo. "The politics of participatory democratic initiatives in Mexico : a comparative study of three localities." Thesis, University of York, 2002. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/10818/.
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Marett, Alexandra. "Participating Online: The Internet and its Role in Political Participatory Behaviour in the Context of the New Zealand General Election 2008." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Social and Political Science, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/4962.
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Recent developments in Internet technology have opened up new doors for political campaigning and related news information with video and social networking applications. These have created new spaces that the voting public can politically participate in. This study explores the extent to which such participation takes place, in order to contribute to the wider question of whether changes in the media can rejuvenate a growing apathetic electorate that has become increasingly isolated from the more traditional methods of political participation (Putnam 2000). There are now many unanswered questions regarding how this new technology will play a role in influencing voter preferences and behaviour compared to other forms of traditional mass media. The exponential growth of Internet technology and its use means that the majority of literature written on the subject becomes time-bound leaving large gaps of research and analysis that needs to be done. This thesis examined the opportunities made available for political campaigning by the Internet and how widening political knowledge can ultimately influence Internet consumers at the voting booth. The research undertaken was a combination of quantitative and qualitative analysis using participatory groups in a controlled environment. Participants consumed different forms of mass media and any significant changes in preferences and behaviour was noted. The overall hypothesis of this thesis is that the Internet does have an effect on potential voters by providing a wider and more in-depth look at politics that broadens political knowledge, leading to greater political participation.
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Dusyk, Nichole. "The transformative potential of participatory politics : energy planning and emergent sustainability in British Columbia, Canada." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/44160.
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This research examines the potential for local engagement in provincial energy planning and the contribution it might make to an energy transition. Combining a social worlds framework with the concept of hybrid forums, I develop the thesis that participation can facilitate sociotechnical change by facilitating the exploration of new identities and the collective reframing of problems and their solutions. This is what I call the transformative potential of participatory politics.
I explore and elaborate this thesis using a discourse analysis of the provincial clean energy policy and two case studies of communities in British Columbia: Fort St. John and Dawson Creek. The discourse analysis examines the evolution of the clean energy storyline, introduced in 2007, and how it serves to position actors and technologies in the province. The analysis shows how the storyline, although integrating an environmental imperative into policy discourse, reproduces the trajectory and inertia of historical energy development.
The case study analysis examines municipal energy planning and one large-scale renewable energy project in each of the communities: the proposed Site C Hydroelectric Project in Fort St. John and the Bear Mountain Wind Park in Dawson Creek. My analysis describes the mechanisms and sites of collective negotiation and how in each case, participatory processes have altered technologies, collective identities, and the framing of energy planning. The case studies support the thesis that participatory politics can contribute to energy transitions by altering the social and material characteristics of energy networks. In so doing, they add nuance to our understanding of what participatory energy governance can contribute and the circumstances in which it is effective. This includes findings that highlight the significance of the institutional, political, and infrastructural context in which participatory governance unfolds leading to the conclusion that participation, although potentially transformative, is not a panacea.
In conclusion, I situate my findings in relation to the concept of procedural sustainability arguing that by making room for collective negotiation, participatory politics can help move beyond the apparent antagonism of implementing renewable energy projects toward a potentially more productive approach of localizing energy projects and collectively constructing sustainability discourses and practices.
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Buckley, Jennifer. "Participatory inequality and the welfare state preferences of the politically active : a study of four European countries." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2015. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/participatory-inequality-and-the-welfare-state-preferences-of-the-politically-active-a-study-of-four-european-countries(a96bff18-adee-4a12-a311-d5a738bf7611).html.
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Across Europe, the welfare state is a focus of social and political contention. Participating in the democratic process offers a means for the public to voice their preferences. However, not everyone participates in politics. Research shows that there are significant participatory inequalities as those with greater socioeconomic resources are more likely to participate in politics. In light of these participatory inequalities, this thesis examines the representativeness of the welfare state preferences of the politically active. The main hypothesis posits that, if less advantaged socioeconomic groups are less likely to participate in politics, the welfare state preferences of the politically active are unlikely to be representative. The thesis brings together the comparative study of participatory inequality and social differences in welfare state preferences to examine data from the European Social Survey (ESS) 2008-09 for Germany, Spain, Sweden and the UK. Latent Class Analysis examines how preferences about the welfare state vary within Europe. By grouping individuals, the analysis shows that within societies there are different views about what should be the responsibilities of government. Using the latent classes, and considering a range of political actions, multivariate regression models show how social inequality determines conflict over the welfare state and transforms into political inequality. The association between preferences and political activity is examined to establish the representativeness of participant preferences. Finally, models combining welfare state preferences, political activity and social position address how social inequality shapes the link between political activity and welfare state preferences. Based on survey data for four European countries, the thesis finds that the politically active are not always representative in their preferences; however, the preference bias of participation varies in direction across countries and forms of political participation. Participatory inequalities do lead to the under-representation of support for the welfare state among the politically active but not in all cases. Examining the social stratification of preferences and participation, the thesis suggests that cross-national variations in the representativeness of participants may result from how preferences and participation are socially stratified. For instance, significant participatory inequalities can occur in contexts where there is less contention over the welfare state. Conversely, contention over the welfare state can coincide with egalitarian patterns of political activity. A concluding proposition is that the factors inhibiting the political participation of the socio-economically disadvantaged may also cultivate weaker levels of support for the welfare state.
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Ramakhula, Abeloang Ramakhula. "The role of the private radio stations in promoting participatory democracry in Lesotho : the case of Moafrika FM, Catholic FM, Peoples's choice FM and Harvest FM." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/859.
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This study is an exploratory assessment of the role of private radio stations in promoting participatory democracy in Lesotho. It seeks to describe the current situation of the role of radio in the country, including levels of rural development programming and community participation. There are eight private radio stations operating in the country. The emergence of the liberalised airwaves created an opportunity for people to have access to information, hence promotion of participatory democracy, though problem of freedom of expression and speech and absence of media policy hinders positive effective participation in issues affecting both journalists and society. The study will use a survey within the purposely selected media professionals to assess how citizens obtain and use information to make informed political choices as well as to measure the influence of private radio stations on political knowledge, attitudes and behavior. The field research will take place in the capital Maseru, where all the private radio stations are based. This will enable the researcher to draw inferences about the role of private radio stations and participatory democracy in Lesotho. The study explores changes that have occurred following the emergence of liberalisation of the radio airwaves in Lesotho from 1994, from almost a century of state owned and dominated national radio station. The central argument in this study is to establish if liberalisation of the airwaves in particular has a significant impact on the democratisation process in the country. Given the country’s limited literacy rate and historic role of broadcast media in Lesotho as a source of all major official information, private radio stations occupies a central role of mobilising and debating issues of national concern. The study, therefore, concludes that the emergence of the private radio stations in Lesotho has increased community participation in political and current affairs. The coverage of radio in the country and its pluralistic character suggest that the private radio stations will remain a crucial broadcast medium of communication in Lesotho, especially for the rural people whose access to television and print are inaccessible.
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Thomas, Marc Anthony. "Assessing the Boundaries of Participatory Democracy within an Emancipatory Political Framework: The Case of Parish Development Committees in Jamaica." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/73600.
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This dissertation empirically expands the existing knowledge on participatory democracy through a study of Jamaica's Parish Development Committees (PDCs). These groups offer an avenue for Jamaicans to inform government policy, and this analysis explored the extent to which supportive institutional, infrastructural and superstructural (referring to the society's culture and power configurations) conditions for robust implementation of this democratization initiative existed. This inquiry involved observing more than one hundred hours of PDC activities at locations across Jamaica and conducting sixty key informant and four focus group interviews with relevant stakeholders. The analysis was bolstered by an appreciation of emancipatory politics employed by the country's general population since slavery not only to survive oppression, but also to influence the nation's political agenda. Riots during slavery and in the present day, for example, have offered citizens an avenue towards self-determination. This study found that the emergence, survival and thriving of PDCs in Jamaica is determined largely by the extent to which emancipatory political tactics are successfully applied by PDC stakeholders to combat a number of continuing challenges in these committee's environments. The democratization initiative symbolized by the PDCs promotes inclusiveness yet is led predominantly by older, educated middle class individuals with talents and capacities garnered from several years of experience in various fields. The dissertation argues that the opportunity cost of a more inclusive order explains this fact, in that Jamaica's finite resources mean there is limited space for a learning curve and the cash strapped committees have only been able to survive when their members could help to defray the cost of their operations. The dissertation explores other central challenges confronting the PDCs and the strategies these participative organizations have employed to address each. Primarily, this analysis provides a micro-scale view of the interaction of the factors that have shaped the power and possibility of Jamaica's democratization initiative.<br>Ph. D.
