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Journal articles on the topic 'Participatory politics'

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Published: 4 June 2025
Last updated: 23 June 2025

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1

Loveless, Natalie. "Participatory Politics." Afterimage 38, no. 2 (2010): 31–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aft.2010.38.2.31.

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Bell, David M. "The Politics of Participatory Art." Political Studies Review 15, no. 1 (2015): 73–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1478-9302.12089.

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3

Phillips, John A. "Participatory politics in Hanoverian England." Social History 16, no. 2 (1991): 223–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071029108567802.

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4

Ember, Carol R., Melvin Ember, and Bruce Russett. "Peace Between Participatory Polities: A Cross-Cultural Test of the “Democracies Rarely Fight Each Other” Hypothesis." World Politics 44, no. 4 (1992): 573–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010488.

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Evidence is accumulating that, in the modern international system, democracies rarely fight each other. But the reasons for the phenomenon are not well understood. This article explores a similar phenomenon in other societies, using cross-cultural ethnographic evidence. It finds that polities organized according to more participatory (“democratic”) principles fight each other less often than do polities organized according to hierarchical principles. Stable participatory institutions seem to promote peaceful relations, especially if people perceive that others also have some control over politics.
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5

Shillinglaw. "John Steinbeck's Participatory Politics, 1936–1968." Steinbeck Review 16, no. 2 (2019): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/steinbeckreview.16.2.0145.

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6

Horvat, Branko, and J. Michael Montias. "Colloquium on participatory economics and politics." Journal of Comparative Economics 10, no. 1 (1986): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0147-5967(86)90113-7.

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7

Ziółkowski, Jacek. "Partycypacyjny wymiar antypolityki – od modelu do badań empirycznych." Politeja 21, no. 3(90) (2024): 173–96. https://doi.org/10.12797/politeja.21.2024.90.09.

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THE PARTICIPATORY DIMENSION OF ANTI-POLITICS – FROM MODEL TO EMPIRICAL RESEARCH The article aims to explore the phenomenon and state of research on anti‑politics. This issue has been extensively studied in Western Europe and North America but is rarely discussed in the Polish context. The author focuses on the considerations regarding the definition of anti-politics, along with its various aspects and dimensions. The underlying assumption is that anti politics, as a highly complex phenomenon, can be studied either in its individual aspects or in a holistic manner. The article’s main goal is to concentrate on the participatory (passive) aspect of anti-politics, which involves citizens’ extremely negative assessments and attitudes towards politics and politicians, as well as their declining political participation. The author begins by reviewing the existing research and then presents proposals for a model and operationalisation of the anti-politics phenomenon. The entire framework of the author’s model and operationalisation of anti-politics, particularly in the participatory aspect, serves as a research proposal. The text also aims to present and popularise research on anti-politics among Polish researchers and highlight the potential role of political theorists in these studies.
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8

Van Wymeersch, Elisabet, Stijn Oosterlynck, and Thomas Vanoutrive. "The political ambivalences of participatory planning initiatives." Planning Theory 18, no. 3 (2018): 359–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1473095218812514.

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This article explores the relevance of combining multiple understandings of democratic politics to analyse the ambivalent and contentious dynamics of citizen participation in spatial planning. Building forth on the ongoing efforts in critical planning theory to overcome the deadlock between collaborative and agonistic oriented planning approaches, we argue for the refraining from ‘over-ontologising’ the question of democratic politics in planning processes, and start from the assumption that participatory planning processes as an empirical reality can accommodate radically different, even incompatible views on democracy. In addition, it is argued that while current planning scholars predominantly focus on the applicability of the collaborative and (ant)agonistic approach to democratic politics, a third approach – based on Jacques Rancière’s notion of political subjectification grounded in equality – may be discerned. By mobilising an empirical study of a contentious participatory planning initiative in Ghent (Belgium), that is, the Living Street experiment, we illustrate that while different approaches to democratic politics do not necessarily align with each other, they are often simultaneously at work in concrete participatory planning processes and indeed explain their contentious nature.
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Ellis, Katie, and Gerard Goggin. "Disability Media Participation: Opportunities, Obstacles and Politics." Media International Australia 154, no. 1 (2015): 78–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1515400111.

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This article discusses participatory media from a critical disability perspective. It discusses the relative absence of explicit discussion and research on disability in the literatures on community, citizen and alternative media. By contrast, disability has emerged as an important element of participatory cultures and digital technologies. To explore disability participatory cultures, the article offers analysis of case studies, including disability blogs, ABC's Ramp Up website and crowd-funding platforms (such as Kickstarter).
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10

Dunn, Peter T. "Participatory Infrastructures: The Politics of Mobility Platforms." Urban Planning 5, no. 4 (2020): 335–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/up.v5i4.3483.

