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Journal articles on the topic 'Partido Nacional Antirreeleccionista (Mexico)'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 27 July 2025

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1

Fiederlein, Suzanne L. "The 1994 Elections in Mexico: The Case of Chiapas." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 12, no. 1 (1996): 107–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1052080.

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Este artículo examina las elecciones de 1994 en Chiapas, así como los acontecimientos previos y sus resultados y ramificaciones. El levantamiento zapatista tuvo un impacto profundo en el proceso electoral en Chiapas, así como sobre el movimiento nacional de democratización en México. Mientras que las irregularidades electorales ocurridas por todo el país no fueron vistas como lo suficientemente importantes para desafiar la victoria del partido en el poder en cuanto a la elección de presidente, los resultados oficiales en Chiapas, en particular sobre la elección de gobernador, no se consideraro

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Cárdenas Sánchez, José, and María Gabriela Gildo de la Cruz. "ANÁLISIS DISCURSIVO DE LAS CAMPAÑAS ANTICIPADAS A LA PRESIDENCIA DE MÉXICO RUMBO AL 2024." Miguel Hernández Communication Journal 15 (July 31, 2024): 419–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.21134/j7ex5n57.

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The selection of candidates for the presidency of Mexico presents an unprecedented scenario of anticipated internal processes by political parties, outside the times established by law, but endorsed by the electoral body. The rules established by the political actors themselves, represented by the official party, Movimiento de Regeneración Nacional (MORENA) and the Frente Amplio por México (FAM), formed by the traditional parties: Partido Acción Nacional (PAN), Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) and Partido de la Revolución Democrática (PRD), create a scenario of internal contests that

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3

Lucardi, Adrián. "Building Support From Below? Subnational Elections, Diffusion Effects, and the Growth of the Opposition in Mexico, 1984-2000." Comparative Political Studies 49, no. 14 (2016): 1855–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414016666857.

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Can subnational elections contribute to democratization? In autocracies that hold competitive elections at multiple levels of government, subnational executive offices provide opposition parties with access to resources, increase their visibility among voters, and let them gain experience in government. This allows opposition parties to use subnational executives as “springboards” from which to increase their electoral support in future races, and predicts that their electoral support should follow a diffusion process, that is, a party’s electoral performance in municipality m at time t should

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4

Mota Pérez, Melissa. "El Fonca: la historia del financiamiento del arte en México en la alternancia política (1989-2020)." Intervención 2, no. 26 (2023): 17–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.30763/intervencion.270.v2n26.49.2022.

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La creación del Fondo Nacional para la Cultura y las Artes (Fonca), en 1989, no sólo constituyó la transformación de la relación entre la comunidad artística y el Estado, sino también propició, de la mano del Consejo Nacional para la Cultura y las Artes (Conaculta), una nueva forma de concebir la política cultural en México. Este artículo analiza las bases estructurales del Fondo e identifica las modificaciones administrativas y operativas que ha tenido en la alternancia política —del Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) al de Acción Nacional (PAN) y el Movimiento Regeneración Nacional (

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CAMP, RODERIC AI. "The 2012 Presidential Election and What It Reveals about Mexican Voters." Journal of Latin American Studies 45, no. 3 (2013): 451–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x1300076x.

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AbstractThe 2012 presidential election in Mexico is significant for many reasons, not least of which is that it returned the Partido Revolucionario Institucional to power after two Partido Acción Nacional administrations. This essay reviews more than 50 surveys taken before and during the election to determine significant patterns among Mexican voters, comparing the most influential traditional and non-traditional demographic variables, as well as other variables such as partisanship and policy issues in this election, with those of the two previous presidential races. It also analyses other i

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Tamayo, David. "From Rotary Club to Sowers of Friendship." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 36, no. 1-2 (2020): 68–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2020.36.1-2.68.

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This article examines the political activism of conservative civil society in postrevolutionary Mexico through the lens of American service clubs. It focuses on the case of the Rotary Club of Monterrey, which gathered the city's industrial elites and some of the most vocal opponents of the Mexican state, particularly the presidency of Lázaro Cárdenas (1934–40). Monterrey is significant because of its economic and political clout; by the 1930s, it was the powerhouse of heavy industry and in the 1940s a key center of support for the Partido Acción Nacional. After Monterrey Rotarians dissolved th

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Osten, Sarah. "Trials by Fire." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 29, no. 1 (2013): 238–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2013.29.1.238.