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Stigson, Peter. "The industry role in policymaking : Policy learning in climate politics." Doctoral thesis, Västerås : School of Sustainable Development of Society and Technology, Mälardalen University, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mdh:diva-7324.
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Zárate, Vásquez Julio Sebastián, and Paredes Andrés Aybar. "Elisabeth Soep. Participatory Politics. Next-Generation Tactics to Remake Public Spheres. The MIT Press Cambridge, Massachusetts, 2014, 97 pp." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2015. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/115437.
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Pereira, Eduardo Tadeu. "O OP (Orçamento Participativo) como processo de educação politica : um estudo da historica experiencia de Varzea Paulista." [s.n.], 2007. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/252077.
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Orientador: Cesar Apareciddo Nunes<br>Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-08T15:21:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
Pereira_EduardoTadeu_D.pdf: 7619847 bytes, checksum: 5a822f34eda052107b3d6bc35c9f4dc7 (MD5)
Previous issue date: 2007<br>Resumo: A pesquisa trabalha o Orçamento Participativo (OP) como instrumento de formação e de educação política. Resgata estudos que apontam a histórica ausência de participação popular no Brasil até o surgimento dos projetos de Orçamento Participativo nas décadas de 1980 e 1990, particularmente a emblemática experiência de Porto Alegre iniciada a partir da posse do governo popular em 1989. A pesquisa reflete ainda sobre a importância desse tipo de mediação política, principalmente nessa conjuntura de avanço da globalização hegemônica de caráter neoliberal. A metodologia da pesquisa-ação-participante foi utilizada, até pela condição de agente político no processo do OP de Várzea Paulista do autor da tese. Partindo das formulações de Boaventura de Sousa Santos e de Gramsci, a tese propugna pela necessidade de fortalecimento de iniciativas, como o próprio OP, que expressem a construção de um senso comum contra-hegemônico. A partir da histórica experiência do OP de Várzea Paulista, cidade industrial de 110 mil habitantes no interior de São Paulo, que implantou o OP desde 2005, com a posse do novo governo, a tese resgata as formas pelas quais o OP proporciona às pessoas que dele participam a possibilidade de elevarem seu nível de consciência política e, dessa forma, avançar no sentido de uma nova hegemonia e de um nova consciência e ação que apontem um novo senso comum emancipatório<br>Abstract: This research presents the Participatory Budget as an efficient way of reaching political education development. The study is introduced by examining the historical absence of popular participation in Brazil and it goes through until the emergence of projects of Participatory Budget in the decades of 1980 and 1990, particularly started with the emblematic Porto Alegre's experience initiated in 1989 with the ownership of popular government. The research still reflecting on the importance of this type of mediation, mainly in this conjuncture of advance of the hegemonic globalization with neoliberal character. The methodology of the participatory-action-research was choosed, specially because of the al condition of the agent into the process of Várzea Paulista's Participatory Budget as the author of the thesis. Making use of the formularizations of Boaventura de Sousa Santos and Gramsci, the thesis advocates for the necessity to achieve strong initiatives, as the proposed one, that can express the construction of an againsthegemonic common sense. Embased on the historical experience of Participatory Budget in Várzea Paulista, São Paulo's industrial city with 110 thousand inhabitants, which one has implanted its process since 2005, during the ownership of the new government, this thesis describes how a Participatory Budget provides to the people the possibility to raise their level of political conscience and through the citizen participation, go foward to a new hegemony and to a new emancipatory common sense<br>Doutorado<br>Historia, Filosofia e Educação<br>Doutor em Educação
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Kartal, Umit. "Public Space Must be Defended: Hannah Arendt's Conception of Politics and The Public Space: Its Promises and Limits." OpenSIUC, 2011. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/theses/745.
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AN ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS OF UMIT KARTAL, for the Master of Arts degree in PHILOSOPHY, presented on September 29, 2011, at Southern Illinois University Carbondale. TITLE: PUBLIC SPACE MUST BE DEFENDED. HANNAH ARENDT'S CONCEPTION OF POLITICS AND THE PUBLIC SPACE: ITS PROMISES AND LIMITS MAJOR PROFESSOR: Dr. Kenneth Stikkers This thesis is an examination of Hannah Arendt's reconsideration of the meaning of politics and her systematic search for the recovery of the public spaces. Her scrutiny of the meaning of politics is determined by the disastrous outcomes of totalitarian experiences from both ends of the political spectrum, namely, Nazism and Stalinism. For Arendt, the phenomenon of totalitarianism deserted the human world and brought new issues forth, such as statelessness, rightlessness, homelessness, and worldlessness. These phenomena, Arendt holds, run parallel to the collapse of the essential articulations of the human condition, which can be distinguished in sheer thoughtlessness, speechlessness, and lack of judgment. It is due to these unprecedented and unanticipated issues, which cannot be addressed by traditional political categories, Arendt invites us to grapple with the meaning of politics anew. The basic definition of politics, for Arendt, is human plurality, namely, our coexistence in a common world which enables differences and diversities of perspectives to appear. The question what politics means, for Arendt, is inextricably tied to what its distinctive locus is, namely, the public space or space of appearances. The emergence of the social resulted in blurring the distinctive line between the public realm and the private realm. Then, the recovery of the public space is of a central place in Arendt's political theory. Through Arendt's reconsideration of the meaning of politics and the recovery of the public space we are provided a comprehensive framework to think about a more inclusive and democratic politics. Nevertheless, we are challenged by a set of problems: a very sharp distinction between the public realm and the private realm, a contrast between the social and political, and a lack of systematic interest in democracy. First, I concentrate on Arendt's insightful analysis of politics and the public space in turn. Then I focus on the problematic aspects of her political theory. Finally, I argue that these problematic aspects can be complemented by a comparative reading of Arendt with John Dewey. I conclude that Dewey offers us a more dynamic criterion to decide the line between the private realm and the public realm. Instead of opposing the social to political, Dewey extends the scope of politics by taking every aspects of social life into consideration. The recovery of the public, for him, depends essentially on democracy, which is identified to the experience of local community.
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Matata, Khamis Charles. "Evaluating integrated participatory planning in a decentralised governance system: the case of Yei River County, Southern Sudan." Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/d1006985.
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Local government is an important level of participatory democracy, where communities play an active role not only as the electorate, but also as end-users and consumers, and thereby holding their municipal councils accountable for their actions. Given the above statement, the interim Constitution of the Republic of South Sudan 2011, entrusts local government with the provision of services to communities in a sustainable manner. It also provides for the promotion of social and economic development and the promotion of a safe and healthy environment. This also entails the need for a commitment to service delivery hence, public representatives and public officials must take seriously their obligation to render services to the people that could be in the form of ensuring that refuse gets collected, electricity being supplied and other services rendered which better the general welfare of citizens. There are several definitions of public participation, but it can be defined as a process of empowering citizens by involving them in making decisions on all issues that concern them, which can be political, social or economic. The main aim of this study was to, investigate and identify the nature and extent of integrated participatory planning in Yei River County and the extent to which opportunities for public participation are accessible to the communities. The study sought to investigate: How different stakeholders in the community in Yei River County make use of public participation opportunities during the integrated participatory planning process? As such, the main objectives of the study were to; to assess the existing integrated participatory planning practices in Yei River County, to examine and evaluate how the existing integrated participatory planning practices influence service delivery in Yei River County and lastly to identify the barriers to effective integrated participatory planning in YRC and advance recommendations for improvement. Purposive and snowball sampling methods were used and data was collected from a sample of two hundred and twenty-six (226) public officials, comprising of Local Government officials, County councillors and members of the public. Results from the data collected using open and close-ended questionnaires, showed that public participation is very important in local government planning as it leads to incorporation of public suggestions and interests in the development strategies. The results further showed that public meetings and workshops were the only public participation mechanisms being used by Yei River County. The study therefore recommended among other things that, Yei River County should strengthen public participation in integrated participatory planning by providing adequate skilled human resources and establishing structures, as well as public participation mechanisms at the Payam and Boma levels. It was also recommended that the communities needed to utilise all available mechanisms of participation to ensure maximum participation during the integrated participatory planning processes.
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Vader, Lyndsey R. "Spaces of Encounter, Repertoires of Engagement: The Politics of Participation in 21st Century Contemporary Performance." The Ohio State University, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1593524572991808.
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Choyke, Kelly L. "The Power of Popular Romance Culture: Community, Fandom, and Sexual Politics." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1573739424523163.
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Westbrook, Gennie Burleson. "Effective Practices in Citizenship Education; We the People: The Citizen and the Constitution." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/42673.