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Much of everyday life in cities is now mediated by digital platforms, a mode of organization in which control is both distributed widely among participants and sharply delimited by the platform’s constraints. This article uses examples of smartphone-based platforms for urban mobility to argue that platforms create new political arrangements of the city, intermediating the social processes of management and movement that characterize urban life. Its empirical basis is a study of user interfaces, data specifications, and algorithms used in the operation and regulation of ride-hailing services and bike-share systems. I focus on three aspects of urban politics affected by platforms: its location, its participants, and the types of conflict it addresses. First, the programming forums in which decisions are encoded in and distributed through platforms’ core digital architecture are new sites of policy deliberation outside the more familiar arenas of city politics. Second, travelers have new opportunities to use platforms for travel on their own terms, but this expanded participation is circumscribed by interfaces that presuppose individual, transactional engagement rather than a participation attentive to a broader social and environmental context. Finally, digital systems show themselves to be well suited to enforcing quantifiable distributional goals, but struggle to resolve the more nuanced relational matters that constitute the politics of everyday city life. These illustrations suggest that digital tools for managing transportation are not only political products, but also reset the stage on which urban encounters play out.
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11

Ampler, Brian. "Contentious Politics and Participatory Democracy in Brazil." Política & Sociedade 13, no. 28 (2014): 199. http://dx.doi.org/10.5007/2175-7984.2014v13n28p199.

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12

Wynne-Jones, Sophie, Peter North, and Paul Routledge. "Practising participatory geographies: potentials, problems and politics." Area 47, no. 3 (2015): 218–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/area.12186.

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13

Rodrik, Dani. "Participatory Politics, Social Cooperation, and Economic Stability." American Economic Review 90, no. 2 (2000): 140–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.90.2.140.

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14

Howarth, Anita. "PARTICIPATORY POLITICS, ENVIRONMENTAL JOURNALISM AND NEWSPAPER CAMPAIGNS." Journalism Studies 13, no. 2 (2012): 210–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1461670x.2011.646398.

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15

Stephens, Gene. "Participatory justice: The politics of the future." Justice Quarterly 3, no. 1 (1986): 67–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07418828600088801.

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Wright, Peter, and John McCarthy. "The politics and aesthetics of participatory HCI." Interactions 22, no. 6 (2015): 26–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/2828428.

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17

Anderson, Gary L. "The politics of participatory reforms in education." Theory Into Practice 38, no. 4 (1999): 191–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00405849909543853.

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18

Miller, Nod. "Participatory action research: Principles, politics, and possibilities." New Directions for Adult and Continuing Education 1994, no. 63 (1994): 69–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ace.36719946308.

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19

Cohen, Joshua, and Benjamin Barber. "Strong Democracy: Participatory Politics for a New Age." Contemporary Sociology 14, no. 5 (1985): 628. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2069562.

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20

Baiocchi, Gianpaolo. "Emergent Public Spheres: Talking Politics in Participatory Governance." American Sociological Review 68, no. 1 (2003): 52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3088902.

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21

Middaugh, Ellen, Lynn Schofield Clark, and Parissa J. Ballard. "Digital Media, Participatory Politics, and Positive Youth Development." Pediatrics 140, Supplement 2 (2017): S127—S131. http://dx.doi.org/10.1542/peds.2016-1758q.

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22

Bostaph, Samuel, and Benjamin R. Barber. "Strong Democracy: Participatory Politics for a New Age." Southern Economic Journal 52, no. 2 (1985): 567. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1059650.

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23

Newman, S. L. "Strong Democracy: Participatory Politics for a New Age." Telos 1986, no. 70 (1986): 187–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.3817/1286070187.

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24

Lawansiri, Pokpong. "Human rights and participatory politics in Southeast Asia." South East Asia Research 28, no. 2 (2020): 224–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0967828x.2020.1770499.

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25

Parenti, Michael, and Benjamin Barber. "Strong Democracy: Participatory Politics for a New Age." Political Science Quarterly 100, no. 2 (1985): 328. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2150669.

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26

Williams, Glyn, Binitha V. Thampi, D. Narayana, Sailaja Nandigama, and Dwaipayan Bhattacharyya. "Performing Participatory Citizenship – Politics and Power in Kerala'sKudumbashreeProgramme." Journal of Development Studies 47, no. 8 (2011): 1261–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00220388.2010.527949.