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Across Mexico in the early 1920s, gubernatorial elections chronically failed, and the steps that the federal government took to resolve these crises often provoked further political upheaval. This pattern of electoral failure and the controversies it inspired are testimony to the prevailing uncertainty within the political class as to where the boundaries of power truly lay in post-revolutionary Mexico. This comparison of two failed gubernatorial elections reveals the significance of state politics to national political consolidation, and the formative role of political parties in the immediat

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Medellín Mendoza, Laura Nelly. "La Ley de Seguridad Interior en México: entre la razón de Estado y la justificación de los derechos humanos/ The Law of Internal Security in Mexico: between the reason of State and the justification of human rights." URVIO - Revista Latinoamericana de Estudios de Seguridad, no. 23 (November 26, 2018): 142–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17141/urvio.23.2018.3453.

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Presentamos un análisis cualitativo exploratorio-descriptivo desde la Ciencia Política acerca de la argumentación sostenida en las iniciativas de la Ley de Seguridad Interior (LSI) presentadas por el Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI), el Partido Acción Nacional (PAN) y el Partido de la Revolución Democrática (PRD). Dos conceptos operativos guían el análisis: razón de Estado y derechos humanos, presentes tanto en las justificaciones implícitas de quienes impulsan la Ley como en las de sus detractores, quienes la califican de violatoria de derechos humanos. En este último punto, nos con

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Jones, Eric C., Diana Luque, and Arthur D. Murphy. "Recovering Impunity." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 34, no. 2 (2018): 218–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2018.34.2.218.

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In the state of Sonora, the 2009 Hermosillo ABC Day Care Center fire and the 2014 Cananea copper mine spill highlighted how deregulation and divestiture of state services by the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) and the National Action Party (PAN) served the interests of a few elites, who maintained rule through mechanisms of impunity: in other words, through actions undertaken without concern about the law or repercussions. Although impunity produces a seemingly incoherent set of policy and politics, results from dozens of semi-structured interviews by our team also suggest that exercis

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10

Nash, June. "The Reassertion of Indigenous Identity: Mayan Responses to State Intervention in Chiapas." Latin American Research Review 30, no. 3 (1995): 7–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100017520.

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In the early hours of 1994, a few hundred men and women of the Ejército Zapatista Liberación Nacional (EZLN) blocked the Pan American Highway between Tuxtla Gutiérrez, the state capital of Chiapas, and San Cristóbal de las Casas and the road to Ocosingo, declaring war on Mexico's ruling Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI). This move signaled to the world that indigenous populations intended to make themselves heard at home and abroad as Mexico restructures its economy according to the neoliberal model promoted by President Carlos Salinas de Gortari. The rebels captured and briefly held

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Lawson, Chappell. "Voting Preference and Political Socialization among Mexican Americans and Mexicans Living in the United States." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 19, no. 1 (2003): 65–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2003.19.1.65.

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Recent survey data strongly suggest that extending the franchise to Mexicans living abroad would further weaken the already ailing Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI). Compared to their compatriots in Mexico, Mexicans in the United States are extremely ill disposed toward the PRI and particularly sympathetic to the center-right National Action Party (PAN). These differences, however, appear to be a function of education levels and media messages rather than underlying political values or self-selection through migration. Consequently, the distribution of voters across Mexico's main parties

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Klesner, Joseph L. "Adióós to the PRI? Changing Voter Turnout in Mexico's Political Transition." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 17, no. 1 (2001): 17–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2001.17.1.17.

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During the last decade, patterns of voter turnout in Mexico have changed dramatically. Turnout patterns now resemble those of established democracies, where affluent and politically engaged citizens are more likely to participate than poorer, less informed, and rural voters who make up the Institutional Revolutionary Party's traditional base. Because those Mexicans most likely to vote are also those most likely to support the opposition, especially the National Action Party, changing partisan biases in electoral participation have had crucial consequences for Mexico's political system. Durante

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Ernesto Emmerich, Gustavo. "Sufragio transnacional: el voto de los mexicanos desde el extranjero." Revista Mexicana de Estudios Electorales, no. 12 (2013): 72–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.54505/somee.rmee.2013.12.a5.