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We the Peopleâ ¦The Citizen and the Constitution is a course of study that enhances the civic knowledge, skills, and dispositions that lead to responsible citizenship. The curriculum, published by the Center for Civic Education, is intended for students in grades 5, 8, and high school. Students prepare for a mock congressional hearing in which they testify in response to questions about the philosophy and application of the U.S. Constitution and Bill of Rights. This project includes a history of civic education, a matrix showing a comparison of civic participation theories, and an examination of certain practices in 102 high school classes that participate in the Centerâ s nation-wide competition, as well as comments from teachers who use the curriculum in other contexts. I compare classes that usually win their stateâ s competition and go on to the national meet, or â Championship programsâ to competitive classes that are historically less successful. Results of my comparison indicate that there are few important differences between the more successful groups and the less successful groups, and that those differences primarily center on the experience and academic strengths of the teacher. My interpretation of this outcome is that there is little to prevent any teacher from improving his/her skills to more effectively teach citizenship in this outstanding program.<br>Master of Arts
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Doolen, Joseph. "Protest Movements and the Climate Emergency Declarations of 2019: A New Social Media Logic to Connect and Participate in Politics." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för informatik och media, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-421114.
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This thesis investigates the relationship between contemporary climate protest movements (Extinction Rebellion and Fridays For Future) and governmental bodies in European countries that declared a climate emergency in 2019. The primary contribution of this thesis is to demonstrate how emerging communication practices by these movements compare to the perceived influence of such practices among political decisionmakers in their governing bodies’ votes for a climate emergency declaration. Twitter content (tweets by movement accounts) surrounding protest actions of the climate movements was coded using concepts deduced from theoretical literature of participation, media and communication. Themes induced from this data were also used for coding. A thematic analysis of empirical interview text from semi-structured interviews of nine politicians in eight governmental bodies (six German city councils, that of Innsbruck, Austria and the Swiss cantonal parliament of Vaud) on this subject matter was done similarly. Relational thematic analyses of both datasets influenced the coding of one another. A frame analysis grounded in these data studied the use of social media imagery and text by the two movements. Another look at the interview data reflects the influence these movements had on climate emergency declarations via comparison of politicians’ stated impressions of the movements’ participation/influences with formations of tweeted movement frames. The data support the hypothesis that citizens engage via the connective power of personalized participatory culture on social media, enabling political participation. Today, we see a shift away from a political logic of social movements abiding to strong shared identity and meaning through frames of collective action. Instead, a social media logic, which aims to achieve the same functions, operates in loosely networked movements based on individualized frames of youth identity. This ‘connective identity’ bridges the participatory culture of social media with offline political participation in the streets and halls of power.
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Lampiri, Maria Marisa. "Political Parody on the Cypriot Twitter. : The case of the parody account of the Minister of Justice of the Republic of Cyprus “Lady Emily Kardashian Duchess of Yiolou”." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Institutionen för konst, kultur och kommunikation (K3), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-44753.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines how a female politician is being represented in a political parody account on Twitter through a thematic analysis of “Lady Emily Kardashian Duchess of Yiolou” (@edPLOgAQvtTQHJc) Tweets, satirizing the Cypriot Minister of Justice & Public Order Ms. Emily Yiolitis. The analysis of both Tweets and official media outlets, during a fixed period of time, demonstrates how a humorous and at the same time critical act of public discourse, can perform as an expression of political action and a form of activism, which can be approached as a branch of the study of anti-fandom.
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Knight, Kayla Christine. "Development NGOs : understanding participatory methods, accountability and effectiveness of World Vision in Zimbabwe with specific reference to Umzingwane District." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013135.
Full textAbstract:
Non-governmental Organizations (NGOs) have occupied a prominent role in the development of rural Zimbabwe since the time of its independence in 1980. NGO work in Zimbabwe currently takes place within the context of a tense and fluid political climate, an economy struggling to recover from crisis, international skepticism toward long-term donor investment in development, and global expectations about the methodologies and accountability measures carried out in intervention-based development work. In the light of the participatory methodologies and empowerment-based development frameworks that dominate the current global expectations for work within the NGO sector, this thesis focuses on the work of one particular NGO working in Zimbabwe, namely, World Vision. The main objective of the thesis is to understand and explain the participatory methods, accountability and effectiveness of World Vision in Zimbabwe (with particular reference to Umzingwane District) and, in doing so, to deepen the theoretical understanding of NGOs as constituting a particular organizational form. World Vision is a large-scale international NGO that has a pronounced presence in Zimbabwe and it is specifically active in Umzingwane District in Matabeleland South Province. The thesis argues that NGOs exist within a complex and tense condition entailing continuous responses to pressures from donors and states that structure their survival. Ultimately, in maneuvering through such pressures, NGOs tend to choose directions which best enable their own sustainability, often at the cost of the deep participatory forms that may heighten the legitimacy of their roles. World Vision Zimbabwe responds to donor trends, national and local expectations of the state and its own organizational expectations by building local government capacity in order to maintain the longevity and measureable outputs of its projects. In doing so, it redefines the concept of participation in pursuing efficient and practical approaches to ‘getting things done’. This compromises deep participatory methodologies and, in essence, alters the practices involved in participatory forms in order to maintain World Vision’s own organizational sustainability and presence in Zimbabwe.
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Kulundu, Injairu M. "Participatory human development in post-apartheid South Africa: a discussion of the 2006/7 Tantyi Youth Empowerment Project." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003001.
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This thesis relates the work of a non-governmental organisation, The Spirals Trust, to discussions on human and participatory development. The focus of the study is one of The Spirals Trust’s projects, the 2006/7 Tantyi Youth Empowerment Project, which is discussed in relation to theoretical material on human development and participatory development. Collectively these perspectives are defined in this thesis as ‘participatory human development’. The 2006/7 Tantyi Youth Empowerment Project illustrates some of the challenges that face the practice of participatory human development. Workshops and focus group interviews were conducted with participants who were part of the 2006/7 Tantyi Youth Empowerment Project in order to draw out their experiences of the project. Questions were created from themes that emerged from the participants’ discussion of their experiences and these questions were then posed to members of staff of The Spirals Trust. The experiences of both the participants and the staff members are discussed in order to explore issues that emerge in the practice of participatory human development in the 2006/7 Tantyi Youth Empowerment Project. The results highlight the challenges of putting into action the tenets of participatory human development. Feedback showed that a focus on personal development can help cultivate the ethic of participation. The effort that this entailed on the part of facilitators is discussed. The importance of exposing and continually working with power dynamics that may emerge in projects of this nature is revealed and the eroding influence of bureaucratic compliance in projects like this one is explored. The study also suggests that there is a need to promote development initiatives that challenge the political status quo rather than just finding ways to incorporate the marginalised more effectively into current systems. New questions that the research poses to the practice of participatory human development are considered in conjunction with suggestions for further research.
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Leduka, Moliehi. "Participatory budgeting in the South African local government context : the case of the Mantsopa local municipality, Free State Province." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2835.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MPA (School of Public Management and Planning))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.<br>This study was carried out to assess the extent of citizen participation in local government
decision-making, with focus on the local government budgeting processes. A framework of
participatory budgeting in Porto Alegre, Brazil is used to assess participation in budgeting in
the Mantsopa Local Municipality in the Free State Province with a view to drawing
appropriate lessons for South Africa as a whole. The research looks at three important
concepts in governance. The first is the issue of good governance. The second is citizen
participation and collaboration as cornerstones of good governance. The third is
participatory budgeting as an aspect of citizen participation and collaborative decisionmaking.
A multiple research approach was employed, which included the use of focus group
discussions, and interviews to examine the level of citizen participation in local government
decision-making process within the Mantsopa Municipality. Municipal documents and
records were used to analyse the existing situation within the municipality.
The research found out that the political and administrative elites are still holding on to
power that should be in the hands of citizens. Civil society groups are still being neglected in
local government decision-making. Citizens are also not being encouraged and mobilised to
take part in the budget process. The issue of racial discrimination in engaging citizens in
decision-making still exists. Mostly, the white business and farming community felt that
they were largely excluded from these processes.
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Saunders, Fred. "The Politics of People - Not Just Mangroves and Monkeys : A study of the theory and practice of community-based management of natural resources in Zanzibar." Doctoral thesis, Södertörns högskola, Miljövetenskap, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-11566.