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27

Pennington, Natalie. "Social Media and Democracy: Innovations in Participatory Politics." European Journal of Communication 29, no. 2 (2014): 251–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323113519546d.

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28

Petcharamesree, Sriprapha. "Human Rights and Participatory Politics in Southeast Asia." Contemporary Southeast Asia 42, no. 2 (2020): 308–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs42-2i.

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29

Kim, Sungmoon. "Transcendental collectivism and participatory politics in democratized Korea." Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 11, no. 1 (2008): 57–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698230701880505.

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30

Einstein, Katherine Levine, David M. Glick, and Maxwell Palmer. "Neighborhood Defenders: Participatory Politics and America's Housing Crisis." Political Science Quarterly 135, no. 2 (2020): 281–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/polq.13035.

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31

Baiocchi, Gianpaolo. "Emergent Public Spheres: Talking Politics in Participatory Governance." American Sociological Review 68, no. 1 (2003): 52–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000312240306800103.

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This article addresses the question of whether and how participation in government promotes the conditions for participants to engage in the open-ended and public-minded discussion heralded by democratic theorists. Ethnographic evidence shows how participants in assemblies of the “participatory budget” in the city of Porto Alegre, Brazil, created open-ended and public-minded discussion in two of the city's poor districts. The urban poor of Latin American have often been treated as unlikely candidates for democratic engagement, but in these meetings participants regularly carved out spaces for civic discourse and deliberation, deploying a language of the commonality of needs as a vocabulary of public interest. In a district with organized networks of civil society, experienced community activists played an important role in curtailing conflict, while in a district without such networks, the assemblies were severely disrupted at times by virtue of being the “only place in the community” that could serve as a staging ground for some participants to manage their reputations. A comparison with a prior period in both districts shows that before the budgeting assemblies were created it was difficult to sustain any kind of regular meeting place beyond individual neighborhoods to carry out these discussions. The notion of the “public sphere” is broadened, calling for a revision of the stark separation of state and civil society in democratic theory.
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32

Loader, B.D., and D. Mercea. "Networking Democracy? Social media innovations and participatory politics." Information, Communication and Society 14, no. 6 (2011): 757–69. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.571345.

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Early conceptions of digital democracy as a virtual public sphere or civic commons have been replaced by a new technological optimism for democratic renewal based upon the open and collaborative networking characteristics of social media. This article provides an introduction to a special issue of the international journal Information, Communication & Society, which attempts to present a grounded analysis of these claims drawing upon evidence-based research and analysis. A more cautious approach is suggested for the potential of social media to facilitate more participative democracy while acknowledging its disruptive value for challenging traditional interests and modes of communicative power.
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33

Pang, Laikwan. "Arendt in Hong Kong." Cultural Politics 12, no. 2 (2016): 155–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/17432197-3592064.

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This article explores the meanings of the arts produced in the 2014 Hong Kong Umbrella Movement, using a reinterpretation of Hannah Arendt’s political philosophy. It examines how these arts struggle with the tensions between politics and aesthetics. These arts are not only politically provocative in themselves but they also provide us new perspectives in understanding participatory politics and participatory arts, in general. The discussion is based on two sets of tensions: the tensions between arts and artifacts and those between actors and spectators.
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Van Wijnendaele, Barbara. "Social Justice and the Politics of Emotions." Human Geography 4, no. 2 (2011): 76–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/194277861100400207.

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Based on research with poor young people about the empowering impact of participatory action research (PAR), this article points to the role of emotions in confirming or subverting processes of oppression. Although participatory action research increasingly recognises emotion as part of social research, I argue that PAR is still very much associated with reflection and structured representation as key to empowerment and change. There is still relatively little attention to how our ordinary, everyday emotions mediate processes of oppression or resistance, and to the importance of changing how we feel as an act of resistance.
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35

Schmidt, Steven. "Evaluating Informal Politics in Mexico City." Sociology of Development 6, no. 4 (2020): 437–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sod.2020.6.4.437.