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Son muy pocos los mexicanos residentes en el extranjero que hasta la fecha han hecho uso de su derecho a votar desde su lugar de residencia, como lo permiten la Federación y tres entidades federativas (Michoacán, Chiapas y Distrito Federal). Los votantes en el extranjero se muestran renuentes a votar por el Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) y tienden a favorecer al Partido Acción Nacional (PAN). Según la escasa investigación de campo realizada hasta el momento, los votantes radicados en Estados Unidos de América (EUA) parecen caracterizarse por llevar largo tiempo allí, ser residentes

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14

Manukhin, Alexey. "A “Weird” Guerrilla. Zapatist Army of National Liberation as Participant of Mexico’s Transformation in Late 20th — Early 21st Centuries." ISTORIYA 15, no. 12-1 (146) (2024): 0. https://doi.org/10.18254/s207987840033515-5.

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Rural insurgent movements in Latin America were usually influenced by a small group of ideologues who maintained contact with an urban focal point or party. The Zapatista Army of National Liberation (Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional, EZLN), which developed in the Mexican state of Chiapas in the 1980s, began its journey as a “classic” rural guerrilla. The group’s high command propagated the ideas of reorganizing Mexico in a revolutionary way among the Indian communities of certain areas of the state of Chiapas who were dissatisfied with their situation. However, under the influence of

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15

Navarrete Vela, Juan Pablo, and Javier Rosiles Salas. "El Estado de México en 2017: de la hegemonía del PRI al arribo de Morena / The State of Mexico in 2017: from the hegemony of the PRI to the arrival of Morena." Revista Mexicana de Estudios Electorales 2, no. 20 (2018): 195–240. http://dx.doi.org/10.54505/somee.rmee.2018.2.20.a8.

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El propósito de este trabajo es ubicar en el mapa político la elección para gobernador en el Estado de México. Se analiza el amplio predominio del Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) en las elecciones de 2005 y 2011, y su eventual debilitamiento con la llegada de Morena en 2017. Las preguntas que guían la reflexión son: ¿cómo varió la fuerza del pri en los distritos electorales en la entidad?; ¿su proporción de votos aumentó o descendió?; ¿qué tan competitivas han sido las últimas tres elecciones para gobernador? El trabajo ofrece una radiografía de la coyuntura política en cada elecció

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16

Reynoso Jaime, Irving. "PEASANTS OF THE AMERICAS, UNITE ": THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF MEXICO AND THE NATIONAL PEASANT LEAGUE, 1926-1929." Latin-American Historical Almanac 22, no. 1 (2019): 123–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2019-22-1-123-153.

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17

Camp, Roderic Ai. "From Martyrdom to Power: The Partido Acción Nacional in Mexico. By Yemile Mizrahi. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 2003. Pp. xii, 211. Figures. Tables. Notes. Bibliography. Index. $45.00 cloth; $22.00 paper." Americas 61, no. 2 (2004): 338–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2004.0137.

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18

LOAEZA, SOLEDAD. "Kevin J. Middlebrook (ed.), Party Politics and the Struggle for Democracy in Mexico: National and State-Level Analyses of the Partido Acción Nacional (La Jolla, CA: Center for US-Mexican Studies, University of California, San Diego, 2001), pp. x+278, pb." Journal of Latin American Studies 36, no. 1 (2004): 181–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x03417689.

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19

Miró Quesada Rada, Francisco. "La dictadura como dominación política." Tradición, segunda época, no. 18 (January 8, 2020): 9–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.31381/tradicion.v0i18.2649.

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ResumenEn este artículo que titulamos La dictadura como dominación política, explicamos en qué consiste y cómo se organiza el uso arbitrario del poder a través de la forma de gobierno que el constitucionalista y politólogo alemán Karl Loëwenstain denomina con el nombre genérico de autocracias. Se refiere al autoritarismo y al totalitarismo que comúnmente llamamos dictadura y que los griegos llamaron tiranía. En otros términos, ambos son dos modalidades de autocracia. Cuando estudiamos esta forma de dominación política nos encontramos con una gran diversidad, pese a que hay algunos rasgos comun

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20

"From martyrdom to power: the Partido Accion Nacional in Mexico." Choice Reviews Online 41, no. 10 (2004): 41–6167. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.41-6167.