Full textAbstract:
Community-based management of natural resource (CBNRM) projects have commonly failed to deliver conservation and development benefits. This thesis examined how the theoretical assumptions of common pool resource (CPR) theory have contributed to the indifferent performance of CBNRM projects. Evidence was gathered from two CBNRM case studies in Zanzibar to show that CPR institutional design does not sufficiently acknowledge the politics or social relations of project sites. Moreover, these limitations reduce CPR theory's explanatory power and the functionality of CBNRM projects. This is because CPR theory's influence on CBNRM projects is to frame people with fixed identities and related interests as 'rational resource users', rather than people enrolled in multiple network relations with differentiated means of influence, interests and responsibilities. Actor-oriented theory is used to show that CBNRM would benefit from a shift in the correlation with institutional design factors to understanding the operation of power and conflict at project sites. These findings suggest that currently CBNRM projects are too mired in concern about regulating the 'direct' relationship between resource users and conservation objectives, with problematic implications. It is shown that actor-oriented theory is more sensitive to the different capacities, interests and strategies of actors in CBNRM institutional transformation processes. While actor-oriented theory does not offer a parsimonious or predictive theory to reform CPR theory or CBNRM policy, it can provide insights into pre-project conditions and emergent practice useful for explaining project interventions.
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Cruz, Neto Claudemiro Ferreira da. "Território e poder : o orçamento participativo como política territorial de governo em Alagoinhas/BA (Brasil)." Universidade Federal de Sergipe, 2005. https://ri.ufs.br/handle/riufs/5613.
Full textAbstract:
Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior<br>This work looked for to investigate the subject of the budget participatory under the optics of the materialism dialectics, leaning for the notion of territorial politics as government's action, gone back to the exercise and the maintenance of the power, and of the civil society in the perspective of the autonomy. The used methodology was dialectics essentially, being been worth of the technique of analysis of discursive
content and of information represented primary and secondary graph and cartographically. It was used for so much of interviews, questionnaires and participant observation in linked events to the dynamics of the budget participatory with the objective of lifting the history of the construction and implantation of this administration instrument, in Alagoinhas, Bahia (Brazil), as well as the methodology used to assure him/it as a participation instance that walked in the direction of the direct democracy and of the construction of the autonomy. The time and the space
were considered while specific theoretical-methodological subjects of the geographically of the analysis. The developed research also allowed the perception of as the budget participatory it is seen by the executive power while government's politics that relates space and power starting from the notion of territorial politics. Besides, it was possible to identify as the population he/she also wraps up with the
discussion of the budget participatory and which the possibilities of this administration instrument to change in an effective mechanism in the conquest of the solemnity-administration for the popular masses, inside, of course, of the marks of the capitalist sociability and face to the established objectives for the municipal executive
coordinated by the PT - Party of the Workers.<br>Este trabalho buscou investigar a questão do orçamento participativo sob a ótica do materialismo dialético, apoiado pela noção de política territorial como ação de governo, voltada para o exercício e a manutenção do poder, e da sociedade civil na perspectiva da autonomia. A metodologia empregada foi essencialmente dialética, valendo-se da técnica de análise de conteúdo discursivo e de informações primárias e secundárias representadas gráfica e cartograficamente. Utilizou-se para tanto de entrevistas, questionários e observação participante em eventos ligados à dinâmica do orçamento participativo com o objetivo de levantar a história da construção e implantação deste instrumento de gestão, em Alagoinhas, Bahia (Brasil), bem como a metodologia empregada para assegurá-lo como uma instância de participação que caminhasse na direção da democracia direta e da construção da autonomia. O tempo e o espaço foram considerados enquanto questões teórico-metodológicas específicas da geograficidade da análise. A pesquisa desenvolvida permitiu também a percepção de como o orçamento participativo é visto pelo poder executivo
enquanto política de governo que relaciona espaço e poder a partir da noção de política territorial. Além disso, foi possível também identificar como a população se envolve com a discussão do orçamento participativo e quais as possibilidades deste instrumento de gestão se transformar em um mecanismo efetivo na conquista da auto-gestão pelas massas populares, dentro, é claro, dos marcos da sociabilidade
capitalista e face aos objetivos estabelecidos pelo executivo municipal coordenado pelo PT - Partido dos Trabalhadores.
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Amaral, Claudia Tannus Gurgel do. "A democracia deliberativa habermasiana: o orçamento participativo como instrumento viabilizador da transformação urbana." Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2015. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=9265.
Full textAbstract:
A motivação para estudar modelos de democracia, em especial a participativa no viés deliberativo, deita raízes na conjuntura histórica compreendendo pelo menos duas décadas, em que ocorrem debates acadêmicos, lutas democráticas e movimentos sociais que vêm em alguns países nos últimos anos dando voz às reivindicações populares por mudanças nos modelos atuais de democracia, e por maior participação popular e um alargamento dos espaços públicos para discussões. Nesse contexto, o Orçamento Participativo se destaca como experiência no Brasil e em muitos países como instrumento para essas mudanças. O marco teórico escolhido foi a démarche de Jürgen Habermas. Suas digressões sobre democracia deliberativa envolvem diretamente as formulações sobre o conteúdo da esfera pública e seu reposicionamento em arranjo interno mais amplo relacionando-a com os sistemas da sociedade. A principal experiência objeto da pesquisa foi o Orçamento Participativo de Cascais, em razão do estágio de doutoramento com bolsa concedida pela CAPES no ano de 2013.<br>The motivation to study models of democracy, especially in participatory deliberative bias, is based on the historical context comprising at least two decades, they occur academic debates, democratic struggles and social movements that come in some countries in recent years giving voice to the claims popular for changes in current models of democracy, and greater popular participation and a broadening of public spaces for discussions. In this context, the Participatory Budget stands as experience in Brazil and in many countries as a tool for these changes. The chosen theoretical complex was the demarche of Jürgen Habermas. Their tours on deliberative democracy involve formulations directly on the contents of the public sphere and its repositioning in broader internal arrangement relating it to the systems of society. The main object of the research experience was the Participatory Budget of Cascais- PT, due to the doctoral stage with scholarship granted by CAPES in 2013.
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Bodart, Cristiano das Neves. "Atuação dos partidos políticos e dos movimentos sociais na construção e manutenção de um espaço institucionalizado de participação social." Universidade de São Paulo, 2016. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8132/tde-04082016-162239/.
Full textAbstract:
A presente tese insere-se no debate em torno das relações entre movimentos sociais, partidos políticos e Estado, estando voltada à análise da produção de um espaço institucionalizado de participação social, a saber, o Orçamento Participativo. Realiza uma abordagem teórica revisada da Teoria do Confronto Político para pensar o repertório dos movimentos sociais na política institucional e não institucional. Do ponto de vista empírico, estudamos um conjunto interligado de atores coletivos: os movimentos sociais da Serra (ES), os partidos políticos e o Estado. Esses estão envolvidos diretamente no contexto histórico e político do recorte desse estudo (1980-2015), sendo componentes analíticos do problema de pesquisa. A questão central foi compreender como os partidos políticos (e seus agentes) e os movimentos sociais da Serra se comportaram antes e após a implantação de um espaço institucionalizado de participação social frente ao Estado. Assim, buscou-se identificar as influências dos partidos políticos sobre os movimentos sociais e vice-versa. Para a operacionalização dessa análise recorremos à pesquisa histórico-documental apoiada em narrativas de atoreschave nesse processo. Dentre as considerações finais possíveis de serem aferidas, notamos que o uso do repertório de ação dos movimentos sociais da Serra sofreu transformações substantivas após a sua inserção na política institucionalizada. Enquanto que nos anos de 1980 predominou o uso de um repertório de confronto político, a partir da abertura de um espaço institucionalizado de participação social sobressaiu o uso de um repertório marcado por estratégias de proximidade, ainda que o repertório de confronto não tenha sido suspenso por completo. Os problemas sociais e a ausência do Estado nos anos de 1980, somados à ampliação das oportunidades políticas, à redução das restrições e à existência de uma significativa coesão social, possibilitaram a criação de um quadro interpretativo inicial marcado pelas noções de participação social, responsabilização do Estado das condições sociais precárias de grande parte da população, o qual transformou-se em uma conexão entre as orientações interpretativas dos indivíduos e das organizações, dando força à ideia de que era necessária a criação de um espaço de participação social institucionalizado. Ao mesmo tempo que o movimento social se fortaleceu, tornou-se aparelhado pelos partidos políticos, o que afastou do OP a sociedade civil não organizada. O estudo da experiência da Serra-ES ao destacar uma realidade que, em certa medida, ocorre em diversas cidades brasileiras, corrobora para pensarmos as relações entre movimentos sociais, partidos políticos e Estado (sob a perspectiva de intersecções Estado-movimento) no contexto democrático atual.<br>This thesis is part of the debate on relations among social movements, political parties and the State and is focused on the analysis of an institutionalized space for social participation, namely, the Participatory Budget. It carries out a revised theoretical approach of the Political Confrontation Theory in order to consider the repertoire of social movements in institutional and non-institutional politics. From an empirical point of view, we studied an interconnected set of collective actors: the social movements of Serra (ES), political parties, and the State. These are directly involved in the historical and political context in the framing of this study (1980 - 2015), being analytical components of the research problem. The central question was to understand how the political parties (and their agents) and the social movements in Serra behaved before the State both prior to and after the introduction of an institutionalized space for social participation. Thus, we sought to identify the influences of political parties on the social movements and viceversa. For the implementation of this analysis, we made use of historicaldocumentary research supported by narratives from key actors in that process. Among the final considerations to be assessed, we found that the use of the repertoire of social movement action in Serra underwent substantial transformations after its insertion into institutionalized politics. Whereas in the 1980s the use of a repertoire of political confrontation predominated, upon the liberalization of an institutionalized space for social participation, the use of a repertoire marked by strategies of proximity stand out, although the repertoire of confrontation hadnt been completely suspended. Social problems and the absence of the State in the 1980s, in addition to the expansion of political opportunities, the reduction of restrictions, and the existence of a significant social cohesion, enabled the creation of an initial interpretive political scene marked by the notions of social participation, State accountability for the precarious social conditions of a large part of the population, which was transformed into a connection between the interpretive direction of individuals and of organizations, giving strength to the idea that the creation of an institutionalized space for social participation was necessary. At the same time the social movement was strengthened, it was harnessed by the political parties which removed the nonorganized civil society from the Participatory Budget. The study of the experience of Serra, ES, in highlighting a reality which, to some extent, takes place in several Brazilian cities aids in allowing us to consider the relations among social movements, political parties, and the State (from the perspective of the State movement intersections) in the current democratic context.