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The rise of participatory democracy in urban Latin America has increased citizen deliberation in local politics, improved access to state officials and given residents greater control over municipal budgets. Simultaneously, welfare state retrenchment across the region has ensured the continued importance of the informal sector in securing citizen livelihoods, including informal political arrangements such as clientelism. Given their documented co-existence, how do informal political strategies operate in this new landscape of formal, local democracy? To answer this question, this article analyzes 21 semi-structured interviews with urbanists in Mexico City who evaluate the informal tactics of two groups that mobilize through participatory democratic initiatives: street vendor unions and white collar neighborhood councils. Urbanists regularly denounce informal, corporatist-clientelistic political strategies when they are used by street vendor groups. However, when deployed by white collar neighborhood councils, these tactics are tolerated and even celebrated. The differential reception of informal political tactics by city officials draws attention to how they construct the legitimacy or illegitimacy of informal political action. I argue that considering legitimacy adds a new analytical category to studies of informal politics that captures which groups are able to use informal tactics to advance their claims in local participatory democracy.
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Kusdianita, Sevy, Mugi Hartana, Muhammad Zulfikar Arsyad, and Yunita Melinda Putri. "Perempuan Sebagai Modal Sosial Pengawasan Partisipatif di Masyarakat." Jurnal Adhyasta Pemilu 5, no. 1 (2022): 59–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.55108/jap.v5i1.84.

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Participatory supervision is a surveillance movement that comes from the initiation of society on a voluntary basis. This movement involves all elements of society, including women. Women are also active in political participation, even having the potential to become the driving engine of grassroots movements. Currently, women have been active in the election process, become election participants, election organizers and are in the ranks of election supervision. This paper will discuss the role of women as the driving force of participatory supervision in the Anti-Money Politics Village program in Sardonoharjo Village, Sleman Regency, Yogyakarta Special Region through descriptive research methods and qualitative research types using social capital and participation approaches. The conclusion drawn from this study is that women are the social capital of the core movement in society and play a role in the formation of participatory movement patterns. The pattern of participatory movements carried out by women in the election process in the Village Anti-Money Politics program, has the potential to expand so that more massive participatory supervision is realized.
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Meleo-Erwin, Zoë C. "Fat Bodies, Qualitative Research and the Spirit of Participatory Action Research." International Review of Qualitative Research 3, no. 3 (2010): 335–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/irqr.2010.3.3.335.

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Participatory Action Research (PAR) may be conceived of as a politic or an epistemology rather than a rigid methodology. If this is the case, how can PAR inform other qualitative methodologies? How can qualitative researchers adopt the spirit of PAR without doing PAR work itself? In this work, I seek to explore these questions by reviewing how PAR can guide my future dissertation work on the productive effects of the obesity epidemic. I examine how I might base my research in the ethics and politics of social justice and yet also remain open to and accountable for the ways in which my choice of methods reflects what can be seen as the colonizing approach of traditional social science.
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38

VanderPlaat, Madine, Yolande Samson, and Pauline Raven. "The Politics and Practice of Empowerment Evaluation and Social Interventions: Lessons from the Atlantic Community Action Program for Children Regional Evaluation." Canadian Journal of Program Evaluation 16, no. 1 (2001): 79–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjpe.016.005.

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Abstract: Empowerment or participatory evaluation has gained significant popularity in the last few years. However, there is considerable variation in the manner in which the terms are used and in the politics that underlie and inform such practices. This article, which reflects upon the authors’ collective experience with the Atlantic Community Action Program for Children (CAPC) regional evaluation, argues for empowerment-oriented evaluation strategies informed by emancipatory politics. In particular, the authors examine the implications an emancipatory ethic has for their understanding of the terms participatory, empowerment, and social change within the context of evaluation research.
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39

Aykan, Bahar. "How Participatory is Participatory Heritage Management? The Politics of Safeguarding the AleviSemahRitual as Intangible Heritage." International Journal of Cultural Property 20, no. 4 (2013): 381–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0940739113000180.

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Abstract:This article addresses the shortcomings of UNESCO’s intangible heritage program in developing effective mechanisms for community participation in heritage management. Contrary to its original intentions, by prioritizing national perspectives and interests on heritage, UNESCO’s program inadvertently allows for strengthening the control of the state over the heritage of minorities and other marginalized groups. This article explores the complexities of state-led intangible heritage management, using theSemahritual of Turkey’s Alevi religious groups as a case in point. I first detail how Alevi voices were silenced duringSemah’s intangible heritage nomination process, despite those documents submitted by Turkey to UNESCO that claim Alevis’ active engagement and full support. Then I discuss in what ways the heritage making ofSemahplays into the ongoing efforts of the Turkish government to integrate Alevis into dominant Sunni majority. I conclude by arguing that UNESCO’s intangible heritage program, though unintentionally, assists nondemocratic countries in their efforts to force marginalized groups to adopt the mainstream culture.
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40

Kern, Anna. "Pragmatic Citizens – A Bottom-Up Perspective on Participatory Politics." Politics of the Low Countries 3, no. 2 (2021): 207–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.5553/plc/.000012.