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21

Ascencio, Sergio J. "Party influence in presidential primaries: Evidence from Mexico." Party Politics, August 24, 2020, 135406882094642. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068820946424.

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Over recent decades, an increasing number of presidential candidates across the world have been nominated in primary elections. Yet, our understanding of presidential primaries outside of the U.S. remains very limited. This paper advances a theoretical argument linking presidential primary outcomes to the strategic behavior of subnational party elites, particularly those with the resources to mobilize primary voters in their regions. I provide support for this claim using an original dataset from the 2012 presidential primary of the Mexican Partido Acción Nacional (PAN), in which one of the ca

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22

Moncada Cerón [1], Jesús Salvador, and Beatriz Gómez Villanueva [2]. "Ética Social Y Nacionalismo En El Discurso Político Mexicano." Xihmai 15, no. 29 (2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.37646/xihmai.v15i29.332.

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ResumenLa identidad nacional es un constructo social que se ha derivado de los procesos históricos y sus valores, los cuales han creado una visión particular del ”ser nacional”. En esta construcción han interactuado múltiples factores; en el caso de México, el referente esencial que justificó las acciones gubernamentales se apegó a los hechos de la Revolución Mexicana de 1910, un icono de legitimidad para el Partido Revolucionario Institucional, partido político en el poder durante la mayor parte del siglo XX. En la presente investigación se analiza el discurso nacionalista emanado del ”mensa

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23

Coughlin, Richard W. "The Fourth Transformation and the Trajectory of Neoliberalism in Mexico." Latin American Perspectives, June 4, 2022, 0094582X2211038. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x221103875.

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The 2018 electoral victories of Andrés Manuel López Obrador (hereafter, AMLO) and his political party, Morena, may represent a significant inflection point in the development of neoliberalism in Mexico. The trajectory of neoliberalism has unfolded in terms of what Nils Gilman refers to as the “twin insurgency”—a plutocratic insurgency that, since the 1970s, has been restructuring capitalism on a transnational basis and a criminal insurgency that has flourished within the denationalized social spaces of neoliberalism. López Obrador’s national project, termed “the Fourth Transformation,” is an e

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Espinoza Valle, Víctor Alejandro. "Compromiso cívico y participación ciudadana en México: una perspectiva nacional y regional." América Latina Hoy 48 (December 3, 2008). http://dx.doi.org/10.14201/alh.1362.

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RESUMEN: La transición a la democracia en México no conoció rupturas ni pactos fundacionales, siendo conducida por una serie de reformas electorales. El sistema de partido hegemónico privilegió el intercambio corporativo entre gobierno y sociedad, lo que se tradujo en un histórico retraimiento de la participación ciudadana. La cultura política nacional evidencia un déficit en el compromiso cívico y en la participación electoral. En este trabajo se analizan los resultados de tres encuestas de cultura política aplicadas en 2001, 2003 y 2005 y que nos permiten avanzar en el entendimiento de las f

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González Galván, Jorge Alberto. "El convenio 169 de la Organización Internacional del Trabajo sobre derechos de los pueblos indígenas y la obligaciones de México con su ratificación." Boletín Mexicano de Derecho Comparado, January 1, 1999. https://doi.org/10.22201/iij.24484873e.1999.96.3612.

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Número 96Septiembre - Diciembre 1999Nueva Serie Año XXXIIISSN 0041 8633 EL CONVENIO 169 DE LA ORGANIZACIÓN INTERNACIONAL DEL TRABAJO SOBRE DERECHOS DE LOS PUEBLOS INDÍGENAS Y LAS OBLIGACIONES DE MÉXICO CON SU RATIFICACIÓN Jorge Alberto GONZÁLEZ GALVÁN * 1 Considero que este Convenio contribuye a fincar las bases para iniciar un real proceso de descolonización de los pueblos indígenas de Chiapas y de todo el país. En la primera parte se analizarán las obligaciones que el Estado mexicano adquiere al ratificar el Convenio, y en la segunda las obligaciones de lo que se ratifica. II. LAS OBLIGACION

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