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Bezerra, Josà Eudes Baima. "PrincÃpio da Subsidiariedade, Corporativismo e EducaÃÃo: para a crÃtica da gestÃo participativa." Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2010. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=7869.
Full textAbstract:
nÃo hÃ<br>O trabalho tem o objetivo geral de examinar a introduÃÃo das polÃticas de gestÃo
democrÃtica e participativa no campo da educaÃÃo pÃblica brasileira, no marco da
âreformaâ gerencial do Estado Brasileiro, com Ãnfase na experiÃncia do estado do CearÃ
entre os anos de 1995 e 2006, tendo em vista a articulaÃÃo de tais diretrizes com as
linhas emanadas das instituiÃÃes multilaterais. Nesse sentido, o estudo enfoca as
ideologias que informam o referido processo, o Corporativismo e o PrincÃpio da
Subsidiariedade, examinando sua reapariÃÃo na teoria polÃtica subjacente à âreformaâ
do Estado. Trata-se de uma pesquisa documental e bibliogrÃfica fundada no horizonte
teÃrico-metodolÃgico do materialismo histÃrico e dialÃtico. A pesquisa resultou em
aproximaÃÃes conclusivas que revelam que: a âreformaâ gerencial do Estado brasileiro,
responsiva à crise do capital, fundada em bases participativas, prefigura um regime
polÃtico integralista, avesso à independÃncia polÃtica das organizaÃÃes de classe; no
atual contexto, a gerÃncia descentralizada e participativa visa a capturar, no Ãmbito do
aparato estatal, as representaÃÃes classistas (corporativismo) no Ãmbito de uma
governanÃa na qual a suposta autonomia na base se destina a gerenciar o plano geral
estratÃgico do Estado (PrincÃpio da Subsidiariedade); a gestÃo participativa surge como
condiÃÃo sine qua non da publicizaÃÃo, isto Ã, da transferÃncia dos serviÃos pÃblicos
para a esfera da sociedade civil, esfera do mercado; o exame da introduÃÃo da gestÃo
participativa na rede pÃblica cearense mostrou a articulaÃÃo entre a introduÃÃo dos
novos mÃtodos gestionÃrios e as necessidades postas pelo ajustamento fiscal do estado e
que o processo nÃo se completou, seja pela resistÃncia de professores e estudantes, seja
pela inaÃÃo dos governos, seja pela pouca atraÃÃo exercida sobre o setor privado,
embora os modelos de gestÃo participativa e democrÃtica sigam sendo a forma
privilegiada de introduÃÃo da âreformaâ gerencial do Estado.<br>The overall study aims to examine the introduction of policies to democratic and participatory
management in the public education in Brazil, in the limits of the Brazilian State management
"reform", with emphasis on the Cearà state experience between 1995 and 2006, considering its
articulation within the guidelines issued by the multilateral agencies. In this sense, the study
focuses on the ideologies that inform the above process, Corporatism and the Principle of
Subsidiarity, examining his reappearance in the political theory underlying the "reform" of the
State. It is a documental and bibliographical research based on theoretical and methodological
horizon of historical and dialectical materialism. The research resulted in approaches that
reveal: management "reform" of the Brazilian State, responsive to the crisis of capital, founded
in participatory bases, prefigures a integralist political regime, averse to the political
independence of the working class organizations; in the current context, decentralized and
participatory management aims to capture, in the State apparatus, the classist representations
(corporatism) in the context of governance in which an alleged autonomy in the base is designed
to manage the overall strategic plan of the State (principle of subsidiarity); management
participatory appears as a sine qua non of accaountability, in other words, the transfer of public
services to the sphere of civil society, the sphere of the market; the study of the introduction of
participatory management in the Cearà public education web showed the link between the new
managerial methods and imperatives posed by the State tax adjustment; the process is not
completed, because, in a hand, of the resistance of teachers and students and, in onother, by
inaction of governments, or by little attraction exerted on the private sector, although the models
of participatory and democratic management continue being the preferred way of introducing of
the State managerial "reform".
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Gilman, Hollie Russon. "The Participatory Turn: Participatory Budgeting Comes to America." Thesis, Harvard University, 2012. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10746.
Full textAbstract:
Participatory Budgeting (PB) has expanded to over 1,500 municipalities worldwide since its inception in Porto Alege, Brazil in 1989 by the leftist Partido dos Trabalhadores (Workers’ Party). While PB has been adopted throughout the world, it has yet to take hold in the United States. This dissertation examines the introduction of PB to the United States with the first project in Chicago in 2009, and proceeds with an in-depth case study of the largest implementation of PB in the United States: Participatory Budgeting in New York City. I assess the outputs of PB in the United States including deliberations, governance, and participation. I argue that PB produces better outcomes than the status quo budget process in New York City, while also transforming how those who participate understand themselves as citizens, constituents, Council members, civil society leaders and community stakeholders. However, there are serious challenges to participation, including high costs of engagement, process exhaustion, and perils of scalability. I devise a framework for assessment called “citizenly politics,” focusing on: 1) designing participation 2) deliberation 3) participation and 4) potential for institutionalization. I argue that while the material results PB produces are relatively modest, including more innovative projects, PB delivers more substantial non-material or existential results. Existential citizenly rewards include: greater civic knowledge, strengthened relationships with elected officials, and greater community inclusion. Overall, PB provides a viable and informative democratic innovation for strengthening civic engagement within the United States that can be streamlined and adopted to scale.<br>Government
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Hunt, Elizabeth. "Political economy of local and participatory governance." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:0ec4ce5a-6222-47cd-a903-8498aedd88be.
Full textAbstract:
Chapter 2 compares government consultation via an opinion poll and a citizens' jury". In a jury, about fiffteen volunteers spend several days learning about a policy choice before voting. If the public is ill-informed, the government trades-off "information" against participation". Jurors have better information than poll respondents, but constitute a smaller sample. More- over, participation costs may bias the jury sample. Indeed, the literature suggests that costs might induce "neutrality": over-representation of the minority to the extent that the result is uninformative. I show that although the minority will often be over-represented, "neutrality" is a knife-edge result here so juries may be worthwhile. Extensions consider compensating jurors and excluding "special interests". Chapter 3 uses evidence from the allocation of regeneration funding to motivate a model in which central government may ask councils to compile apparently pointless dossiers to ap- ply for money, because the dossiers provide information about councils' competence. I then consider when the government might prefer a simpler but less flexible auction-type process. The UK government's ability to "ring-fence" money, obliging councils to spend it on its priority, is central to chapter 3. Chapter 4 develops the analysis of auctions in this context. With variations in competence, ring-fencing effectively imposes type-specific minimum bids. I characterise equilibrium bidding and show that the ring-fencing constraint may not only increase bids, but actually induce councils to contribute resources. Continuing the themes of participation and competence in the policy process, chapter 5 examines parish councils' use of a general spending power. I find parishes with more well-educated and older citizens (groups with generally higher political participation) are more likely to use their powers. Further investigation suggests that these citizens matter because they are involved in governance, rather than because they exert democratic pressure. This has impli- cations for wider neighbourhood governance policy.
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Muniagurria, Lorena Avellar de. "As políticas da cultura: uma etnografia de trânsitos, encontros e militância na construção de uma política nacional de cultura." Universidade de São Paulo, 2016. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8134/tde-07042017-135229/.