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41

Farthing, Rys. "Participatory politics: next generation tactics to remake public spheres." Information, Communication & Society 18, no. 12 (2014): 1467–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1369118x.2014.970660.

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42

Bosch, Tanja. "Participatory politics and citizen journalism in a networked Africa." Information, Communication & Society 19, no. 12 (2016): 1704–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1369118x.2016.1199724.

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43

Wheeler, Joanna, Jackie Shaw, and Jo Howard. "Politics and practices of inclusion: intersectional participatory action research." Community Development Journal 55, no. 1 (2020): 45–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cdj/bsz036.

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Abstract A politics of exclusion is gaining ground in the global North and South, actively excluding and delegitimizing certain groups. At the same time, in global policy discourse, such as the sustainable development goals, there is an increasing focus on inclusion of the most marginalized and a reduction of inequalities. This article explores the politics and practice of inclusion through grounded examples of intersectional participatory action research (PAR). It uses examples from South Africa and India to consider the added value of taking an intersectional approach to PAR. We trace how intersectionality in practice draws attention to hidden knowledge and experience, challenges discriminatory labels, and requires careful navigation between individual and group processes. We analyse the potential for PAR processes to enable groups to surface and acknowledge inequalities across difference. We propose that, through creative processes and iterative dialogue and reflection, exclusionary attitudes and discourses which undermine people’s agency can be challenged, and alternative, inclusive narratives may be constructed. Finally, we argue that this process is relevant to wider political debates.
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Huybrechts, Liesbeth, Maurizio Teli, Mela Zuljevic, and Mela Bettega. "Visions that change. Articulating the politics of participatory design." CoDesign 16, no. 1 (2020): 3–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15710882.2020.1728907.

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Deville, Joe. "Debtor publics: tracking the participatory politics of consumer credit." Consumption Markets & Culture 19, no. 1 (2015): 38–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10253866.2015.1068169.

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Montefrio, Marvin Joseph Fonacier, and Alaine Taylor Johnson. "Politics in participatory guarantee systems for organic food production." Journal of Rural Studies 65 (January 2019): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jrurstud.2018.12.014.

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47

Gutiérrez, Karina. "Diana Taylor, ¡Presente!: The Politics of Presence." Modern Drama 64, no. 2 (2021): 255–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/md.64.2.br08.

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Diana Taylor’s newest book, ¡Presente! The Politics of Presence, provides a critically reflective exploration of how scholars, artists, and activists may engage ethically with performance as both an object of study and a participatory event.
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48

Baby, Anjaly. "Book review: K. Rajesh, Local Politics and Participatory Planning in Kerala: Democratic Decentralisation 1996–2016." Review of Development and Change 28, no. 1 (2023): 130–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09722661231172292.

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49

Sohn, Patricia. "The Neo-Positive Value of Symbolic Representations and Ritual Politics: Reconsidering the South Korean Allegory in Popular Film, Asura: The City of Madness." Religions 14, no. 11 (2023): 1362. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14111362.

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The article is a preliminary effort to join neo-positive and historical institutional analysis from comparative politics with insights from discursive and phenomenological analysis. It highlights a message arising from a South Korean film related to moral–ethical dimensions and the implications of development policy. Taken in symbolic as well as empirical terms, the film proffers that economic development policy not attending to political institutional development—including correct institutional practices at the micro-level—is feeding Asia’s demons (e.g., asuras) rather than its forces of stability and (rational, democratic, participatory) political order. The film suggests that institutional atrophy and social decay may emerge from the breakdown of political institutions and participatory politics as a political system moves from rationalized institutions and practices into what the current work calls, “mafia politics.” Political ritual and political theatre are actively employed in the film in ritualized acts of the desecration of political order. The current work suggests that the analysis of symbolic representations relating to ritual politics and performativity (e.g., “political theatre”) located in certain art forms, such as international film, may be useful in studies of religion and politics, and in qualitative comparative political and historical institutional analysis more broadly.
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Kaluher, Anna. "Criticism minima: how to overcome ethical in yourself. Book review: Claire Bishop. Artificial Hells: Participatory Art and the Politics of Spectatorship. London: Verso, 2012. (ISBN 9781844676903)." Text and Image: Essential Problems in Art History, no. 1 (2019): 102–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2519-4801.2019.1.07.

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This review is an attempt of a critical generalization of the first monograph devoted to the phenomenon of Participatory Art – «Artificial Hells: Participatory Art and the Politics of Spectatorship» by Claire Bishop. Аuthor focuses on the problems of the binary of active and passive viewing, art after a «Social turn», the concept of ethics and the phenomenon of theatricalization in contemporary art.
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