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O principal objetivo desta tese é discutir os modos de fazer cultura e política no contexto da construção de uma política nacional de cultura, promovida ao longo dos governos Lula (2003-2010) e Dilma (2011-2016). Com foco na atuação da chamada sociedade civil, e tendo por base uma etnografia que partiu de instâncias de participação vinculadas ao Ministério da Cultura (quais sejam: o Conselho Nacional de Políticas Culturais, seus colegiados setoriais e as conferências de cultura), a pesquisa mostra como a construção dessa política apenas foi possível graças à atuação dos representantes da sociedade civil, que constituíram um dos principais agentes a demandar e, assim, a disseminar a proposta inicialmente elaborada pelo MinC. Os fóruns participativos não foram tomados como totalidades a serem esquadrinhadas, mas como centros de gravitação a partir dos quais acompanhar os trânsitos de alguns representantes. Sendo nacionais, esses espaços congregavam sujeitos de diferentes estados, das cinco regiões brasileiras. O trabalho de campo correspondeu, então, a uma etnografia multi-situada, que seguiu o deslocamento de pessoas que viajavam para atender reuniões que ocorriam em cidades diversas, cruzando fronteiras entre as esferas da federação, e entre espaços associados ora ao Estado, ora à cultura. Tendo por inspiração trabalhos atentos às pragmáticas sociais, e associando referências de dois campos distintos da antropologia (de um lado, reflexões sobre política, Estado e políticas públicas, provenientes da antropologia da política; de outro, sobre a eficácia de aspectos formais ou estéticos, contribuição de uma antropologia da arte e de uma recente antropologia da burocracia), a presente tese analisa um conjunto extenso e variado de materiais. Foram considerados: o trânsito de pessoas; a circulação de ideias e modelos relativos à cultura e à política, corporificados em atas, relatórios, leis, organogramas e outros documentos; as metodologias e os procedimentos organizacionais utilizados para estruturar uma conferência ou para realizar uma votação; um conjunto de práticas e elementos oriundos dos universos culturais representados, que se fizeram presentes nos espaços participativos institucionalizados e que eram percebidos como uma maneira própria da cultura fazer política. Este trabalho revela, assim, a diversidade de práticas que constituem as experiências de democracia participativa na cultura, e mostra como a proliferação de espaços participativos resultou na criação de instâncias e agentes de difusão de entendimentos e modelos particulares de política cultural e de gestão pública. A tese permitiu ainda elaborar analiticamente o aparente paradoxo colocado pela existência concomitante de intensos fluxos (que cruzam, a todo momento, fronteiras) e de imagens totalizantes do que seja o Estado, a sociedade civil e a cultura brasileira, mostrando como é justamente através dos trânsitos que sujeitos, coletivos e categorias das políticas culturais se constituem relacional e simultaneamente.<br>The main objective of this dissertation is to discuss the ways of doing \"culture\" and \"politic\" related to the creation of a national cultural policy, that has had place during Lula (2003-2010) and Dilma (2011-2016) governments. Focusing on the so-called civil society, and based on an ethnography of participatory spaces related to the Ministry of Culture (namely: the National Council of Cultural Policies, its sectoral collegiates and the National Culture\'s Conferences), this research intends to show how the construction of this policy was possible thanks to the work of the civil society representatives, who became one of the main agents to demand and, thus, to spread the policy drawn up, at first, by the Ministry of Culture. The participatory forums were taken not as totalities to be scrutinized, but as gravitation centers from which follow the displacements of some representatives. As national institutions, these participatory spaces congregated people from different states, from all five Brazilian regions. The fieldwork corresponded thus to a multi-situated ethnography, which followed the movement of people who travelled to attend meetings that took place in several cities, crossing boundaries among the spheres of the Brazilian federation, and among spaces associated now to State, now to culture. The theoretical inspiration comes from works dedicated to analyze social practices, and associates contributions from two distinct anthropological field references: on one side, reflections on politics, State and public policy, from the Anthropology of Politics; on the other, reflections on the effectiveness of formal and aesthetic aspects, contribution of the Anthropology of Art and a recent Anthropology of Bureaucracy. This dissertation analyzes an extensive and varied set of materials. Are considered: the displacements of persons; the circulation of ideas and of models of culture and politics, embodied in minutes, reports, laws, organizational charts and other documents; methodologies and organizational procedures used to organize a conference or an election; a set of practices and elements derived of cultural universes, that were present in the institutionalized participatory spaces and that were perceived as culture\'s way of making politics. This work thus reveals the diversity of practices that constitute experiences of participatory democracy in the cultural field, and shows how the proliferation of participatory spaces resulted in the creation of instances and agents that worked out the dissemination of particular understandings and models of cultural policy and public management. The dissertation also examines the apparent paradox posed by the concurrent existence of intense flows (which cross many borders) and totalizing images of what would be a State, the civil society and the Brazilian culture, showing how it is precisely through the displacements that subjects, collectives and categories of cultural policies constitute themselves, in a relational way.
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Gislen, Mikael. "Dysfunctional aspects of Software Development : An analysis of how lip-service, deception and organisational politics may side-track the result of well-intended methodologies." Thesis, Blekinge Tekniska Högskola, Sektionen för datavetenskap och kommunikation, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:bth-5445.
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This paper tries to identify and understand the human social obstacles for developing quality software. These include lip-service, cutting corners, deception and effects of internal politics. These obstacles can undermine the good intentions behind the software methodologies. The paper draws from the literature in different disciplines and uses an ethnographic research methodology to create a rich picture of the concerning aspects in the framework of one software development company in India. What stands out among the findings are that internal audits has mainly focused on finding errors in documentation procedures but study of the actual practices has often been shallow. In addition the understanding of business risks by the internal auditors have often been weak. Context. The human based obstacles affecting Software Development Methodology analysed in the context of an ISO 9000 quality system in an Indian Software Development company working mainly with Swedish companies. Objectives. Identifying and increasing the understanding of intrinsic negative social aspects such as lip service, cheating and politics which are affecting the results of Software Development Methodologies and if possible suggest some means to mitigate them. In particular to create a deeper understanding of why people cheat and pay lip service to methodologies and to try to understand the political aspects of methodology and quality systems. There are other positive social aspects, but they are not considered since the objective is about understanding the negative aspects and possibly mitigate them. Methods. Ethnographic research using analysis of ISO 9000 and design artefacts, semi-structured interviews, participation in internal audits, Results. Most focus in audits was on documentation and very less focus on underlying methodologies, some indications of lip-service to process and processes were also mainly managed on a higher level in the organization while the understanding and practices were less well established on lower level. It was hard to get a grip on the internal political aspects since the perception of the subject in the informants view was that it is mainly malicious and therefore embarrassing to speak about. Some conflicts between internal quality goals and customers’ needs were also identified. Conclusions. An ethnographic research methodology gives a rich picture. The analysis gives deeper understanding of the problem areas, but not necessary solutions. The author suggests that at the heart of the problem is a difference in world view. Software professionals generally tend to resolve [technical] problems using a reductionist approach, while these intricate challenges cannot easily be resolved by this approach. A more holistic systemic approach is required and while the software methodology is useful to structure the development it does not resolve these dysfunctions. They have to be resolved on another level. It was also found that further studies is required in particular to better understand Internal politics, the effect of Positive and Negative Incentives, the effect of software metrics on quality performance and subjectivity in customers’ perception and expectation.<br>Uppsatsen försöker förstå mänskliga sociala hinder för att utveckla programvara med hög kvalitet. Dessa hinder inkluderar "läpparnas bekännelser", ta genvägar, vilseleda och internpolitik. Sådana hinder kan underminera utvecklingsmetoder. Denna uppsats bygger på literatur från olika discipliner och använder etnografisk forskningsmetodik för att skapa en rik bild av dessa oroande aspekter inom ramen för ett IT-företag i Indien. Vad står ut är att intern kvalitetsrevision fokuserar för mycket på att finna fel i dokumentationsprocesser medan revision av hur utvecklingsarbetet faktiskt sker har varit för ytligt. Dessutom har de interna revisorernas förståelse av affärsrisker varit svag.
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Pugh, Jonathan. "Deconstructing participatory environmental planning : dispositions of power in Barbados." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.271229.
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Hou, Yue Ph D. Massachusetts Institute of Technology. "Participatory autocracy : private entrepreneurs, legislatures, and property protection in China." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/101808.
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Thesis: Ph. D., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science, 2015.<br>Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.<br>Includes bibliographical references (pages 209-229).<br>This dissertation addresses the puzzle of why individuals in authoritarian systems seek office in formal institutions, which are often dismissed as weak and ineffective. I argue that individuals seek office mainly to protect their property from government expropriation in China. In contrast to prior work, I argue that instead of being passive takers of existing institutional arrangements, private entrepreneurs in China actively seek opportunities within formal institutions to advance their interests. By holding seats in local legislatures, entrepreneurs signal to local bureaucrats that they have access to higher-level government officials to report illicit predatory behavior. This signal, in turn, deters local officials from demanding bribes, ad hoc taxes, and other types of informal payments. I deploy both qualitative and quantitative methods to support the argument. First, to understand state-business relations in China, I conducted 106 in-depth interviews with private entrepreneurs, government officials, and local scholars in five provinces during 16 months of fieldwork. I show that even while government expropriation is an endemic problem, private entrepreneurs who are also legislative officeholders are less likely to experience severe expropriation. Second, using a nationally representative survey of private entrepreneurs, I quantitatively show that entrepreneurs who have seats in the local legislatures on average spend 25 percent less on informal payments to local officials compared to entrepreneurs without such a political status. To investigate the causal link between formal office and protection of property, I conducted field experiments on Chinese bureaucrats to understand how local bureaucracies respond to constituents with connections to formal institutions. These experiments involved directly contacting officials to examine how they respond to realistic messages from citizens. Using an experimental manipulation, I demonstrate that Chinese bureaucrats are 35 percent more likely to respond to a constituent with connections to formal institutions. These findings challenge prominent theories of authoritarian politics, which see authoritarian institutions as instruments to arrange power sharing, rent distribution, or information collection. Adopting an "institution as resource" perspective, I show that within authoritarian institutions, entrepreneurial actors can seek opportunities to advance their interests and improve their well-being through formal means, even when these formal institutions are relatively weak..<br>by Yue Hou.<br>Ph. D.
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Davies, Rodrigo. "Civic crowdfunding : participatory communities, entrepreneurs and the political economy of place." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/89954.
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Thesis: S.M., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Comparative Media Studies, 2014.<br>Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.<br>Includes bibliographical references (pages 151-173).<br>Crowdfunding, the raising of capital from a large and diverse pool of donors via online platforms, has grown exponentially in the past five years, spurred by the rise of Kickstarter and IndieGoGo. While legislative attention in the US has turned to the potential to use crowdfunding as a means of raising capital for companies, less attention has been paid to the use of crowdfunding for civic projects - projects involving either directly or indirectly, the use of government funds, assets or sponsorship, which may include the development of public assets. This project analyzes the subgenre of civic crowdfunding from three perspectives. First, it provides a comprehensive quantitative overview of the subgenre of civic crowdfunding, its most common project types and its geographic distribution. Second, it describes three edge cases, projects that, while uncommon, demonstrate the current limits, aspirations and potential future path of the subgenre. Third, it analyzes the historical and intellectual paradigms within which civic crowdfunding projects and platforms are operating: whether they are best located within the historical context of community fundraising, participatory planning, entrepreneurial culture or a combination of the three. In addressing these questions, the thesis will explore the potential benefits and challenges of using crowdfunding as a means of executing community-oriented projects in the built environment, and offer proposals for how public and non-profit institutions can engage with crowdfunding to realize civic outcomes.<br>by Rodrigo Davies.<br>S.M.
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Sonderstrup, Soren. "Film for Change, Communication Rights and Social Change in Tanzania." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21495.
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The thesis presents a view of film for change set against the manifold approaches, practices or ideologies influencing it, and analysis it as a tool for the self-representation, self-determination and mediation of marginalised people in the face of globalization and the democratization of communication. It seeks to find an answer to the question of how film for change works as a method to empower the disadvantaged inhabitants of three villages in Tanzania, where fieldwork was carried out. The thesis tracks down core parameters that connect the visual communication experience to the social reality and bear the potential to change it. The use of visual communication technology, interactive and horizontal communication practices, fictionalizations and empowerment strategies enable processes among spectators and participants that permit them to reframe or reconsider representations that they witness. Film for change potentially reaches beyond the community and through convergence with Web 2.0 into the much larger public sphere, nationally as well as globally. The thesis suggests that film for change should be adapted to the present day media environment as citizens’ media, whereby media users also become media producers and start broadcasting self-communicated alternatives to the images and interpretations produced by established media corporations that dominate the global flows of information. In this way film for change connects to the right to communicate and becomes a tool for citizens to influence power relations and advocate social change.
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Baarda, Rachel. "Case Study of my.barackobama.com: Promoting Participatory Democracy?" Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/22850.
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An ongoing debate surrounds the question of whether digital media can promote participatory democracy. A qualitative case study was conducted on Barack Obama’s campaign social networking site, my.barackobama.com, in order to investigate the ways in which the website promotes or discourages participatory democracy. For a rich analysis, the case study drew on various relevant theoretical perspectives, including the concepts of participatory democracy and digital democracy. The case study included a content analysis of the website and interviews with members of groups on the site. The study found that my.barackobama.com promoted political knowledge and non-electoral participation, but failed to promote political discussion and community. Consequently, the recommendations highlighted the importance of an online public sphere. The findings of this case study add to the research literature about the political use of digital media, and they also add new information about Barack Obama’s digital media strategies.
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Phillips, Christopher. "Socrates café: an effective mechanism for realising a more participatory democracy?" Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2009. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/1897.
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This thesis interrogates the practices of the Socrates Café initiative since it was inaugurated nearly 13 years ago by the author of this dissertation. It seeks to critique whether Socrates Café – which strives to establish democratic communities of philosophical inquiry – has successfully embodied the stated goals of the non-profit Society for Philosophical Inquiry, or SPI, as enumerated on the website www.philosopher.org. These goals are to support “philosophical inquirers of all ages and walks of life as they become more empathetic and autonomous thinkers who take active part in creating a more deliberative democracy” The author of this dissertation co-founded SPI, and it is under its auspices that the Socrates Café project is spearheaded.
The Socrates Café ‘movement’ has spawned the establishment of more than 500 democratic communities of philosophical inquiry around the globe, with a decided majority in the U.S., gathering in sundry venues and contexts. Meetings convene primarily in cafés, but also in places like community centres, seniors’ residences, churches, schools from primary to secondary level, universities, libraries, prisons, as well as on the radio and in cyberspace, e.g. online dialogue groups and social networking sites, and virtual reality applications such as Second Life (www.secondlife.com). The working hypothesis is that the Socrates Café initiative has had signal accomplishments, even if these have not always completely coincided with, or fully realised, the stated overarching aims of the non-profit SPI, of which Socrates Café is the flagship undertaking.
In some instances, the Socrates Café dialogue groups may have met or exceeded objectives; in others, they have made beneficial advances for fostering a more participatory democracy, perhaps in unexpected or unintended ways; and still in others, they have not achieved the elaborated aims SPI. Consequently, it is incumbent to speculate, evidentially, discursively and creatively, on what might be further required to realise the long-term ends of Socrates Café, namely of fomenting greater grassroots deliberative democracy.
This thesis recognises the embodied nature of face-to-face dialogical exchange as the foundation for the Socrates Café movement. It further interrogates the inclusive and participatory approach of embracing all participants, regardless of age, education, background or philosophical experience, as potential facilitators of a Café exchange. Building on the thirteen years of evolving public practice, the project combines performative components, to demonstrate engagement in action and the processual nature of the investigation, with more traditional research, including quantitative and qualitative analysis. It includes the results of a survey of Socrates Café facilitators and coordinators for evaluating the achievements of Socrates Café against the stated goals of the Society for Philosophical Inquiry. Ultimately, this thesis strives to identify a gap between the aims of the SPI and the achievements of the Socrates Café initiative which will be assessed via critical analysis of research outcomes. This in turn will serve as a platform for proposing how best to remedy such a prospective gap, bringing the practice of Socrates Cafe into closer alignment with its promise.
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Duarte, Cardoso Luiza. "L’émergence d’une politique mémorielle au Brésil : la Politique Nationale des Musées (2003-2010)." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018USPCA083.
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Cette thèse porte sur la genèse de la Politique Nationale des Musées au Brésil dans les années 2000. L’expérience consolide des espaces de mémoire en tant qu’objets d’une politique publique dans le pays et impact le développement de démarches similaires en Amérique du Sud, marquées par les idées de la muséologie sociale. Cette recherche analyse, à la lumière de l’approche cognitive, les variables permettant d’expliquer l’émergence de cette politique muséale, qui configure l’ensemble des actions étatiques envers les musées et leurs collections. Elle s’appuie sur des données issues d'entretiens auprès des décideurs politiques et membres de la communauté muséale, de l'analyse de sources primaires et secondaires sur l’activité des institutions de gestion muséale nationales, des discours, lois et plans stratégiques. Cette étude démontre que l’effort vers le développement des solutions locales pour la gouvernance mémorielle sous l’influence du mouvement de la « nouvelle muséologie », dans le cadre de la montée d’une démarche de reconnaissance de la diversité culturelle, trouve sa place dans l’agenda, lors de l’alternance politique qui permet l’arrivée au sommet de l'État du premier gouvernement de gauche dans le pays. La politique muséale apporte une re-signification symbolique majeure des discours et pratiques mémorielles au Brésil et fonctionne comme un élément de légitimation du nouveau gouvernement, élu grâce à un programme ciblé sur la démocratisation de la structure publique au nom de la « justice sociale »<br>This thesis examines the genesis of the National Museums Policy in Brazil in the 2000s. The Brazilian model consolidated memory spaces as objects of public policy and served as a starting point for the development of similar initiatives elsewhere in South America, influenced by the theories of social museology. In order to explain the emergence of this museum policy, which encompassed all state actions towards museums and their collections, this research analyzes a combination of political, social, and cultural factors in the light of the cognitive approach. It draws on data from interviews with policy makers and members of the museum community, and analysis of primary and secondary sources related to the activities of national institutions of museum management, including speeches, legislation, and strategic plans. This thesis demonstrates that efforts towards the development of local solutions to memorial governance – under the influence of the movement of the "new museology," and as part of the rise of a process of recognition of cultural diversity – found its place on the political agenda due to a change of administration that led to the country’s first leftist government. The museum policy marked a major symbolic resignification of memorial discourses and practices in Brazil, and served as a means to legitimate the new government, which had been elected on a platform of democratizing public structures in the name of "social justice"
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Rocha, Andrea AraÃjo. "Participatoy Budget in Sobral/Cearà (1997 A 2004: historical trajectory and assessment pathyays." Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2009. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=3080.
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nÃo hÃ<br>This paper aims to analyze evaluate and socialize participatory and democratic management practices experienced in the city of Sobral with focus on the experience of the Participatory Budget stimulated by municipality in the period between the years 1997 to 2004 This experience provided the council the articulation of the main forces living in the territory and at the same time another demarcated political moment after spending four decades steeped in a political context in which the predominant clientelistic and paternalistic practices This situation refers to the questions regarding the scope of the changes and challenges that a model of democratic management must address to make some space and get channels to pursue a shared management involving representatives of civil society and public administration as was the proposal to Sobral in the period approached. The electoral process of 1996 is configured in a political arrangement in the city whose bid is based on democratic principles in order to enhance the citizenship and social rights In that context aims to assess the practices of the Participatory Budget through the relationship established between civil society and municipal administration noting the areas of sociability the strategies the learning and its developments in the city everyday They also want to score and limits the progress of relations between different social actors in view of a democratic and participatory management<br>Este trabalho tem como objetivo analisar avaliar e socializar as prÃticas de gestÃo participativa e democrÃtica vivenciadas no municÃpio de Sobral com enfoque na experiÃncia do OrÃamento Participativo estimulada pela Prefeitura no perÃodo compreendido entre os anos 1997 a 2004 Esta experiÃncia proporcionou ao municÃpio a articulaÃÃo das principais forÃas vivas no territÃrio e ao mesmo tempo demarcou outro momento polÃtico apÃs passar quatro dÃcadas mergulhado num contexto polÃtico em que predominavam as prÃticas clientelistas e paternalistas Essa situaÃÃo nos remete a questionamentos referentes aos alcances das mudanÃas e os desafios que um modelo de gestÃo democrÃtica deve enfrentar ao buscar introduzir alguns espaÃos e canais para perseguir uma gestÃo compartilhada envolvendo representantes da sociedade civil e da administraÃÃo pÃblica como foi a proposta para Sobral no perÃodo abordado. O processo eleitoral de 1996 configurou-se em um arranjo polÃtico no municÃpio cuja proposta se alicerÃava em princÃpios democrÃticos de modo a valorizar a cidadania e os direitos sociais. Nesse contexto pretende-se avaliar as prÃticas do OrÃamento Participativo atravÃs da relaÃÃo instituÃda entre a sociedade civil e a administraÃÃo municipal verificando os espaÃos de sociabilidades, as estratÃgias, os aprendizados e seus desdobramentos no cotidiano do municÃpio TambÃm se pretende pontuar os avanÃos e os limites das relaÃÃes entre os diferentes atores sociais na perspectiva de uma gestÃo democrÃtica e participativa
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Auyeh, Mose. "Comparing no-party participatory regimes : why Uganda succeeded and others failed /." Uppsala : Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-8918.
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Karlsson, Martin. "Covering distance : essays on representation and political communication." Doctoral thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-32019.
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Political representatives’ democratic legitimacy rests on their ability to cover the distance between themselves and citizens. Representatives must avoid being perceived as distant and aloof from the needs and wishes of those they represent. The aim of this thesis is to increase the understanding of how new forms of communication with citizens, through participatory initiatives as well as political blogging, are used by politicians in their roles as representatives. Underlying this aim is the question of whether new forms of communication can contribute to reducing the distance between representatives and citizens. The central argument of this thesis is that such types of communication aid representative democracy only to the extent that they offer representatives efficient channels for performing functions related to political representation. This study presents a theoretical framework that identifies potential functions of communication between representatives and citizens for political representation. Its empirical analyses, presented in five articles, find that representatives widely communicate with citizens through participatory initiatives and political blogging to aid their roles as political representatives. Furthermore, results show that representatives’ communication is significantly determined by strategic, practical, and normative factors. The representatives are found to act strategically as communication practices are adapted to accommodate their particular situations, needs and normative orientations. Keywords:
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Fernandez, Pepito R. "Understanding participatory development in Barangay Lumangan, Miagao, Iloilo, Philippines." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ29492.pdf.
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McGladrey, Margaret Louise. "CHANGING MINDS OR TRANSFORMING SOCIAL WORLDS? RE-ENVISIONING MEDIA LITERACY EDUCATION AS FEMINIST ARTS-ACTIVISM." UKnowledge, 2018. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/sociology_etds/35.
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This dissertation project seeks to address the sociological processes, dynamics, and mechanisms inflecting how and why U.S. society reproduces a sexually dimorphic, binary gender structure. The project builds upon the work of sociologists of gender on the doing gender framework, intersectional feminist approaches to identity formation, and hegemonic masculinity and relational theories of gender. In a 2012 article in Social Science and Medicine presenting contemporary concepts in gender theory to the health-oriented readers of the journal, R. W. Connell argues that much public policy on gender and health relies on categorical understandings of gender that are now inadequate. Connell contends that poststructuralist theories highlighting the performativity of gender improve on the assumption of a categorical binary typical in public policy, but they ignore the insights of sociological theories emphasizing gender as a structure comprising emotional and material constraints of the complex inter-relations among social institutions in which performances of gender are embedded. According to Connell, it is the task of social scientists to uncover “the processes by which social worlds are brought into being through time – the ontoformativity, not just the performativity, of gender.”
This project explores the ontoformativity of gender in consideration of Patricia Hill Collins’ concept of the four domains of power. According to Collins, matrices of domination are intersecting and interlocking axes of oppression including but not limited to race/ethnicity, class, gender, sexuality, nation, age, ability, place, and religion that reproduce social inequalities through their interoperation in the cultural, interpersonal, structural, and disciplinary domains of power. West and Zimmerman contrast gender as an axis in the matrix of oppression with site-specific roles, arguing that gender is a master status that is omnirelevant to all situations such that a person is assessed in terms of their competences in performing activities as a man or a woman. The doing gender approach has been accused of theorizing gender as an immutably monolithic social inequality. This project seeks to explicate the dynamics of gender ideology by probing its weaknesses in the interpersonal and cultural domains of power. As Collins and coauthor Sirma Bilge posit, for people oppressed along axes of gender, race/ethnicity, class, age, place, ability, and other binaries that constrain their actions in the structural and disciplinary domains of power, “the music, dance, poetry, and art of the cultural domain of power and personal politics of the interpersonal domain grow in significance.”
Each of the three components of the dissertation project addresses a facet of mechanisms and processes of the interpersonal and cultural domains of power in (re)producing the binary gender structure in U.S. society. Paper #1, titled, “Integrating Black Feminist Thought into Canonical Social Change Theory,” explicates how people in marginalized social locations mount definitional challenges to their received classifications in the cultural domain of power by rejecting the consciousness of the oppressor and wielding rearticulated collective identity-based standpoints as contextually attuned technologies of power to recast historical narratives. Paper #2, with teenaged co-researcher Emma Draper, titled “Ordering Gender: Interactional Accountability and the Social Accomplishment of Gender Among Adolescents in the U.S. South,” maps how youth theorize interactional accountability processes to binary gender expectations in the interlocking social institutions of medicine, the family, schools, and peer social networks. Paper #3 is a book proposal comprising an introductory chapter. The book will tell the story of how young feminist arts-activists challenge the binary gender structure through resistance in the cultural and interpersonal domains.